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Journal articles on the topic 'Rhodes'

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Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 1 August 2024

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1

OMER-COOPER, J. D. "Rhodes: Rhodes and Rhodesia." African Affairs 84, no. 334 (January 1985): 149–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordjournals.afraf.a097669.

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2

McFarlane, Richard A. "Historiography of Selected Works on Cecil John Rhodes (1853–1902)." History in Africa 34 (2007): 437–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hia.2007.0013.

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The historiography of Cecil John Rhodes may be divided into two broad categories: chauvinistic approval or utter vilification. In the Introduction to Colossus of Southern Africa, Lockhart and Woodhouse wrote: “Those who hated [Rhodes] most were those who knew him least, and those most admired and loved him were those who knew him best.” The earlier works written soon after Rhodes death, and usually by his “intima[te]” friends, constitute the first group. Later works written by historians and journalists largely constitute the second group. Generally speaking, the category into which a particular biography or history is placed has a strong correlation to the time it was written. Chronologically, these two groups divide at about 1945, when the last of Rhodes's intimate companions died and the British Empire was beginning to be dismantled.The earliest published biography of Cecil Rhodes was Cecil Rhodes: His Political Life and Speeches, 1881-1900 published just two years before his death. The work was published pseudonymously under the moniker “Vindex.” C.M. Woodhouse, in the “Notes on Sources” at the front of his book on Rhodes, identified Vindex as the Reverend F. Vershoyle.
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3

Gorochov, A. V., and S. Alexiou. "A new species of the genus Ovaliptila (Orthoptera: Gryllidae: Gryllomorphinae) from Rhodes Island, Greece." Zoosystematica Rossica 26, no. 1 (June 23, 2017): 107–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.31610/zsr/2017.26.1.107.

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4

Swartz, Sally. "Rhodes, Cayendo." Clínica e Investigación Relacional 10, no. 3 (November 18, 2016): 738–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.21110/19882939.2016.100309.

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5

Basha, Kebede, and Bobo Tekle. "Demonstration of Rhodes grass (Chloris gayana Kunth) varieties at selected highland and midland agro-ecologies of Guji zone, Oromia, Ethiopia." Global Journal of Ecology 8, no. 2 (July 27, 2023): 058–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.17352/gje.000083.

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Guji zone has different agro-ecologies suitable for livestock production. However, grazing land was shrinking for the production of feed which is the most pre-request for livestock production. As a result, farmers used pasture and crop residues which are insufficient and not available during the dry season. Hence, there was a feed shortage at different agroecologies. Rhodes grass is used as livestock feed, soil, and water conservation but improved Rhodes grass varieties were not intensively produced by farmers and hence feed shortage is affecting the supply of livestock products for household consumption. Improved Rhodes grass is the possible solution for feed shortage due to it is intensively harvested throughout the year and ensures feed availability for livestock. Therefore, a demonstration of Rhodes grass is needed on a farmer’s field. The objective of this study was to evaluate the performance of Rhodes grass on farmers’ plots. Adola Rede (midland agroecology) and Ana Sora (highland agroecology) were selected based on their livestock and Rhodes grass production potential. Masaba and ILRI-7384 Rhodes grass varieties were demonstrated on a 50 m2 plot area. Descriptive statistics were used to analyze the data. Accordingly, the Masaba variety was highly performed in plant height (108.6 cm), fresh biomass (4.24t/ha), and survival rate (83.4%) than ILRI-7384 accession at both agroecologies. Except in seed yield at the highland area in all traits, the Masaba variety was well performed than ILRI-7384. The result of one-way ANOVA revealed that across agroecology fresh biomass yield and survival rate of Masaba was a statistically significant difference at 10% and 5% respectively. Farmers liked to produce Rhode grass varieties. Fresh biomass and survival rate was important trait obtained from the Masaba variety in both agro-ecologies. Thus, the Masaba variety was recommended for livestock feed at highland and midland agro-ecologies of the Guji zone.
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6

Manyika, James. "RE-ENCOUNTERS Rhodes, Rhodesia, Schools and Scholarships." Interventions 3, no. 2 (January 2001): 266–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13698010120059654.

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7

Pinfold, John. "F.R. Statham's “Mr Magnus”: A Forgotten Novel of Cecil Rhodes." African Research & Documentation 97 (2005): 23–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305862x00015041.

