Relevant bibliographies by topics / Right and left (Political science) – Italy

Academic literature on the topic 'Right and left (Political science) – Italy'

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Published: 10 March 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Right and left (Political science) – Italy"

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Maslova, Elena. "PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS IN ITALY 2022: LEADERS AND IDEAS." Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 29, no. 5 (October 31, 2022): 55–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran520225562.

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The paper attempts to give an idea of the Italian political scene on the eve and after the extraordinary parliamentary elections in September 2022. The causes of the political crisis are analyzed and it is pointed out that by the level of political tension and intensity the elections in 2022 can be compared with the first parliamentary elections in the country in 1948. In the course of the election campaign political opponents of the centre-right coalition used the tools of labeling, the main of which were «friends of Putin», «populist», «neofascist». The article analyses these discursive techniques, and concludes that the left-wing forces in modern Italy, first of all the Democratic Party, are in a crisis, both in terms of ideology and leadership. The programme of the centre-right coalition and its ideas are considered separately; it is pointed out that the document contains a lot of «left» proposals related to the social support of citizens. The author analyses the reasons for the victory of the centre-right coalition and, in particular, of G. Meloni, highlighting the high social demand for change as the main factor behind the victory of the «Brothers of Italy».
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Maslova, Elena. "PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS IN ITALY 2022: LEADERS AND IDEAS." Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 29, no. 5 (October 31, 2022): 55–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran520225563.

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The paper attempts to give an idea of the Italian political scene on the eve and after the extraordinary parliamentary elections in September 2022. The causes of the political crisis are analyzed and it is pointed out that by the level of political tension and intensity the elections in 2022 can be compared with the first parliamentary elections in the country in 1948. In the course of the election campaign political opponents of the centre-right coalition used the tools of labeling, the main of which were «friends of Putin», «populist», «neofascist». The article analyses these discursive techniques, and concludes that the left-wing forces in modern Italy, first of all the Democratic Party, are in a crisis, both in terms of ideology and leadership. The programme of the centre-right coalition and its ideas are considered separately; it is pointed out that the document contains a lot of «left» proposals related to the social support of citizens. The author analyses the reasons for the victory of the centre-right coalition and, in particular, of G. Meloni, highlighting the high social demand for change as the main factor behind the victory of the «Brothers of Italy».
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Gianfreda, Stella. "Politicization of the refugee crisis?: a content analysis of parliamentary debates in Italy, the UK, and the EU." Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica 48, no. 1 (October 17, 2017): 85–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ipo.2017.20.

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This paper draws on the literature on party competition and issue ownership to assess whether political membership on the right-left dimension explains party stances on migration. While some scholars argue that on this issue a clear distinction between left and right exists, some more recent quantitative and fine-grained analyses show a more nuanced picture. According to them, a clear difference in narratives exists only when the salience of the issue is high, under pressure of the electoral success of a far-right party or about specific policy issues. This paper further investigates this aspect in the context of the 2015 refugee crisis. It looks at the positions held by the main centre-left, centre-right, Radical Right, and Populist Parties in the Italian, British, and European Parliaments. The content analysis shows that centre-left parties frame the refugee crisis mainly as a humanitarian emergency and held pro-European Union (EU) positions, while centre-right parties differ substantially between Italy and the United Kingdom. Both radical right and Populist Parties exploit the political-opportunity offered by the refugee crisis to foster their anti-establishment claims. Moreover, Radical Right Populist Parties stress the need to secure external borders and restore national sovereignty, against further integration. At the EU level, left- and right-wing groups (Socialist and Democrats Party, European Conservatives and Reformists Party, and European People’s Party) are cohesive, while the populist group (European Freedom and Direct Democracy Party) is not. This paper adds on the academic debate on the refugee crisis, showing how the immigration issue can impact on domestic and European party politics, challenging party identities and alliances.
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Fossati, Fabio. "Italy and European Union enlargement: A comparative analysis of left and right governments." Modern Italy 13, no. 2 (May 2008): 187–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940801962140.

