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Journal articles on the topic 'Right and left (Political science) – Great Britain'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 10 March 2023

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1

Williams, John P. "Oh Britannia: Great Britain’s Exit from the European Union and Its Impact on Globalism and Nationalism." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 20, no. 1-2 (2021): 186–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691497-12341590.

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Abstract Globalization unleashed trends such as the free movement of capital, people, and goods; trickle-down economics, and diminished stature of nation-states. While largely embraced by most countries in the WTO, a growing tension within the European Union to push back went largely ignored until recently. Britain’s exit represents such a push back, a rejection of a single banking system, a single budget, and a single political entity. This article examines the historic 2016 British referendum that saw 52 percent of voters favor England leaving the EU. This research serves four purposes: one,

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2

Myazin, Nikolai. "Street right-wing radical groups in Great Britain." Contemporary Europe, no. 2 (April 9, 2014): 81–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/soveurope220148190.

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Hayter, P. D. G. "The Parliamentary Monitoring of Science and Technology in Britain." Government and Opposition 26, no. 2 (1991): 147–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1991.tb01130.x.

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THROUGHOUT THE TWENTIETH CENTURY THE HOUSE OF Lords has been looking for a role. It lost its original power base with the decline in influence of the landed aristocracy and the growth of the party system. At the same time the composition of the House became increasingly difficult to justify; membership based on the accidents of birth no longer seemed an adequate justification for the right to legislate or to overrule the people's elected representatives.The Parliament Act 1911, which took away the Lords' absolute right to veto legislation, promised reform. But nothing happened. In 1968 the Lab

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Frazer, Elizabeth. "Citizenship Education: Anti-Political Culture and Political Education in Britain." Political Studies 48, no. 1 (2000): 88–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9248.00252.

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The British Government white paper ‘Excellence in Schools' and the subsequent report of the Advisory Group on Citizenship Education for Citizenship recommend that schools educate pupils in citizenship and democracy. This recommendation is considered in the context of reasons why there has traditionally been no formal or well articulated political education in schools. Among these reasons a pervasive antipathy to politics and to government is identified as one of the most powerful. This antipathy is expressed from the left and the right wings of the political spectrum, and the ‘critical’ opposi

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Bolshakov, A. "Regulatory Autonomy of Great Britain: Problems and Perspectives." World Economy and International Relations 65, no. 7 (2021): 71–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-7-71-79.

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Sovereignty does not imply regulatory autonomy. After Brexit, the UK should align its regulatory policy with European norms, if it is interested in close partnership with the EU. Compromises must be made by both sides in order to ensure stability of the partnership. The EU will have to acknowledge the UK’s right to diverge from European rules. Britain will have to partly accept the jurisdiction of the European Court of Justice. The structure of dispute settlement mechanism which will be created under the partnership agreement should be a product of a compromise. The present study shows that op

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Nagel, Jack H., and Christopher Wlezien. "Centre-Party Strength and Major-Party Divergence in Britain, 1945–2005." British Journal of Political Science 40, no. 2 (2010): 279–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123409990111.

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British elections exhibit two patterns contrary to expectations deriving from Duverger and Downs: centrist third parties (Liberals and their successors) win a large vote share; and the two major parties often espouse highly divergent policies. This article explores relations between the Liberal vote and left–right scores of the Labour and Conservative manifestos in the light of two hypotheses: the vacated centre posits that Liberals receive more votes when major parties diverge; the occupied centre proposes a lagged effect in which major parties diverge farther after Liberals do well in the pr

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Rouban, Luc. "The uncertainty of French political life: the shift to the right and the crisis of representative democracy." Urgent Problems of Europe, no. 3 (2021): 188–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/ape/2021.03.08.

