Journal articles on the topic 'Rhetoric – Political aspects – China'
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Khabarov, Artyom A., and Aleksandra A. Vorozhbitova. "U.S.-China Intercultural Dialogue in the Information-Psychological Warfare Paradigm: Linguistic Rhetoric Aspect." Current Issues in Philology and Pedagogical Linguistics, no. 1 (March 25, 2022): 29–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.29025/2079-6021-2022-1-29-41.
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The article examines the communicative strategies of ideological influence implemented by the military-political leadership of the United States through global media structures within the framework of diplomatic relations and intercultural exchange of the countries of the collective West with the People’s Republic of China. Linguistic and rhetorical features of intercultural interaction and political communication are considered in textual examples in English and Chinese, reflecting the content of negotiation practice between representatives of public authorities, as well as based on materials of socio-political events, reflecting the opinions of experts and individuals. The authors’ research focuses on verbal forms and means of indoctrination identified in the communicative strategies implemented by the US military-political leadership with the help of global media structures, as well as discursive practices of the party and political elite of the PRC, explicated in responding to threats and challenges in the consentient sphere. Based on the results of semantic-structural, pragmatic, and cognitive analysis of the text, the authors identify verbal markers of argumentation, persistence and manipulation that form the methodological basis of ideological influence in the context of global informational and psychological confrontation. As a discourse paradigm, the paper considers sociocultural and significant interpretations of reality that coexist at the present stage of modern history, broadcast in the English-language macro-discourse of the American mass media during the establishment of an intercultural dialogue with China. During a comprehensive linguistic analysis, the pragmatic potential of verbal means of establishing an intercultural dialogue between the collective West and China in the format of civilizational coupling is assessed, in the process of which the target audience is imposed precisely those value orientations that are designed to form the conceptual basis of ideologically determined mass consciousness. In the light of the Linguistic Rhetorical Paradigm, the thesis is postulated that discourse-syntagma is represented as a cognitive-interpretative conflict manifested by linguistic means of heterogeneous discursive practices, because of which the addressee creates an understanding of reality determined by the intention of the actor of ideological discourse, which in the future may serve as a ground for manipulating consciousness and regulating the behavior of the addressee. The conclusions of the study confirm the theoretical positions of the Sochi Linguistic Rhetorical School that competing socio-political discourses enter paradigmatic and syntagmatic relations with each other, and that the same subject of speech can use his linguistic rhetorical tools of ethos support both in a negative and in a positive direction.
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Hooijmaaijers, Bas. "The BRICS Countries’ Bilateral Economic Relations, 2009 to 2019: Between Rhetoric and Reality." SAGE Open 11, no. 4 (October 2021): 215824402110541. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/21582440211054128.
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After Brazil, Russia, India, and China (BRIC) started meeting in the BRIC countries format, and since 2011 with South Africa in the BRICS format, these countries’ leaders made several pledges for strengthening intra-BRICS economic cooperation. This article examines the degree this is reflected in the increase of Chinese Outward Foreign Direct Investment (COFDI) in the other four BRICS countries, the value of Chinese construction contracts, and bilateral trade between China and Brazil, India, Russia South Africa in 2009 to 2019. Focusing on these aspects contributes to the ongoing debate about the institutionalization of the BRICS political grouping. This article demonstrates that, thus far, despite the various pledges, the intensification of intra-BRICS economic cooperation is very limited. With some exemptions due to mega investment deals, COFDI in the other BRICS partners is still reasonably modest and shows no clear trend of increase over time in both absolute and relative figures. There is no significant increase in total trade, and various imbalances and asymmetries remain. Thus, the reality does not mirror the BRICS rhetoric on the intensification of economic cooperation.
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Jacoby, Wade, and Umut Korkut. "Vulnerability and Economic Re-orientation." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 30, no. 3 (October 14, 2015): 496–518. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325415604355.