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This article explores the attitudes of Italy's ruling and opposition parties towards the European Union (EU) enlargement process in Central and Eastern Europe. It shows that during both left (1996–2001) and right (2001–2006) governments there was a convergence between conservative and constructivist political platforms. In the first case, support for the Balkan countries (i.e., Slovenia, Romania, Bulgaria, Croatia) and Turkey was based on their economic (penetration of Italian firms) and political (stabilisation of a difficult area) potential. In the second case, support was justified for both economic (i.e., redistributive policy towards Romania, Bulgaria and Croatia) and cultural (i.e., pursuing a ‘plural’ Europe by including Turkey) reasons. Some liberal criticism based on Turkey's partial compliance with the political requirements for accession were raised by individual politicians of moderate right and left parties, and cultural biases against Islamic Turkey were stressed by the Lega Nord. Neither view, however, had a significant impact on the decision-making process.
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Alekseenkova, E. S. "Transformation of Right-Wing Populism in Italy in 2018−2022: From Sovereignism to Patriotism." Herald of the Russian Academy of Sciences 92, S7 (December 2022): S667—S674. http://dx.doi.org/10.1134/s1019331622130123.

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Abstract The transformation of the discourse of right-wing populist parties in Italy from 2018 to 2022 is considered. Based on analysis of the discourse of the programs and electoral rhetoric of the parties the Brothers of Italy, the League, and Forward Italy, the author concludes that Italian right-wing populism is becoming more moderate, replacing the concepts of sovereignism with “patriotism and conservatism” and rejecting Euroscepticism. Although nationalism is still characteristic of the right-wing parties in Italy, it is changing: a legalist approach to migrants is gradually replacing the ethnocultural and socioeconomic approaches. Populism remains the basic strategy of the right-wing parties, but the role of the main “enemy” of the Italian people is shifting from the European bureaucracy to the domestic mainstream Center–Left (i.e., the Democratic Party). The authoritarianism of the right-wing populists has undergone the least change in terms of ideological content between 2018 and 2022, but its importance has increased with the growing public demand for political stability and the increasing personalization of politics. This article contributes to the study of the phenomenon of right-wing populism.
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Ridolfi, Maurizio. ""Al di lŕ della destra e della sinistra"? Tradizioni e culture politiche nell'Italia repubblicana." MEMORIA E RICERCA, no. 41 (February 2013): 37–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/mer2012-041004.

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A sharp contrast between left and right arose in Italy especially after World War Two, as a legacy of the conflict between fascism and anti-fascism, which had developed between the two wars. However, at this cleavage was added the majority and hegemonic centre pole represented by Christian Democracy (both anti-fascist than anti-communist), which would make more mobile the identity boundaries and more marked the dissonances between the reality of political-administrative life and the self-representation of left and right widespread cultures. A history of politics truly attentive to the social and cultural factors, contribute to overcome the dissociations between a limited political representation of an ungraspable right and the wider circulation of languages and images of identity (in the moderate and populist press, in the youth field, in the silent majority).
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Urso, Ornella. "The politicization of immigration in Italy. Who frames the issue, when and how." Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica 48, no. 3 (August 10, 2018): 365–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ipo.2018.16.

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AbstractItaly is one of the most representative ‘new immigration countries.’ Between the 1980s and the 1990s, it became a major country of destination for immigrants coming from Asia, Middle East, and North Africa. As a result, since the mid-90s, immigration has gained salience within the Italian political debate. Building on the existing literature on agenda-setting and framing studies, this article studies the evolution of the immigration issue in Italy over the last two decades. It focuses on the framing and, more specifically, the position political actors tend to adopt when debating on immigration. In particular, the main research questions are: to what extent is the framing of immigration associated with the traditional left vs. right spectrum? Do incumbent political parties tend to adopt a different position toward immigration than opposition parties? This article analyses party competition dynamics over the immigration issue in Italy from 1995 to 2011. The author carried out a political-claim analysis of articles from two Italian national daily newspapers. Findings show that immigration is more a positional issue than a valence one. Political actors’ positions towards migration appear to be anchored to the old left vs. right dimension of the political conflict. This demonstrates that parties’ engagement within the political conflict goes beyond electoral campaigns. Finally, being in government seems to play a crucial role in ‘softening’ the way party actors frame immigration, in terms of both the arguments used and the pro- or anti-immigration positions adopted.
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Sotiropoulos, Dimitri A. "International Aid to Southern Europe in the Early Postwar Period." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 656, no. 1 (October 9, 2014): 22–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716214543897.