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This article deals with the evolution of French politics between 2017 and 2020. Using systematic surveys, which are conducted by the Center for the Study of French Political Life and in which the author is directly involved he shows that President Macron’s policies have not succeeded in dissipating a democratic crisis affecting trust in political institution. The sanitary crisis had a great impact on the political situation in the country. In France, the crisis associated with Covid-19 was manifested not in the confrontation of political forces, but in the criticism of the government by civil

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Steenbergen, Marco R., and Tomasz Siczek. "Better the devil you know? Risk-taking, globalization and populism in Great Britain." European Union Politics 18, no. 1 (2017): 119–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1465116516681858.

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Right-wing populist parties in European democracies appeal to citizens’ feelings of uncertainty related to globalization by promoting tough immigration laws and curbing the power of the European Union. This article adds to our understanding of how individuals’ risk propensity relates to support for right-wing populist parties and their ideas in the context of globalization. In particular, by drawing on survey data from the United Kingdom we investigate how this personality trait relates to support for the United Kingdom Independence Party and the vote for a British exit from the European Union

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James, Malcolm, and Sivamohan Valluvan. "Coronavirus Conjuncture: Nationalism and Pandemic States." Sociology 54, no. 6 (2020): 1238–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0038038520969114.

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Writing from Britain in the month of May 2020, this essay draws the multiple and conflicting alignments of the Covid-19 moment into conjunctural relief. It seeks to understand how prominent trends of welfarism, collectivism and capitalism are being reorganised across a Left–Right spectrum and to specifically situate nationalism in this general political flux. Focusing on Britain, the essay will explore how an otherwise unsettled ruling Right is reviving a nationalist political imagination through a pandemic consciousness – with an emphasis on the politics of bordering, the spectre of China, re

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McALEER, G. J. "Red Tory: How Left and Right Have Broken Britain and How We Can Fix It." Perspectives on Political Science 40, no. 1 (2011): 58–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10457097.2011.536739.

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Husbands, Christopher T. "Extreme right‐wing politics in great Britain: The recent marginalisation of the national front." West European Politics 11, no. 2 (1988): 65–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402388808424682.

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Gest, Justin, Tyler Reny, and Jeremy Mayer. "Roots of the Radical Right: Nostalgic Deprivation in the United States and Britain." Comparative Political Studies 51, no. 13 (2017): 1694–719. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414017720705.

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Following trends in Europe over the past decade, support for the Radical Right has recently grown more significant in the United States and the United Kingdom. While the United Kingdom has witnessed the rise of Radical Right fringe groups, the United States’ political spectrum has been altered by the Tea Party and the election of Donald Trump. This article asks what predicts White individuals’ support for such groups. In original, representative surveys of White individuals in Great Britain and the United States, we use an innovative technique to measure subjective social, political, and econo

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Bartels, Larry M. "Political Effects of the Great Recession." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 650, no. 1 (2013): 47–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716213496054.

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America’s political response to the Great Recession was surprising to pundits but mostly consistent with patterns familiar to political scientists. Ordinary citizens assessed politicians and policies primarily on the basis of visible evidence of success or failure. Thus, in 2008, the president’s party was punished at the polls for the dismal state of the election-year economy. The successful challenger, Barack Obama, pushed policy significantly to the Left, as Democratic presidents typically do, provoking a predictable “thermostatic” shift to the Right in the public’s policy mood. In 2010, slo

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Hendley, Matthew. "Anti-Alienism and the Primrose League: The Externalization of the Postwar Crisis in Great Britain 1918-32." Albion 33, no. 02 (2001): 243–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0095139000067120.

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Anti-alienism has frequently been the dark underside of organized patriotic movements in twentieth-century Britain. Love of nation has all too frequently been accompanied by an abstract fear of foreigners or a concrete dislike of alien immigrants residing in Britain. Numerous patriotic leagues have used xenophobia and the supposed threat posed by aliens to define themselves and their Conservative creed. Aliens symbolized “the other,” which held values antithetical to members of the patriotic leagues. These currents have usually become even more pronounced in times of tension and crisis. From t

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Atapin, Evgenii. "Evolution of British Euroscepticism in the Second Half of the 20th Century." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 5 (December 2022): 171–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2022.5.13.