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To what extent do Euroskeptic parties in Eastern and Central Europe have viable alternatives to the European Union and the broad basket of liberal policies promoted by the EU? In recent years, Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán has used his overwhelming parliamentary majorities to chart a partially new course, and this article inventories one aspect of this new course. The article asks whether Hungary can gain any potential benefits from closer links to China as a partial replacement for resources that might not be available (or that might be lost) from its more conventional European partners to the west. Orbán has often justified both radical constitutional change and economic nationalism as powerful medicines to push back against Hungary’s vulnerability at the hands of its foreign and domestic enemies. In this context, China emerged as both a potential source of new revenue and rhetorical trope that seemed to fit in a broader Fidesz discourse of an “Eastern opening.” This article makes a first attempt to separate rhetoric and reality. It first explores how the ongoing consolidation of illiberalism in Hungary has now also sparked a geopolitical repositioning through the “Eastern opening” during Fidesz’s second term. Second, it seeks to understand the theoretical proposition that new sources of external funding—including FDI and government bond purchases—can help enable a state to execute such a broad geopolitical shift. To do so, it develops empirical material from the fascinating Hungarian efforts to position themselves as a major beneficiary of Chinese engagement with Europe. The article concludes that Orbán’s policies have indeed been broadly consistent with his party’s new rhetoric, but it also concludes that the amount of Chinese investment is, in aggregate, still modest to date.
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Jiayi, ZHANG. "http://www.appublishing.com.au/index/newsview.html?id=1924." Asia-Pacific Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 2, no. 2 (June 30, 2022): 047–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.53789/j.1653-0465.2022.0202.006.
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The study of metaphor has a long history. Traditional metaphor theories focus on metaphor as merely a figure of speech. In cognitive linguistics, researchers believe that metaphor is not only a linguistic rhetoric phenomenon, but a fundamental and universal cognitive way for human beings to understand the world. With the development of the Internet age, multimodal information is becoming increasingly abundant, thus more attention has been paid to the study of multimodal metaphor. However, there are few studies on multimodal metaphor in the context of cultural differences between China and the West at present. Therefore this paper takes the multimodal metaphors embodied in the images and words reflected on the front pages of China Daily and The Economist as data to analyze the different ideologies and cultural values reflected in them. This comparative study analyzes the similarities and differences between the multimodal metaphors in the front pages of China Daily and The Economist. It is found that the front pages of China Daily contain more traditional Chinese cultural elements and tend to convey positive values, while the multimodal metaphors in The Economist often have abundant connotations, indicating a more political and sarcastic tone. Meanwhile the reasons for the different choices of images are analyzed from three aspects: ideology, culture and context, thus providing some enlightenment on how to further enhance cultural confidence and better construct China's national image for domestic media.
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Yuelin, Liu, and Zhang Liwei. "Comparative textual analysis of New Year’s speeches of the heads of the Russian Federation and the People’s Republic of China in linguistic and cultural aspects." Neophilology, no. 2 (2022): 261–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.20310/2587-6953-2022-8-2-261-275.
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Based on the text theory in the context of linguocultural studies the full text of New Year’s speeches of Russian and Chinese heads of state in 2013–2022 in terms of content and expression were analyzed, high-frequency words were organizes and summarizes using antconc and SEO software to create word cloud maps, which visually represent the research content and help in analyzing the text structure. It is proven that the New Year’s speeches of V.V. Putin and Xi Jinping have similarities and differences. The New Year’s speeches of the heads of the two countries have a stable structural basis. The content of New Year’s speeches consists of two parts: the first is an expression of wishes for the New Year, and the second is a brief summary of the work of the past year, setting plans and goals for the next year. The themes of the New Year’s speeches continue and change according to different political, economic and contemporary contexts. Ideology is built into the themes of the text. V.V. Putin’s New Year’s speeches reflect the national culture of Russia. He uses rhetorical means such as rhetorical modification, metaphor, gradation, and rhetorical exclamation. He also uses intertextuality in expressing ideology in order to express emotional resonance and to elicit an identity with the motherland. In Xi Jinping’s New Year’s speeches, cultural themes are reinforced year by year and rhetorical techniques such as quotation, comparison and parallelism are widely used, which has the genetic effect of spreading widely.
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Yuan, Ai. "THE PERFORMANCE OF SILENCE IN EARLY CHINA: THE YANZI CHUNQIU AND BEYOND." Early China 44 (September 2021): 321–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/eac.2021.4.