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After World War II, Greece and Italy experienced a Left-Right political polarization and a repetition of earlier patterns of political patronage. Both countries received international aid, including emergency relief, interim loans, and Marshall Plan funds. By the beginning of the 1950s, Italy had progressed from stabilization to reconstruction and then to development, while Greece progressed belatedly with reconstruction and did not achieve stabilization until after the end of the Marshall Plan. The different outcomes are explained by institutional legacies and historical conjunctures, such as the disastrous Greek Civil War; the tradition of developmental Italian state agencies, such as prewar Italy’s Instituto per la Ricostruzione Industriale (IRI), a state-controlled conglomerate, which Greece lacked; government instability, which prior to 1950 had tormented Greece more than Italy; distrust from the Greek middle and upper classes of the political and administrative elites; and the prevalence of an economic culture fostering industrialization in Italy, which emerged only belatedly in Greece.
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Alekseenkova, Elena. "COVID-19 AND POLITICAL PROCESS IN ITALY IN 2021." Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 24, no. 6 (December 31, 2021): 112–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran62021112121.

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The paper examines the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on the political process in Italy in 2021. The author analyzes the change of government in February 2021 and the country’s economic recovery and resilience plan, as well as changes in the party-political landscape that occurred in the second year of the pandemic. The study showed that there is an increase in the factors of personalization of power and the strengthening of the executive branch and stagnation of the party landscape in the absence of a clear leader among political forces. The center-right and center-left coalitions are comparable in terms of citizens’ support, but at the same time the level of frustration is growing, reflecting the dissatisfaction of citizens with any of the parties. We can say that there is a certain feeling of the lack of alternative to the proposed development model and the absence of the very request for an alternative. Against this background, the ideas of sovranism so popular recently, it seems, no longer have any prospects.
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Pasieka, Agnieszka. "Theft of Gramsci? On the radical right, radical left, and common sense." Dialectical Anthropology 46, no. 4 (December 2022): 417–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10624-022-09681-6.

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AbstractDrawing on ethnographic research with radical right-wing activists in Italy and Poland, my article reflects on the ways in which the Gramscian framework may enhance our understanding of the present-day political landscape. Gramsci’s role in the article is threefold. First, since he was a keen observer of fascist developments, I relate his observations on fascism and inquire into their relevance for understanding the rise of the far right today. Second, I explore the agendas of the movements I studied through the Gramscian lens. Inspired by the special issue’s editors, I examine the extent to which Gramsci’s concept of “common sense” is helpful for analyzing contemporary far-right activism. Third, I relate my own ethnographic observation to analyses of a broader terrain of far-right politics to shed light on the phenomenon of “far-right Gramscianism.” Bringing together all these observations on the radical right, “common sense” and Gramsci’s legacy, I reflect on the complex interrelationship between the radical right and the radical left.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Right and left (Political science) – Italy"

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Kaufman, Daniel A. "The Right in Chile after Pinochet : institutions and ideology in comparative-historical perspective /." Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 2001. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3031942.

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Smith, Steven Roy. "The centre-left and new right divide? : political philosophy and aspects of post-1945 UK social policy." Thesis, University of Warwick, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.336786.

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Fraser, Duncan. "Long-wave economics and the changing fortunes of the political and social movements of the left and right." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2001. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1664/.

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A number of writers working in the fields of history and industrial relations have claimed a correlation between long-wave economics and the changing fortunes of political and social movements of the left and right. They have suggested both particular patterns of development and causations but often on the basis of piecemeal evidence, lacking a comprehensive theoretical and empirical basis. This thesis tests the validity of such a correlation through a comparative historical analysis of the domestic political histories of Britain, France, Germany and the USA over the four long-waves that have occurred in modern times; those of 1803-1848, 1848-1896, 1896-1948 and 1948-1998. It finds, that since industrialization, there has been a distinct and repeating pattern of political and social development that can be correlated with long-wave economics. Common ground is found with existing theoretical patterns, though also notable areas of difference, and this thesis provides a more comprehensive pattern of development. The thesis proceeds to explore possible causations for the pattern found. It does so by using existing political science theories explaining political change; those concerning voting behaviour, class struggle and party competition. It finds that aspects of these theories can be used to explain the pattern of development found. Above all, populations experiencing the different economic phases of the long-wave undergo significant motivational changes that are reflected in the shifting fortunes of the left and right. The thesis concludes by analyzing these findings and highlighting advances made on existing accounts. It also discusses those events within modern history that could be regarded as anomalous, with the intention of further understanding this process. Finally, it discusses the implications of the findings of this thesis for long-wave and political science theory.
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Torges, Gwendolyn B. "The right to be left alone v. the crime against nature: An analysis of Bowers v. Hardwick." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/298801.