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Introduction. The United Kingdom is the most prominent example of a Eurosceptic country in the EU. For many years the United Kingdom did not feel a part of Europe. Great Britain was geographically separated from continental Europe and psychologically distant from the European integration movement established by the 1957 Treaty of Rome. The British Eurosceptic tradition rested on these geographic and psychological characteristics. Eurosceptic traditions included political, economic, linguistic, cultural and historical aspects that made it difficult for the United Kingdom to accept European inte

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Andreeva, T. "Great Britain and Processes of the European Integration after Euro Crisis." World Economy and International Relations, no. 11 (2014): 40–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2014-11-40-47.

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The paper is devoted to the Great Britain's stance on the promoting of European integration towards creation of a federal state, after the euro crisis. It focuses on advantages and losses of the British policy in the EU. There are standpoints and views of four main political parties of Great Britain on the country's secession from the EU as well as the results of both local elections and elections for the European Parliament which reveal the rise of the right secessionist and anti-European moods in British society. The author also considers the European nations' present views and attitudes to

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Gomez, Raul, and Luis Ramiro. "Beyond the 2008 Great Recession: Economic factors and electoral support for the radical left in Europe." Party Politics 25, no. 3 (2017): 358–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068817718949.

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One of the most striking political developments occurring during the Great Recession has been the growth of the radical left in some European countries. Though the literature is far from conclusive, it has generally been argued that the economy is not a main reason driving people’s support for non-mainstream parties (particularly the Greens and the radical right). In this article, we contend that this is not the case for radical left parties (RLPs), which despite pursuing other agendas do still compete very strongly on economic issues. Using individual-level data for 56 elections taking place

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Amenta, Edwin, Thomas Alan Elliott, and Amber C. Tierney. "POLITICAL REFORM AND NEWSPAPER COVERAGE OF U.S. MOVEMENTS IN DEPRESSION, RECESSION, AND HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE*." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 21, no. 4 (2016): 393–412. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/1086-671x-21-4-393.

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The Great Depression and the Great Recession in the United States both saw upsurges of social movement activity and newspaper coverage, but why did movements of both the right and left surge during the leftwing regimes of these periods? Why did the Barack Obama administration not produce the lasting leftwing mobilizations characteristic of the Franklin Roosevelt era? To address these questions and locate these episodes in historical perspective, we elaborate a political reform model, a macro-political theory that explains variance in movement presence. At its core, the political reform model h

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Lunev, S. M. "The Image of Great Britain in the Soviet Press in the Context of the Spanish Civil War (1936‒1939)." Moscow University Bulletin of World Politics 13, no. 1 (2021): 196–222. http://dx.doi.org/10.48015/2076-7404-2021-13-1-196-222.

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The developments of the Spanish Civil War in 1936–1939, including its international aspects, have been thoroughly studied both in foreign and in Russian historiography. However, the introduction of new research approaches, in this case imagology, allows us to revisit even the well-established views. The paper examines the сreation and subsequent development of the image of Great Britain in the Soviet press in the context of the Spanish Civil War. The research draws on publications in the Soviet ‘Pravda’ and ‘Izvestiya’ newspapers, as well as in the ‘Ogoniok’, ‘Za rubezhom’ and ‘Agitator’s Sput

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Gidron, Noam, and Jonathan J. B. Mijs. "Do Changes in Material Circumstances Drive Support for Populist Radical Parties? Panel Data Evidence from the Netherlands during the Great Recession, 2007–2015." European Sociological Review 35, no. 5 (2019): 637–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/esr/jcz023.

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AbstractPolitical developments since the 2008 financial crisis have sparked renewed interest in the electoral implications of economic downturns. Research describes a correlation between adverse economic conditions and support for radical parties campaigning on the populist promise to retake the country from a corrupt elite. But does the success of radical parties following economic crises rely on people who are directly affected? To answer this question, we examine whether individual-level changes in economic circumstances drive support for radical parties across the ideological divide. Analy

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Adams, James, Catherine E. De Vries, and Debra Leiter. "Subconstituency Reactions to Elite Depolarization in the Netherlands: An Analysis of the Dutch Public's Policy Beliefs and Partisan Loyalties, 1986–98." British Journal of Political Science 42, no. 1 (2011): 81–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123411000214.