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AbstractThis article looks beyond the dichotomy between silence (mo 默) and speech (yan 言) and discusses the functions of and attitudes toward silence in the Yanzi chunqiu 晏子春秋 as a case representing the variety of ideas of silence in early China. In the West, silence has been widely explored in fields such as religion and theology, linguistic studies, and communication and literary studies. The consensus has moved away from viewing silence as abstaining from speech and utterance—and therefore absence of meaning and intention, toward seeing it as a culturally dependent and significant aspect of communication. However, beyond a number of studies discussing unspoken teachings in relation to early Daoism, silence has received little attention in early China studies. This article approaches the functions of silence by pursuing questions regarding its rhetorical, emotive, political, and ethical aspects. Instead of searching for the nature of silence and asking what silence is, this article poses alternative questions: How do ancient Chinese thinkers understand the act of silence? What are the attitudes toward silence in early China? How does silence foster morality? How does silence function as performative remonstrance? How is it used for political persuasion? How does silence draw the attention of and communicate with readers and audiences? How does silence allow time for contemplation, reflection, and agreement among participants? How is silence related to various intense emotional states? These questions lead us to reflect on previous scholarship which regarded silence in early China as the most spontaneous and natural way to grasp the highest truth, which is unpresentable and inexpressible through articulated speech and artificial language. In this sense, the notion of the unspoken teaching is not only understood in opposition to speech, but also as a means to reveal the deficiency of language and the limits of speech. However, through a survey of dialogues, stories, and arguments in Yanzi chunqiu, I show that silence is explicitly marked and explained within the text, and is used actively, purposefully, and meaningfully, to persuade, inform, and motivate audiences. In other words, silence is anything but natural and spontaneous. Rather, it is intentionally adopted, carefully crafted, and publicly performed to communicate, remonstrate, criticize, reveal, and target certain ideas. That is to say, silence is as argumentative as speech and as arbitrary as language. Finally, an awareness of and sensitivity to silence provides a new perspective to engage with other early Chinese texts.
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van Els, Paul, and Elisa Sabattini. "Introduction: Political Rhetoric in Early China." Extrême-Orient, Extrême-Occident, no. 34 (November 1, 2012): 5–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/extremeorient.247.
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Breslin, Shaun. "Reform, rhetoric and reaction in China." Pacific Review 5, no. 4 (January 1992): 409–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09512749208719010.
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Pamungkas, Adi. "Pemasaran Retorika Politik dalam Iklan Baliho Tokoh Politik Indonesia." Kalijaga Journal of Communication 4, no. 2 (December 31, 2022): 133–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.14421/kjc.42.02.2022.
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This study subjects to understand how the politicians build identity through the marketing of their political rhetoric in billboard advertisements. The research uses qualitative methods with a substance theory approach to the formation of political identity, especially in the context of political marketing and Aristotle's rhetoric in the form of aspects 1) ethos; morally proper attitude, 2) logos; evidence that can support the argument and 3) pathos; speech that evokes feelings in the audience. The findings explain that the political identity built by various rhetoric aspect. Between the politicians also build different identity according to the consideration of internal aspects of the politicians and external aspects that exist in public. Through the identity built by rhetoric, politicians create their political marketing products then offered to the public so can be consumed as political support and choice.
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Neo, Ric, and Chen Xiang. "State rhetoric, nationalism and public opinion in China." International Affairs 98, no. 4 (July 4, 2022): 1327–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiac105.
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Abstract The Chinese government is fond of invoking the ‘hurt feelings of 1.4 billion Chinese citizens’ to protest foreign actions and policies. However, this rhetoric might be nothing more than propaganda and attempts to leverage nationalist sentiment. How much do citizens in China actually care about issues completely unrelated to their daily livelihoods? To answer this, the study employs a representative survey to investigate the extent to which rhetoric about ‘hurt feelings’ is consistent with public opinion on four contemporary socio-political disputes involving the NBA, Marriott International, Mercedes-Benz and the city of Prague. Across the scenarios, we found that the Chinese government did not exaggerate the displeasure of audiences—citizens are aware of the cases, were indeed upset by them and advocated for retaliatory measures that were surprisingly more forceful than those adopted in reality. These emotions were largely driven by nationalistic sentiment rather than personal experiences or encounters, suggesting the success of state propaganda in steering the public opinion toward outcomes favourable to the state. These findings support recent studies highlighting the peculiar case of rising nationalism in China, and have important implications for the impact of public opinion on Chinese policymaking.
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Vylegzhanin, A. N., B. I. Nefedov, E. R. Voronin, O. S. Magomedova, and P. K. Zotova. "The Term “Rules-based International Order” in International Legal Discourses." Moscow Journal of International Law, no. 2 (July 9, 2021): 35–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/0869-0049-2021-2-35-60.