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This qualitative case study analyzed the United States Supreme Court's opinion in Bowers v. Hardwick, 478 U.S. 186 (1986), and the historical and legal background leading up to the case. Often characterized as a decision representing an emotional rejection of homosexuality rather than a reasoned application of constitutional privacy precedent, this inquiry sought to identify and document the determinants of the outcome in Bowers, in which a slim majority of the Court ruled that the constitutional right of privacy did not prohibit states from regulating homosexual sodomy. The study demonstrated that although homophobia certainly played a part in the Bowers decision, that the opinion was not necessarily inconsistent with previous privacy decisions such as Griswold v. Connecticut , 381 U.S. 479 (1965), and Roe v. Wade, 410 U.S. 113 (1973). The author concluded that the dominant insight gleaned from Bowers is that there is no such thing as a constitutionally protected right of privacy, at least not in the way that privacy is conventionally understood. The Bowers opinion illuminates that the Court's privacy jurisprudence has been more about the privileging of certain relationships (such as that between husband and wife or doctor and patient) than it has been about personal privacy. Such relationships serve an important limiting principle. The author concluded that the outcome in Bowers was not the insufficiency of the claim of a right to privacy, but the insufficiency of any limiting principle. The research documented and analyzed history of the two bodies of law most relevant to the Bowers opinion: state law which criminalized sodomy; and constitutional protection of individual privacy.
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Kang, Kathryn M. "Agnostic democracy the decentred "I" of the 1990s /." Connect to full text, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/667.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Sydney, 2005.
Title from title screen (viewed 22 May 2008). Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy to the Faculty of Economics and Business. Includes bibliographical references. Also available in print form.
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Horta, Gabrielle. "The potential of the Eurozone crisis to mobilize extreme right support in Spain, Portugal, and Italy." Thesis, The University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2013. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=1538114.

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Since the 1980's, Europe has experienced a resurgence in the extreme right. In this paper, attention will be directed on the successes and failures of the extreme right in Spain, Portugal, and Italy. Additionally, this paper will analyze whether the current Eurozone crisis has benefitted the extreme right in these countries, as it has done in Greece. However, it will be argued that the benefits of the Eurozone crisis for the extreme right have been limited to increased media attention and less on electoral success. This is evidenced by the vast array of news articles contributing to the idea that the extreme right is strengthening in light of the Eurozone crisis; yet the extreme right has experienced limited electoral success in Spain and Portugal due to its inability to shed its fascist links, and the extreme right has had decreased electoral success in Italy's recent elections.

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Hyde, Sarah Jane. "From old socialists to new democrats : the realignment of the Japanese left." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2005. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:7acd9f90-0e06-41a2-83c5-76d8d8de7f82.

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In 1996, a new left of centre party emerged in Japan called the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) and effectively replaced the Japan Socialist Party (JSP) as the main opposition party. This thesis asks what conditions caused this realignment and how the DPJ differs from the JSP. An increasing distrust and disinterest of politics and politicians has meant that the non-aligned voter in Japan forms the largest group of the electorate. Every party has lost support, but the left faced the worst drop of support. With the end of the Cold War, and the intensifying call for Japan to reassess its role on the World stage, the traditional ideology of the Japanese left, which has become synonymous with peace and preservation of the Peace Constitution, has lost its stabilising effect on the party and on its supporters. The labour unions, which were once the key mobilisational force for the left-wing parties at election time, began to question their relationship with the JSP and found new links to government. Simultaneously, they were also losing members so mobilisation of voters for the left also declined. Finally, a new electoral system did not reward the opposition as much as the LDP. Overall, the mobilisation of the electorate has become increasingly difficult for the Japanese left as a result of these factors. The DPJ has had to find ways of dealing with them and also has had to create its own identity. The way in which the party has dealt with this is by 'widening out' its types of candidate and using new methods to attract support. Furthermore, the DPJ has become more aware of its party coherence and has ensured that party unity is maintained even when ideological disputes occur.
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Saleam, Jim. "The other radicalism an inquiry into contemporary Australian extreme right ideology, politics and organization, 1975-1995 /." Connect to full text, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/807.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Sydney, 2001.
Title from title screen (viewed Apr. 22, 2008). Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy to the Dept. of Government and Public Administration, Faculty of Economics & Business. Degree awarded 2001; thesis submitted 1999. Includes bibliography. Also available in print form.
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Griffiths, Simon. "Responses to the new right : the engagement of the British left with the work of Friedrich Hayek, 1989-1997." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2006. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/325/.