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In her novel of Rhodes, Manly virtues, Anne Harries rightly refers to Rhodes's dislike of Olive Schreiner's Trooper Peter Halket of Mashonaland. What is less well-known is that there was another novel of Rhodes written at this time, which he must have disliked just as much, if not more so. Indeed there is some evidence that he acted to suppress it. The Bodleian Library never received it under legal deposit, and the Library at Rhodes House was only able to acquire a copy through the second hand trade in 1929; this copy has the author's name cut out of the title page, and the words “was suppressed” written on the inside front cover. The copy in the Library of the University of Cape Town bears the additional information “all copies called in”. It remains a work of considerable rarity today.
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8

Pinfold, John. "Matabele Jim: The Journal of an Early White Settler in Rhodesia." African Research & Documentation 66 (1994): 18–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305862x00016630.

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Rhodes House Library has recently acquired a typescript of the journal of “Matabele Jim” Archer Burton (1850-1922) who went out to southern Africa in 1894 to trade with the Matabele and the Mashona and to prospect for gold. There he became involved with Cecil Rhodes’ Chartered Company, and during the rebellion in Mashonaland in 1896 he took part in the Mazoe Valley action, being shot through the face at close range, a wound he was lucky to survive and which left his face disfigured for the rest of his life. He was evacuated to England for hospital treatment, but returned to Rhodesia in 1898, finally leaving the country for the last time in 1901. The original journal, illustrated with pen and ink sketches of great clarity, remains in the possession of Archer Burton's son, but is also destined for eventual deposit at Rhodes House.
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9

Pinfold, John. "Matabele Jim: The Journal of an Early White Settler in Rhodesia." African Research & Documentation 66 (1994): 18–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305862x00016630.

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Rhodes House Library has recently acquired a typescript of the journal of “Matabele Jim” Archer Burton (1850-1922) who went out to southern Africa in 1894 to trade with the Matabele and the Mashona and to prospect for gold. There he became involved with Cecil Rhodes’ Chartered Company, and during the rebellion in Mashonaland in 1896 he took part in the Mazoe Valley action, being shot through the face at close range, a wound he was lucky to survive and which left his face disfigured for the rest of his life. He was evacuated to England for hospital treatment, but returned to Rhodesia in 1898, finally leaving the country for the last time in 1901. The original journal, illustrated with pen and ink sketches of great clarity, remains in the possession of Archer Burton's son, but is also destined for eventual deposit at Rhodes House.
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10

Deane, Bradley. "IMPERIAL BARBARIANS: PRIMITIVE MASCULINITY IN LOST WORLD FICTION." Victorian Literature and Culture 36, no. 1 (March 2008): 205–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1060150308080121.

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Cecil Rhodes, the “Colossus” of late Victorian empire, proudly proclaimed himself a barbarian. He spoke of his taste for things “big and simple, barbaric, if you like,” and boasted that he conducted himself “on the basis of a barbarian” (Millin 165, 242). His famous scholarships designed to turn out men fit for imperial mastery required success in “manly outdoor sports,” a criterion Rhodes privately called the proof of “brutality” (Stead 39). Yet while Rhodes celebrated qualities he called barbaric or brutal, his adversaries seized upon the same rhetoric to revile him. During the Boer War, for instance, the tactics by which Rhodes and his friends tightened their grip on South Africa were boldly condemned by Henry Campbell-Bannerman as “methods of barbarism.” Similarly, G. K. Chesterton denounced Rhodes as nothing more than a “Sultan” who conquered the “East” only to reinforce the backward “Oriental” values of fatalism and despotism (242–44). This strange consensus, in which Rhodes and his critics could agree about his barbarity, reflects a significant uncertainty about late Victorian imperial ambitions and their relationship to “barbarism.” Clearly, the term was available both to the empire's critics as a metaphor for unprincipled or indiscriminate violence and to imperialists as a justification for their efforts to bring civilization to the Earth's dark places, to spread the gospel, and to enforce the progress of history that the anthropologist E. B. Tylor called “the onward movement from barbarism” (29). But Rhodes's cheerful assertion of his own barbarity represents something altogether different: the apparent paradox of an imperialism that openly embraces the primitive. Nor was Rhodes alone in sounding this particularly troubling version of the barbaric yawp. During the period of the New Imperialism (1871–1914), Victorian popular culture became engrossed as never before in charting vectors of convergence between the British and those they regarded as primitive, and in imagining the ways in which barbarians might make the best imperialists of all. This transvaluation of savagery found its most striking expression in the emergence of a wildly popular genre of fiction: stories of lost worlds.
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11

Bérend, Denyse. "Rhodes, encore." Revue numismatique 6, no. 150 (1995): 251–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/numi.1995.2054.

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12

Sintès, Pierre. "Retrouver Rhodes." Téoros 29, no. 1 (May 2, 2014): 37–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1024753ar.