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During the 1980s and the 1990s, the elites of the two largest Dutch parties converged dramatically in debates on income redistribution, nuclear power and the overall Left–Right dimension, paving the way for the Dutch party system's polarization on immigration and cultural issues. Did the Dutch mass public depolarize along with party elites, and, if so, was this mass-level depolarization confined to affluent, educated, politically engaged citizens? Analysis of Dutch Parliamentary Election Study respondents’ policy beliefs and partisan loyalties in 1986–98 shows that the mass public depolarized

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22

Gómez-Reino, Margarita, and Hugo Marcos-Marne. "Between center-periphery and left-right: A comparison of traditional and new regionalist parties’ strategies in Galicia during the Great Recession." Revista de Estudios Políticos, no. 196 (June 9, 2022): 131–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.18042/cepc/rep.196.05.

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This article explains the rise, success, and subsequent failure of new challenger formations in the Galician party system during the Great Recession. For that, it focuses on the multidimensional electoral strategies developed by Alternativa Galega de Esquerda (AGE) and En Marea, comparing them to that of the traditional Bloque Nacionalista Galego (BNG). Our analysis shows the different strategies displayed by the BNG and new challengers (AGE, and later En Marea), examining both the electoral supply (framing and party programmatic positions) and demand (voter positions). We find a new subsuming

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Buturlimova, Olha. "Olha Buturlimova. British Labour Party in the 1920s: the electoral competition." European Historical Studies, no. 11 (2018): 113–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2018.11.113-128.

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The article examines the processes of growth of the British Labour Party in the early XXth century. The reasons of Labour Party’s success on parliamentary and municipal elections in the 1920s have been analyzed. The main attention is paid to the party’s activities in constituencies and analysis of Labour Party General Election Manifestos, General Elections Results and other statistic data. The relations between the Labour Party and churches in Great Britain have also been investigated. The support of the Anglican Church and denominations in Great Britain gave the Labour Party some votes but th

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Clohesy, Anthony M. "Britain's Invisible Dividends." Politics 23, no. 2 (2003): 89–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9256.00184.

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This article argues that the left is generally right in its claim that Britain is important and should be valued. However, it fails to consider two important arguments. The first is theoretical and draws broadly on discourse theory. It argues that Britain's value lies in the fact that it is an artificial and contingent entity. It is this that allows it to accommodate such a broad range of ethnicities and identities. This is related to my second argument. This proposes that the benefits of English regional authorities – citizenship, democratisation and greater economic prosperity – can only be

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Price, Linda, and Mark Simpson. "The trouble with accessing the countryside in Northern Ireland." Environmental Law Review 19, no. 3 (2017): 183–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1461452917720632.

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The twenty-first century has seen a shift in emphasis from enabling local authorities to provide opportunities for recreation on private land to the conferment of a general right to access certain types of land in Great Britain. Similar liberalisation has not occurred in Northern Ireland. This article examines features of the Northern Ireland context that might explain why landowners’ rights continue to trump those of recreational users, drawing on stakeholder interviews and a rural geography conceptual framework. Following historic struggles for land in Ireland, any erosion of owner control i

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Malet, Giorgio. "Una nuova frattura in Europa?" Quaderni dell'Osservatorio elettorale. QOE - IJES 74, no. 2 (2015): 57–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/qoe-9257.

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In the enduring debate regarding the structure of political competition, substantial evidence has been accumulated on the emergence of a new European dimension and on its relevance in some national elections. Yet, there have been few attempts to match the supply side with the demand side of electoral politics through cross-national studies. To fill the gap, this article adopts a two-step procedure. On the one hand, it investigates the political potential of Euroscepticism tracing back the fault lines of a new cleavage to processes of economic competition, cultural diversity and political integ

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Georgiadou, Vasiliki, and Jenny Mavropoulou. "Anti-Establishment Parties in Government." Southeastern Europe 45, no. 1 (2021): 19–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/18763332-45010003.