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This is an examination of the context, content and significance of the surprising engagement of the British left with the arguments of Friedrich Hayek (1899-1992), one of the most influential theorists of the new right and an important influence on leading figures in the Conservative Government elected in the UK in 1979. The thesis examines in detail the engagement by four thinkers on the British left with Hayek's work: David Miller, Raymond Plant, Andrew Gamble and Hilary Wainwright. Its chronological parameters are the collapse of the Berlin Wall in 1989 and the election of ‘New Labour’ in the UK in 1997. Important contextual factors behind this engagement include the rise and fall of the British Conservative Party, the difficulties of statist forms of socialism and Hayek's own death. The engagement with Hayek's work provides a case study that demonstrates changes in political themes, in particular, the decline of statist forms of socialism with the left's embrace of the market and individual freedom, the decline in support for the paternalistic state and the search for more ‘feasible’ alternatives. I argue that the British left's engagement with Hayek is part of a wider intellectual break that constitutes the end of a ‘short twentieth century’ in political thought, and that the political landscape is now dominated by two strands of the liberal tradition. As such, the research will be of importance to anyone seeking a clearer understanding of recent changes in political thought and to the shape of the contemporary political landscape.
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Henderson, Peter Charles. "A history of the Australian extreme right since 1950 /." View thesis, 2002. http://library.uws.edu.au/adt-NUWS/public/adt-NUWS20030924.134813/index.html.

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Thesis (Ph.D.) -- University of Western Sydney, 2002.
"A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, December 2002, School of Humanities, University of Western Sydney" Bibliography : p. [419]-451.
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Books on the topic "Right and left (Political science) – Italy"

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Italian politics: The center-left in power. Boulder: Westview Press, 1997.

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Stefano, Fella, ed. Reinventing the Italian right: Territorial politics, populism and "post-fascism". Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge, 2009.

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Carra, Eduardo Aldo. Ho perso la sinistra: Le ragioni del declino e le proposte per reinventarla. Roma: Ediesse, 2008.

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Ho perso la sinistra: Le ragioni del declino e le proposte per reinventarla. Roma: Ediesse, 2008.

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Però, Davide. Inclusionary rhetoric/exclusionary practices: Left-wing politics and migrants in Italy. New York: Berghahn Books, 2007.

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Raisi, Enzo. Storia ed idee della nuova destra italiana. Roma: Edizioni il Settimo sigillo, 1990.

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Tassinari, Ugo Maria. Naufraghi: Da Mussolini alla Mussolini : 60 anni di storia della destra radicale. Pozzuoli (Napoli): Immaginapoli, 2007.

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Compagno duce: Fatti, personaggi, idee e contraddizioni del fascismo di sinistra. [Bresso, Italy]: Hobby & work, 2010.

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Gervaso, Roberto. I destri: Da D'Annunzio a D'Alema. Milano: Mondadori, 1998.

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Gervaso, Roberto. I sinistri: Da Mussolini a Scalfaro. Milano: Mondadori, 1997.

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Book chapters on the topic "Right and left (Political science) – Italy"

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Agathangelou, Pantelis, Ioannis Katakis, Lamprini Rori, Dimitrios Gunopulos, and Barry Richards. "Understanding Online Political Networks: The Case of the Far-Right and Far-Left in Greece." In Lecture Notes in Computer Science, 162–77. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-67217-5_11.