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À la fin de la Seconde Guerre mondiale, la communauté juive de Rhodes, présente dans l’île depuis plusieurs siècles, avait totalement disparue. Déportés ou enfuis, ceux qui s’appelaient les Rodeslis laissent derrière eux le quartier de la Djuderia dans l’ancienne ville fortifiée qui est alors investi par des habitants grecs orthodoxes. Les descendants de cette communauté disparue vivent désormais sur les cinq continents et ont conservé vivant le souvenir de cette origine. Depuis quelques décennies, certains d’entre eux sont même revenus à Rhodes pour de brefs séjours afin de retrouver les lieux de leurs origines personnelles ou celles de leur famille. Ce voyage sur un territoire souvent imaginé est le moment d’une grande émotion et d’une certaine introspection identitaire. Il peut parfois tout de même réserver quelques surprises à qui l’entreprend.
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13

Bethea, Arthur F. "Carver's Rhodes." Explicator 63, no. 2 (January 2005): 114–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00144940509596912.

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14

Rhodes, Margaret L. "Rhodes Replies." Social Work 30, no. 5 (September 1, 1985): 452–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/sw/30.5.452.

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15

Choi, Kyoung Hwan, Jang Hyun Jo, and Jae Min Moon. "A note on Rhodes and Gottlieb-Rhodes groups." Tohoku Mathematical Journal 68, no. 1 (March 2016): 139–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.2748/tmj/1458248865.

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16

CRESPO, MANUEL B., and CAROLINA PENA-MARTÍN. "Two new species of Limonium (Plumbaginaceae) from Rhodes Island (eastern Aegean area, Greece)." Phytotaxa 94, no. 2 (April 22, 2013): 30. http://dx.doi.org/10.11646/phytotaxa.94.2.1.

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Limonium quinnii and L. rhodense (Plumbaginaceae) are here described from the maritime cliffs of Rhodes Island (Greece). These new species can be included in the Limonium palmare aggregate, a group highly diversified in the eastern Mediterranean but still poorly known. The differences among L. quinnii and L. rhodense with the related taxa are provided and discussed. Data on the breeding systems, ecology and distribution of both species are also given.
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17

Gramstadt, Marie-Therese. "Zandra Rhodes’ ‘Works of Art’ (1979–1988): From Feminine Frills to Goddess Saris." Costume 50, no. 2 (July 1, 2016): 244–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/05908876.2016.1165954.

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By 1979 the British fashion designer Zandra Rhodes (b. 1940) was well established and internationally renowned for her colourful hand screen-printed silk chiffon crinoline dresses. The femininity of her chiffon dresses ensured their continuation as best–sellers beyond 1979, but little has been written about her other dress designs during the 1980s. During this period Rhodes introduced new styles including her heavily beaded ‘exotic tunics’ and designer saris worn over hip panniers. Zandra Rhodes’ designs were perceived as feminine when worn by the designer herself, her models and her clientele; and represented as feminine in their portrayal in magazines and newspapers at the time. Using original records held in the Zandra Rhodes Archives, London, as well as material gathered during the Zandra Rhodes Digital Study Collection project (Jisc, 2011–2013), this article examines the period 1979–1988 within a framework of feminine representation and also considers Rhodes’ proposition that her designs are ‘works of art’.
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18

Bond, Patrick. "In South Africa, “Rhodes Must Fall” (while Rhodes’ Walls Rise)." New Global Studies 13, no. 3 (November 18, 2019): 335–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ngs-2019-0036.

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AbstractThe African borders established in Berlin in 1884–85, at the peak of Cecil John Rhodes’ South African ambitions, were functional to the main five colonial-imperial powers, but certainly not to African societies then, nor to future generations. The residues of Rhodes’ settler-colonial racism and extractive-oriented looting include major cities such as Johannesburg, which are witnessing worse inequality and desperation, even a quarter of a century after apartheid fell in 1994. In South Africa’s financial capital, Johannesburg, a combination of post-apartheid neoliberalism and regional subimperial hegemony amplified xenophobic tendencies to the boiling point in 2019. Not only could University of Cape Town students tear down the hated campus statue of Rhodes, but the vestiges of his ethnic divide-and-conquer power could be swept aside. Rhodes did “fall,” in March 2015, but the South African working class and opportunistic politicians took no notice of the symbolic act, and instead began to raise Rhodes’ border walls ever higher, through ever more violent xenophobic outbreaks. Ending the populist predilection towards xenophobia will require more fundamental changes to the inherited political economy, so that the deep structural reasons for xenophobia are ripped out as convincingly as were the studs holding down Rhodes’ Cape Town statue.
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19

van Waarden, Betto. "A Colonial Celebrity in the New Attention Economy: Cecil Rhodes’s Cape-to-Cairo Telegraph and Railway Negotiations in 1899." English Historical Review 136, no. 582 (October 1, 2021): 1193–223. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/ceab327.