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Abstract Anti-establishment parties with either a left-wing or a right-wing ideological slant have been entering contemporary European Democracies with sizeable vote shares. During the Great Recession, the Greek party system could be perceived as a relevant case-study for the formation and breakthrough of anti-establishment parties. Given the fact that two deeply ideologically diverging anti-establishment parties, the Coalition of the Radical Left – Social Unionist Front (syriza) and the populist radical right-wing Independent Greeks (anel), came to power, forming a coalition government from e

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Giuliani, Marco, and Sergio Alberto Massari. "The economic vote at the party level: Electoral behaviour during the Great Recession." Party Politics 25, no. 3 (2017): 461–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068817728214.

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The Great Recession is a non-trivial test bed for the theory of economic voting, especially if its predictions are decomposed at the party level, as done in this article by analysing the electoral performances of parties competing in 89 national elections held in the 28 member states of the EU between 2003 and 2015. We acknowledge counterintuitively that prime ministers’ parties are able to exploit the relatively good state of the economy, while sharing the blame with their allies in times of crisis, counting on the lack of clarity in the attribution of responsibilities and deploying their her

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Noury, Abdul, and Gerard Roland. "Identity Politics and Populism in Europe." Annual Review of Political Science 23, no. 1 (2020): 421–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-polisci-050718-033542.

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We review the literature on the rise of identity politics and populism in Europe. Populist parties have gained large vote shares since the Great Recession of 2008. We observe in many countries, and even in the European Parliament, a transformation of the main dimension of politics from the left–right cleavage to a new cleavage opposing the mainstream parties to populist parties. We examine how this transformation relates to changes in voter attitudes and the adjustment of political parties to these changes. Two main types of causes for the rise of populism have emerged: economic and cultural.

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McConnel, Katie. "The Centrepiece of Colonial Queensland's Celebration and Commemoration of Royalty and Empire: Government House, Brisbane." Queensland Review 16, no. 2 (2009): 15–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1321816600005080.

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Her Majesty's birthday was right royally celebrated last evening by His Excellency the Governor on the occasion of the annual birthday ball at government house.‘Royalty’ and ‘Empire’ were, throughout the second half of the nineteenth century. of supreme significance to all the Australian colonies. While each colony was well integrated within the Imperial framework, they remained largely reliant on the economic and geopolitical management of the British Empire. Though different colonial/national identities developed in Australia, the colonies' economic, military and diplomatic dependence on Bri

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Stevens, Daniel, and Barbara Allen. "When Going to War Is Costly: A Comparative Study of Audiences and the Partisan Press." International Journal of Press/Politics 22, no. 3 (2017): 380–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1940161217708065.

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Much of the conventional wisdom about partisan media effects is based on the single case of the United States. Without more comparative research, we know little about whether the findings are generalizable, however, and thus cannot be certain of their causes. But comparative research presents several challenges. This paper takes advantage of the case of the War on Iraq to examine the effects of partisan press coverage on perceptions of leaders and ultimately on voting behavior in two countries, the United States and Britain. We test three competing hypotheses of partisan media effects. We find

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Nekit, Kateryna. "Restrictions of Private Property Right in Terms of the Covid-19 Pandemic: The Experience of the US, UK and Ukraine." Age of Human Rights Journal, no. 16 (June 14, 2021): 263–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.17561/tahrj.v16.6275.

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The COVID-19 pandemic has had a significant impact on human rights. Many rights have been restricted to prevent the spread of infection. The restrictions on private property rights during the pandemic were not so obvious, but no less significant. The massive closure of restaurants, cafes, cinemas and other crowded places has resulted in significant losses for business owners. The question arose about the admissibility of such restrictions on the rights of owners, as well as the need to compensate for the losses caused. The purpose of this article is to study the criteria developed by internati

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Eisfeld, Rainer. "Political Science in Great Britain and Germany: The Roles of LSE (The London School of Economics) and DHfP (The German Political Studies Institute)." Polish Political Science Review 2, no. 2 (2014): 71–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ppsr-2015-0022.