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Donohue, Christopher. "“A Mountain of Nonsense”? Czech and Slovenian Receptions of Materialism and Vitalism from c. 1860s to the First World War." In History, Philosophy and Theory of the Life Sciences, 67–84. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-12604-8_5.

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AbstractIn general, historians of science and historians of ideas do not focus on critical appraisals of scientific ideas such as vitalism and materialism from Catholic intellectuals in eastern and southeastern Europe, nor is there much comparative work available on how significant European ideas in the life sciences such as materialism and vitalism were understood and received outside of France, Germany, Italy and the UK. Insofar as such treatments are available, they focus on the contributions of nineteenth century vitalism and materialism to later twentieth ideologies, as well as trace the interactions of vitalism and various intersections with the development of genetics and evolutionary biology see Mosse (The culture of Western Europe: the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Westview Press, Boulder, 1988, Toward the final solution: a history of European racism. Howard Fertig Publisher, New York, 1978; Turda et al., Crafting humans: from genesis to eugenics and beyond. V&R Unipress, Goettingen, 2013). English and American eugenicists (such as William Caleb Saleeby), and scores of others underscored the importance of vitalism to the future science of “eugenics” (Saleeby, The progress of eugenics. Cassell, New York, 1914). Little has been written on materialism qua materialism or vitalism qua vitalism in eastern Europe.The Czech and Slovene cases are interesting for comparison insofar as both had national awakenings in the middle of the nineteenth century which were linguistic and scientific, while also being religious in nature (on the Czech case see David, Realism, tolerance, and liberalism in the Czech National awakening: legacies of the Bohemian reformation. Johns Hopkins University Press, Baltimore, 2010; on the Slovene case see Kann and David, Peoples of the Eastern Habsburg Lands, 1526-1918. University of Washington Press, Washington, 2010). In the case of many Catholic writers writing in Moravia, there are not only slight noticeable differences in word-choice and construction but a greater influence of scholastic Latin, all the more so in the works of nineteenth century Czech priests and bishops.In this case, German, Latin and literary Czech coexisted in the same texts. Thus, the presence of these three languages throws caution on the work on the work of Michael Gordin, who argues that scientific language went from Latin to German to vernacular. In Czech, Slovenian and Croatian cases, all three coexisted quite happily until the First World War, with the decades from the 1840s to the 1880s being particularly suited to linguistic flexibility, where oftentimes writers would put in parentheses a Latin or German word to make the meaning clear to the audience. Note however that these multiple paraphrases were often polemical in the case of discussions of materialism and vitalism.In Slovenia Čas (Time or The Times) ran from 1907 to 1942, running under the muscular editorship of Fr. Aleš Ušeničnik (1868–1952) devoted hundreds of pages often penned by Ušeničnik himself or his close collaborators to wide-ranging discussions of vitalism, materialism and its implied social and societal consequences. Like their Czech counterparts Fr. Matěj Procházka (1811–1889) and Fr. Antonín LenzMaterialismMechanismDynamism (1829–1901), materialism was often conjoined with "pantheism" and immorality. In both the Czech and the Slovene cases, materialism was viewed as a deep theological problem, as it made the Catholic account of the transformation of the Eucharistic sacrifice into the real presence untenable. In the Czech case, materialism was often conjoined with “bestiality” (bestialnost) and radical politics, especially agrarianism, while in the case of Ušeničnik and Slovene writers, materialism was conjoined with “parliamentarianism” and “democracy.” There is too an unexamined dialogue on vitalism, materialism and pan-Slavism which needs to be explored.Writing in 1914 in a review of O bistvu življenja (Concerning the essence of life) by the controversial Croatian biologist Boris Zarnik) Ušeničnik underscored that vitalism was an speculative outlook because it left the field of positive science and entered the speculative realm of philosophy. Ušeničnik writes that it was “Too bad” that Zarnik “tackles” the question of vitalism, as his zoological opinions are interesting but his philosophy was not “successful”. Ušeničnik concluded that vitalism was a rather old idea, which belonged more to the realm of philosophy and Thomistic theology then biology. It nonetheless seemed to provide a solution for the particular characteristics of life, especially its individuality. It was certainly preferable to all the dangers that materialism presented. Likewise in the Czech case, Emmanuel Radl (1873–1942) spent much of his life extolling the virtues of vitalism, up until his death in home confinement during the Nazi Protectorate. Vitalism too became bound up in the late nineteenth century rediscovery of early modern philosophy, which became an essential part of the development of new scientific consciousness and linguistic awareness right before the First World War in the Czech lands. Thus, by comparing the reception of these ideas together in two countries separated by ‘nationality’ but bounded by religion and active engagement with French and German ideas (especially Driesch), we can reconstruct not only receptions of vitalism and materialism, but articulate their political and theological valances.
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Iengo, Ilenia, Panagiota Kotsila, and Ingrid L. Nelson. "Ouch! Eew! Blech! A Trialogue on Porous Technologies, Places and Embodiments." In Contours of Feminist Political Ecology, 75–103. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-20928-4_4.