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Abstract In 1899, the British colonialist Cecil Rhodes went to Berlin to negotiate about his fantastical ‘Cape-to-Cairo’ telegraph and railway scheme with his former nemesis, the German emperor Wilhelm II. Why did this initiative of Rhodes, who was held responsible for the disastrous Jameson Raid and no longer occupied any official position, receive so much coverage and legitimacy in the international press? Despite the vast scholarship on Rhodes, there is strikingly little analysis of these negotiations, considering that they were hailed as marking the rehabilitation of Rhodes and the troubled Anglo-German relationship, signalled that Germany would not support the Boers in their conflict with Britain, and led to Germany’s inclusion in the prestigious Rhodes Scholarships scheme. This article analyses the reporting of the negotiations and shows that Rhodes overshadowed other political figures in the competitive ‘attention economy’ of the emerging mass press. Building on the notion of ‘celebrity politics’, it argues that the press attention for him resulted from three interconnected logics: a political logic of agenda-setting and ideological loyalties, a journalistic logic in which scarce access to Rhodes fostered his mythologising, and a mass media logic that increasingly superseded ideological divides. This mass media logic dictated a focus on Rhodes’s personal narrative (infused with literary and colonial themes), personifying politics, and performing these politics in a novel business-like style. This press attention gained Rhodes informal power and shows how, by the end of the nineteenth century, successful politics required the new ability of political figures to attract and leverage media attention. Moreover, it constituted the precondition for the growing cult of Rhodes in the twentieth century, and the subsequent criticism of this cult and its representation of racism in recent times.
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20

Finkl, Charlie. "RHODES W. FAIRBRIDGE." Journal of Coastal Research 232 (March 2007): iii. http://dx.doi.org/10.2112/1551-5036(2007)23[iiia:rwf]2.0.co;2.

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21

Rhodes, Richard. "Richard Rhodes’ Reykjavik." Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists 65, no. 5 (January 2009): 71–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.2968/065005007.

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22

Priscilla Long. "Michael of Rhodes." Antioch Review 75, no. 2 (2017): 38. http://dx.doi.org/10.7723/antiochreview.75.2.0038.

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23

Rhodes, J. M. "Ellen "Betty" Rhodes." BMJ 344, may23 1 (May 23, 2012): e3400-e3400. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmj.e3400.

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24

Siggers, Diana, George Oswald, and John Rochford. "David James Rhodes." BMJ 336, no. 7651 (May 1, 2008): 1025.7–1025. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmj.39540.586678.be.

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25

Engelman, Ralph. "“My Rhodes Scholarship”." Journalism History 30, no. 3 (October 1, 2004): 114–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00947679.2004.12062653.

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26

Hellinga, Lotte. "Dennis Rhodes, f.s.a." Library 21, no. 4 (December 2020): 533–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/library/21.4.533.

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27

Hughes, Heather. "Remembering Rhodes’ Detractors." Round Table 105, no. 2 (March 3, 2016): 221–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00358533.2016.1154666.

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28

Felix, David. "Reply to Rhodes." Review of Politics 48, no. 1 (1986): 116–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500037530.

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29

Tyler, Pete, and Jim Taylor. "Obituary - John Rhodes." Regions Magazine 235, no. 1 (October 2001): 22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/714041950.

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30

Hobson, A. S. B. "Rhodes House Library." Bodleian Library Record 12, no. 3 (October 1986): 241. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/blr.1986.12.3.241.

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31

Gailey, Harry A., and Arthur Deppel-Jones. "Rhodes and Rhodesia: The White Conquest of Zimbabwe, 1884-1902." American Historical Review 90, no. 2 (April 1985): 473. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1852788.

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32

Parry, Richard, and Arthur Keppel-Jones. "Rhodes and Rhodesia: The White Conquest of Zimbabwe, 1884-1902." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne des Études Africaines 19, no. 3 (1985): 669. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/484540.

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33

Shutt, Allison K., and Tony King. "Imperial Rhodesians: The 1953 Rhodes Centenary Exhibition in Southern Rhodesia." Journal of Southern African Studies 31, no. 2 (June 2005): 357–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03057070500109573.