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Abstract The London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE) and the Deutsche Hochschule für Politik (DHfP, German Political Studies Institute) in Berlin both emerged extramurally. LSE was founded in 1895 by Fabian socialists Sidney and Beatrice Webb; DHfP was established in 1920 by liberal-national publicists Ernst Jäckh and Theodor Heuss. However, superficial resemblances ended there, as shown in the paper’s first part. The founders’ aims differed markedly; incorporation into London and Berlin universities occurred at different times and in different ways. The chair of political scien

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CAVAILLE, CHARLOTTE, and JOHN MARSHALL. "Education and Anti-Immigration Attitudes: Evidence from Compulsory Schooling Reforms across Western Europe." American Political Science Review 113, no. 1 (2018): 254–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055418000588.

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Low levels of education are a powerful predictor of anti-immigration sentiment. However, there is little consensus on the interpretation of this correlation: is it causal or is it an artifact of selection bias? We address this question by exploiting six major compulsory schooling reforms in five Western European countries—Denmark, France, Great Britain, the Netherlands, and Sweden—that have recently experienced politically influential anti-immigration movements. On average, we find that compelling students to remain in secondary school for at least an additional year decreases anti-immigration

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Riley, Dylan. "Neo-trasformismo: Historical legacies and populist revolt." International Sociology 35, no. 6 (2020): 710–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0268580920944862.

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There have been three main types of political outcome from the Great Recession. The first is an insurgency from the left exemplified by Podemos, now in decline, in Spain. It demands a return to classic European social democracy, but presents itself in a more radical rhetorical garb than its mid twentieth century forbears. The second is an insurgency from the right, best exemplified by Hungary’s Victor Orbán and his Fidesz Party. It demands a return to a national capitalism reminiscent of the 1930s. The third is the uniquely Italian phenomenon of the Five Star Movement-Lega combination combined

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Statham, Paul, and Ruud Koopmans. "Political party contestation over Europe in the mass media: who criticizes Europe, how, and why?" European Political Science Review 1, no. 3 (2009): 435–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773909990154.

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This study examines political party contestation over Europe, its relationship to the left/right cleavage, and the nature and emergence of Euroscepticism. The analysis is based on a large original sample of parties’ claims systematically drawn from political discourses in the mass media in seven countries: Britain, France, Germany, the Netherlands, Italy, Spain, and Switzerland. It addresses questions concerning parties’ mobilized criticisms of European integration and the European Union (EU), specifically: their degree and form; their location among party families and within party systems; cr

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Howell, David L. "Hard Times in the Kantō: Economic Change and Village Life in Late Tokugawa Japan." Modern Asian Studies 23, no. 2 (1989): 349–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00001098.

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Things were not right in the Kantō region during the early nineteenth century. In his memoirs, Mastsudaira Sadanobu, architect of the Kansei Reforms, lamented the sorry state of the villages in Edo's hinterland:Much land throughout the Kantō is going to waste for want of cultivators. All the people of some villages have left for Edo, leaving only the headman behind. … Many Kantō villagers are suffering great hardship. Babies are killed, the population has declined, and land has gone to waste.

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BOSSUAT, Gérard. "L’actualité de la pensée de Pierre Mendès France sur l’unité européenne." Journal of European Integration History 25, no. 2 (2019): 283–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0947-9511-2019-2-283.

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Pierre Mendès France, one of the great figures of the French political left from the 1940s to the 1970s, is mostly perceived as an anti-European or at least as a great sceptical in matters of European Unity à la Jean Monnet. Nonetheless, it would be unfair to taint him with this unsubtle image. All his action was turned to restore an then develop France's economy and society after World War II. Misunderstood as advocate of the monetary austerity and the fight against inflation in 1945, he meant to implement a common planning by the Europeans, with the participation of Great Britain. He didn't

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Nacci, Michela. "Introduction: The long life of characters." Tocqueville Review 35, no. 1 (2014): 7–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ttr.35.1.7.