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AbstractIn this chapter, we bring political ecologies of health and the body into conversation with environmental justice and crip theory, science, technology and society studies (STS) and biopolitics. We present a trialogue that highlights three cases of health and embodiment examining the crosscutting themes of porosity and technologies as they offer us ways to insist on the right to be and signal a politics of health in FPE: (a) the lived experience of chronic pain as a catalyst for learning about environmental injustice in Naples, southern Italy, and the epistemic activism of crip communities producing counter-knowledge and mutual aid; (b) the spread of malaria among immigrant farmworkers in southern Greece as invisibilised intersectional and embodied injustice; and (c) embracing pharmaceuticals and vlogs with ambivalence while living with the temporary condition, hyperemesis gravidarum (HG) in the northeastern United States. We bring to the fore questions around bodies, harm, care and power, as those were brought about by our own situatedness in, and response-ability towards, embodied experiences of chronic pain, infection and nausea.
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"Two. Moscas Political Science: Democratic Elitism and Balanced Pluralism." In Beyond Right and Left, 22–61. Yale University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.12987/9780300144185-004.

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Calabresi, Steven Gow. "The Republic of Italy." In The History and Growth of Judicial Review, Volume 2, 133–56. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190075736.003.0006.

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This chapter looks at Italian judicial review and the Italian Constitution’s Bill of Rights. The Italian Bill of Rights and Italian judicial review emerged primarily as the result of a rights from wrongs process. This is shown by the Italian Constitutional Court’s first case in which it overturned an Italian Fascist-era law forbidding the distribution of political pamphlets. Moreover, judicial review has thrived in Italy because, unlike Japan, the Italian Constitution sets up a variety of different competing power centers among which the Constitutional Court can navigate to get its way. Meanwhile, the complex Italian political party systems in the last sixty years may have allowed the Italian Constitutional Court more freedom to navigate the Italian political process for the same reason that radical proportional representation in Israel helped Aharon Barak in cementing in place Israeli constitutionalism. Finally, Italy’s multiparty system may have caused alliances on the left and on the right to constitutionalize rights for “insurance and commitment” reasons.
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Hopkin, Jonathan. "Basta!: Anti-System Politics in Italy." In Anti-System Politics, 216–47. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190699765.003.0008.

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This chapter examines the evolution of anti-system politics in Italy. The Italian case has all the familiar ingredients of an anti-system revolt: a severe economic crisis, high levels of inequality, and an unresponsive and discredited political system. However, the form anti-system politics took differed from the rest of the South in intriguing ways. Italy differed from Greece, Spain, and Portugal in lacking a strong anti-austerity movement that could have acted as a focal point for a left alternative. The other exception of the Italian case is the strength of the anti-system Right. Italy experienced a sharp rise in migration, as well as having to manage the refugee crisis in the Mediterranean. Migration may have mobilized some voters, but the failings of the established parties to address a serious economic crisis offers a powerful explanation of the collapse of Italy’s party system, just as it did in the early 1990s.
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Bürgisser, Reto. "The Partisan Politics of Family and Labor Market Policy Reforms in Southern Europe." In The World Politics of Social Investment: Volume II, 86–107. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197601457.003.0004.