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34

Coureas, Nicholas Savvas. "Women and the Hospitaller Order on Rhodes and Cyprus in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries." Ordines Militares Colloquia Torunensia Historica 27 (December 30, 2022): 177–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/om.2022.007.

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The women on Hospitallers Rhodes were by no means a uniform group. They differed in terms of social class, some being slaves, others being serfs while others were free women, at times wealthy property owners. Nor did the women on Rhodes have the same ethnicity. While the majority of women were Greek, like the inhabitants of Rhodes in general, not all of them originated from Rhodes. In addition, there were also women of Syrian origin, as well as women of Latin and Jewish origin. In terms of marital status, there were unmarried women, married women and widows, and in terms of legal standing there were lay women but also women in religious orders, nuns or donors. In spatial terms some women resided in the countryside while others lived in the Town of Rhodes. Members of all the groups of women mentioned above had contacts or relations with the Hospitaller Order and its members, and women feature in the legislation of the Order.
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35

Rohr, Gretchen. "An African-American Rhodes Scholar Confronts the Ghost of Cecil Rhodes." Journal of Blacks in Higher Education, no. 23 (1999): 102. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2999329.

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36

Kovacs, Erik, and Nils Spjeldnaes. "Pliocene-Pleistocene Stratigraphy of Rhodes, Greece." Newsletters on Stratigraphy 37, no. 3 (December 16, 1999): 191–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1127/nos/37/1999/191.

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37

Aucamp, Chris. "Rhodes Fruit Farms: A small beginning in the Paarl Valley 1897-1910." New Contree 31 (June 30, 1992): 8. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/nc.v31i0.596.

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Rhodes Fruit Farms, situated in the Great Drakenstein Valley, was established in 1897 by Harry Pickstone with the financial aid of Cecil John Rhodes. Pickstone saw the potential for the large scale production and export of deciduous fruit at the Cape. Under his guidance a company was floated. Various farms purchased and the fruit industry placed on a scientific and profitable foundation. From a humble beginning Rhodes Fruit Farms made an important contribution to the advancement and development of the fresh fruit industry in South Africa.
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38

Badoud, Nathan. "Les colosses de Rhodes." Comptes-rendus des séances de l année - Académie des inscriptions et belles-lettres 155, no. 1 (2011): 111–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/crai.2011.93113.

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39

Christensen, Dieter. "Willard Rhodes 1901–1992." Yearbook for Traditional Music 24 (1992): xi—xii. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0740155800018798.

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40

Davis, R. Hunt, Brian Roberts, and Robert I. Rotberg. "Cecil Rhodes: Flawed Colossus." American Historical Review 95, no. 3 (June 1990): 827. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2164356.

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41

Rhodes, Judi. "Judi Rhodes' Farewell Address." Oceanography 13, no. 2 (2000): 6. http://dx.doi.org/10.5670/oceanog.2000.42.

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42

Gilley, Jesse. "My Friend Satchel Rhodes." Journal of Poetry Therapy 25, no. 4 (December 2012): 233–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08893675.2012.736183.

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43

Stock, S. "Emergency services in Rhodes." BMJ 300, no. 6723 (February 24, 1990): 540. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmj.300.6723.540-b.

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44

Fenwick, Doug. "Howard Alton (Dusty) Rhodes." Australian Veterinary Journal 89, no. 4 (March 21, 2011): 116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1751-0813.2011.00701.x.

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45

Becker, Rayda. "Rhodes and His Relics." de arte 52, no. 1 (January 2, 2017): 68–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00043389.2017.1331819.

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46

Anand, S. C. "Registration of ‘Rhodes’ Soybean." Crop Science 34, no. 1 (January 1994): 310. http://dx.doi.org/10.2135/cropsci1994.0011183x003400010075x.

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47

Newsinger, John. "Why Rhodes Must Fall." Race & Class 58, no. 2 (September 30, 2016): 70–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0306396816657726.

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48

Drayton, Richard. "Rhodes Must Not Fall?" Third Text 33, no. 4-5 (September 3, 2019): 651–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09528822.2019.1653073.

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49

Konstantinidis, Ioannis. "Rhodes Academy of Oceans Law and Policy: fourteenth session 2009, Rhodes, Greece." Aegean Review of the Law of the Sea and Maritime Law 1, no. 1 (December 11, 2009): 171–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12180-009-0010-6.

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50

Laidlaw, Zoë. "Briefing: Rhodes House and the Rhodes House Library: An Historical Survey of the Intentions of the Rhodes Trust, 1925–1929." African Affairs 100, no. 401 (October 1, 2001): 641–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/afraf/100.401.641.

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