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Ubiquitous and elusive: this is how the theory of national characters appears in nineteenth-century French political thought. One could also add “mysterious”. I arrived at national characters in fact—as you can read in my article featured in this issue—via a mystery that Gustave de Beaumont left unsolved in his L'Irlande.1 Indeed, it was the wish to explain it that propelled me to explore the theory of national characters, firstly as regards Great Britain and then followed by Germany and France. Altogether, the idea was hatched to gather around this theme the voices of certain scholars special

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Sax, Boria. "How Ravens Came to the Tower of London." Society & Animals 15, no. 3 (2007): 269–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853007x217203.

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AbstractAccording to popular belief, Charles II of England (reigned 1660-1685) once heard a prophecy that if ravens left the Tower of London it would "fall," so he ordered that the wings of seven ravens in the Tower be trimmed. Until recently, this claim was not challenged even in scholarly literature. There are, however, no allusions to the Tower Ravens before the end of the nineteenth century. The ravens, today meticulously cared for by Yeoman Warders, are largely an invented tradition, designed to give an impression of continuity with the past. This article examines the few known references

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Smirnova, Irina. "“Athos” Course of Lord Bulwer-Lytton: about the History of British-Russian Diplomatic Relations in the Balkans in the 1860s." ISTORIYA 13, no. 7 (117) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840022289-6.

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The article discusses the goals and objectives of the British diplomats on the “Athos” track in the context of the diplomatic confrontation between Great Britain and Russia which relied extensively on the Church contacts in their Balkan politics. It explores such a little-studied aspect of the Athos problem as the role of Russian and British diplomats in addressing the issue of the Athos monasteries’ properties sequestrated by Alexandru Cuza, prince of the United Principalities of Moldavia and Wallachia, through the lens of the activities of Sir George Bulwer-Lytton, ambassador to Constantinop

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Enders, Adam M., Steven M. Smallpage, and Robert N. Lupton. "Are All ‘Birthers’ Conspiracy Theorists? On the Relationship Between Conspiratorial Thinking and Political Orientations." British Journal of Political Science 50, no. 3 (2018): 849–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123417000837.

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While research on conspiracy theories and those who believe them has recently undergone a renaissance, there still exists a great deal of uncertainty about the measurement of conspiratorial beliefs and orientations, and the consequences of a conspiratorial mindset for expressly political attitudes and behaviors. We first demonstrate, using data from the 2012 American National Election Study, that beliefs in a variety of specific conspiracy theories are simultaneously, but differentially, the product of both a general tendency toward conspiratorial thinking and left/right political orientations

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Pirro, Andrea LP, Paul Taggart, and Stijn van Kessel. "The populist politics of Euroscepticism in times of crisis: Comparative conclusions." Politics 38, no. 3 (2018): 378–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0263395718784704.

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This article offers comparative findings of the nature of populist Euroscepticism in political parties in contemporary Europe in the face of the Great Recession, migrant crisis, and Brexit. Drawing on case studies included in the Special Issue on France, Germany, Greece, Italy, the Netherlands, Portugal, Spain, and the United Kingdom, the article presents summary cross-national data on the positions of parties, the relative importance of the crisis, the framing of Euroscepticism, and the impact of Euroscepticism in different country cases. We use this data to conclude that there are important

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Dingman, Roger. "The Diplomacy of Dependency: The Philippines and Peacemaking with Japan, 1945–52." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 17, no. 2 (1986): 307–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463400001077.

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Historians have examined the Japanese peace settlement of 1951 in a variety of ways. A few have treated it as an episode in the ongoing evolution of the structure of international relations in the Pacific and East Asia. Most have focused on the interaction between the principal victor, the United States, and vanquished Japan, weighing the negotiating successes and failures of each and assessing the impact of the settlement on subsequent Japanese-American relations. Recently still other historians have exploited newly available archival materials to analyze the role middle-range powers such as

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Rakel, Eva. "IX. Paradigms of Iranian Policy in Central Eurasia and Beyond." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 2, no. 3 (2003): 549–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156915003322986398.