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This chapter sheds light on the role of political parties as social investment protagonists, consenters, or antagonists in the reform of labor market and family policies in Greece, Italy, Portugal, and Spain. Drawing on original, hand-coded data of three decades of labor market and family policy reforms in Southern Europe, the findings show divergent social investment trajectories. While Spain and Portugal have started to develop contours of a social investment agenda, little progress has been made in Italy and Greece. Programmatic political competition and government partisanship play a role in accounting for these divergent trajectories. Center-left parties have acted as the primary social investment protagonists in Spain, Portugal, and Italy. However, the Italian center-left remains fragmented and has rarely been in government. In stark contrast, both center-right and center-left parties in Greece have acted as social investment antagonists. Political and economic turmoil in the wake of the Eurozone crisis paints a bleak picture for the further development of social investment in Southern Europe. Once fiscal constraints can eventually be overcome, a core question remains as to what extent an inclusive social investment coalition can be formed in an ever more fragmented political landscape.
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Schmidt, Vivien A. "National “Politics against Policy” in the Eurozone Crisis." In Europe's Crisis of Legitimacy, 259–90. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198797050.003.0010.

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Chapter 10 explores the input legitimacy of Eurozone crisis governance as seen through its impact “at the bottom,” on national politics. The chapter first details citizens’ rising Euroskepticism against a background of declining trust in national and EU political institutions, fueled by socioeconomic and sociocultural sources of discontent. But Euroskepticism also stems from a range of other EU-related beliefs and plays out differently as a result of political institutional and geopolitical factors. All such factors help explain the EU’s increasing political polarization and party realignments during the Eurozone crisis, along with the electorate’s crosscutting cleavages of right versus left and open/cosmopolitan versus closed/communitarian. The chapter next charts the fate of mainstream parties during the crisis, first detailing the declining fortunes of center-left and right parties in the periphery, including Ireland, Greece, Spain, and Italy, with the exception of the center left in Portugal. It then considers the fate of such parties in core countries, first in Germany, where the center left has fared worse than Angela Merkel’s center right, and then in France, where center left and right have succumbed to the “critical center” of Emmanuel Macron. The chapter follows by considering the rise of populist parties across Europe, but in particular on the extremes of the right with France’s Marine Le Pen and Italy’s Matteo Salvini, on the extremes of the left with France’s Jean-Luc Mélenchon and Greece’s Alexis Tsipras, and in the “radical center” with Italy’s Beppe Grillo and his successor, Luigi di Maio.
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Uberoi, J. P. S. "Right, Left and Centre in the Sciences of Nature." In Mind and Society, edited by Khalid Tyabji, 11–17. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199495986.003.0003.

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This chapter continues with the author’s critique of modern Western science. It traces the inherent dualisms of the modernist approach to spheres of thought, nature and society whether they be of the right, left or centre in the political spectrum. The question of dualism and non-dualism is discussed in relation to Marx, Engels, Hegel, Lenin, Goethe, Christianity, Soviet Marxism and Chinese Maoism, and the Renaissance and Reformation in Europe. The final section of the chapter deals with the relation between science and politics outlining the alliance between the science of the expert with the military industrial complex that makes impossible a praxis of Gandhian non-violence, a centrist position that has its reflection in the non-dualist streams of the European underground.
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Butler, Lise. "‘We Were All Very Sick and Very Stupid’." In Michael Young, Social Science, and the British Left, 1945-1970, 20–47. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198862895.003.0002.

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This chapter discusses the Conference on the Psychological and Sociological Problems of Modern Socialism held at University College Oxford in 1945. This event featured prominent left-wing policy makers, intellectuals, and social scientists, including the MP Evan Durbin, the political theorist G. D. H. Cole, the writer and politician Margaret Cole, the child psychologist John Bowlby, the historian R. H. Tawney, and Michael Young, who was then the Secretary of the Labour Party Research Department. The conference reflected multiple strands of inter-war and mid-twentieth century political thought and social science which emphasized the political and social importance of small groups, notably through guild socialist arguments for pluralistic forms of political organization, and theories about human attachment drawn from child psychology. The views expressed at the conference reflected a sense that active and participatory democracy was not just morally right but psychologically necessary to prevent popular political radicalization, limit the appeal of totalitarianism, and promote peaceful civil society. The chapter concludes by noting that the events of the conference, and the intellectual influences that it represented, would subsequently shape Michael Young’s project to promote social science within the Labour Party during the later years of the Attlee government.
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