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AbstractIran and CEA have historically close links going back as far as the sixth century BC when the Persian Achaemenid Empire conquered the region. For a long time, Persian was the main language of the elite in CEA. Since the disintegration of the USSR, Iran has been determined to re-strengthen its position in CEA, particularly in economic and security terms. Iran is an active player in the Economic Co-operation Organization (ECO). It also promotes the construction of southern pipelines from CEA to export the region's oil and gas resources as it hopes to profit from it for its own oil and ga

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Hloušek, Vít, and Lubomír Kopeček. "Cleavages in the Contemporary Czech and Slovak Politics Between Persistence and Change." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 22, no. 3 (2008): 518–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325408315833.

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This study describes and compares Czech and Slovak party politics after 1989. The concept of cleavages is used as a theoretical starting point. The authors point out that although the communist period overshadowed the traditional cleavages dating from the second half of the nineteenth century, it is possible to analyze some politically-based cleavages in the respective party arrangements of the two countries. The main conclusion of the article is as follows: that despite differing trajectories of political development during the 1990s, at the present time, both the Czech and Slovak party syste

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Mansbridge, Jane, and Stephen Macedo. "Populism and Democratic Theory." Annual Review of Law and Social Science 15, no. 1 (2019): 59–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-lawsocsci-101518-042843.

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Commentators routinely describe “populism” as vague. Some argue that the early US populists, who coined the modern usage, were not populists. We disagree and identify this common conceptual core: the “people” in a moral battle against “elites.” The core definition fits all cases of populism: those on the left and right, those in the United States, Europe, and elsewhere. In addition to this minimal common core, we identify strongly suggested and frequently correlated non-core characteristics. These include the people's homogeneity and exclusivity, direct rule, and nationalism, as well as a sing

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Bishara, Fahad Ahmad. "“No country but the ocean”: Reading International Law from the Deck of an Indian Ocean Dhow, ca. 1900." Comparative Studies in Society and History 60, no. 2 (2018): 338–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417518000075.

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AbstractThis paper engages in a microhistory of international law, grounded in the contests surrounding theMuscat Dhowscase brought by Great Britain against France in 1905. At the heart of the case was the question of whether the French consul had the right to grant flags and navigation passes to dhows from the southern Omani port of Sur that were suspected of transporting slaves. The case became foundational to studies of the law of the sea, and the ruling is still cited in footnotes in law school textbooks. Buried in the case's proceedings, however, are a series of petitions by the dhow capt

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Cox, Michael. "Forum on the American Empire Introduction: A new American Empire?" Review of International Studies 30, no. 4 (2004): 583. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210504005005.

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The words used to describe things sometimes tell us less about the thing itself and more about those telling the story: and in the case of the words ‘American Empire’ one could more or less tell in the past that the story was being told by a critic. Not any longer. Indeed, since 9/11 those who have been at the forefront of promoting the idea have not been radical opponents on the left but defenders of the United States on the neo-conservative right. Under conditions where the US dominates the earth like no other power, Empire they argue not only describes what America has become – even though

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O'Brien, Bruce R. "Forgers of Law and Their Readers: The Crafting of English Political Identities between the Norman Conquest and the Magna Carta." PS: Political Science & Politics 43, no. 03 (2010): 467–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096510000594.

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A short time after 1206 and before 1215, a Londoner assembled a massive collection of older and near contemporary English laws, called theLeges Anglorumby historians, and inserted long interpolations and spurious codes that enunciated many of the principles that guided the baronial opposition to King John and later became part of the Magna Carta. To those familiar with the struggle leading up to the creation of the Magna Carta, these principles should cause no surprise. These ancient laws were made to proclaim that “in the kingdom right and justice ought to reign more than perverse will” (ECf4

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