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INTRODUCTION. The term “rules-based order” is increasingly referred to in speeches within many international forums as well as declared from national political tribunes. The initial question is whether this notion is of purely political nature (since it is not used in the UN Charter or in other universal international conventions and this term is not relied upon by the International Court of Justice or by the UN International Law Commission). On the other hand, with the popularization of such a political discourse, the frequent usage of this term by representatives of some states (not only of Western States, but also of China, for example) can affect international law. The very application of this term definitely provokes a splash of other questions. How does the term “rules-based order” correlate with the universally recognized term “international legal order”? Does the idea to use the term “rules-based order” have substantive legal grounds? Which rules in concreto1 are meant by the term? Who and how creates these rules? What is the nature of these rules – are they rules of national law and if so – national rules of what State? If these are rules of international law – why is it not reflected in the term? Due to the attractive wording the concept gets widespread, but lacking a common understanding of its content, everyone might put a different meaning into the concept. Does it result in the fact that some officials, representing states, become politically entitled with the right to abuse the international legal order as it is established by modern international law? This research examines these theoretic aspects of the concept “rules-based order”, taking into account that in the context of international relations it may be referred to also as “rules-based international order”. An additional question to answer is whether the concept might be regarded as one of the numerous attempts to adapt the current international law to new challenges.MATERIALS AND METHODS. The research paper is based on the analysis of numerous statements of representatives of states, in which their attitude to the “rules-based order” concept is manifested, positive and critical remarks relating to the concept made by international lawyers, as well as other research papers of Russian and foreign international scholars. The methodological instruments include general scientific and special methods, among them the historical method, methods of formal logic, analysis, synthesis, as well as systemic, comparative legal methods.RESEARCH RESULTS. Although the above-noted questions about the legal meaning of the term “rulesbased order” have arisen only in recent years mainly in the context of the anti-Russian rhetoric of Western politicians, the term has been used much earlier at different levels in a wide variety of topics. The question of inconsistent perceptions of this term is another reflection of a more general problem of weakening or strengthening the universal legally binding international order. One of the appropriate interpretive versions of this concept might be that “rules-based order” means first and foremost the world order which is based on norms of international law (which are mandatory as well known), and on applicable non-binding international rules containing a normative element, such as international rules provided in the documents of intergovernmental organizations and conferences, interstate political arrangements, and other mutually accepted rules, formed in the contemporary practice of international relations. This interpretation allows to bring the concept in line with modern international law. Nevertheless, even within such interpretation, it is necessary to respect the distinction between the norms of international law, which are binding, and other rules, which do not create State’s obligations under international law. Thus, unilateral or “blocking” imposition of values of one State on other States under the guise of rules on which, according to the first State, the world order is based, will not be allowed.DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS. If another interpretation prevails, the “rules-based order” concept may have a negative impact on the existing international legal order insofar as it “washes out” the established legitimate procedures of international law-making, thus rejecting traditional international values of legal stability and diminishing the role of international law in international relations. Such scenario would not only multiply legal uncertainly and even unreasonable expectations among the participants of the international processes, but also might lead to undermining the very fundamentals of modern international law based on the UN Charter. The latter in its turn will inevitably lead to the global legal instability and will dramatically increase the risks of World War III. At the moment, the frequent abuse of the term “rules-based order” by the representatives of the NATO countries in support of their politically motivated statements, agreed upon only among them, impedes achievement of accepted understanding of the concept at the universal level, that might be consistent with international law.
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Carrai, Maria Adele. "Chinese Political Nostalgia and Xi Jinping's Dream of Great Rejuvenation." International Journal of Asian Studies 18, no. 1 (July 29, 2020): 7–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479591420000406.
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China's emergence as a great power has been accompanied by the official rhetoric of the China Dream of Great Rejuvenation (weida fuxing 伟大复兴). Although there are conflicting views among academics and political elites about the exact content of the China Dream, one of its features is the nostalgia for China's past and its five-thousand-year-old civilization. Xi Jinping's current rhetoric of a China Dream of Great Rejuvenation uses a reinvented history as an asset for the future, linking China's natural progress as a global power with a selective re-reading of its millennial history. While much existing literature already discusses China's Great Rejuvenation, this article looks more specifically at the role of historical memory and deconstructs the key interconnected components that support Xi's rhetoric, namely, the chosen trauma, glory, and amnesia. The conclusion offers some general remarks about the effect of this rhetoric on China's domestic and foreign policy and some of the risks that accompany it. This article contributes to the debates on the influence of memory in International Relations (IR), showing how constructed memories of history can significantly impact both national identity and foreign policy.
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Sіuta, Halyna. "Precedent statements in contemporary Ukrainian political rhetoric." Culture of the Word, no. 90 (2019): 120–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.37919/0201-419x-2019.90.11.
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Political rhetoric is a clearly socio-centric discourse. In the texts that exemplify this discourse, there is a manipulative-speculative experience of interpretation the texts of the previous culture. The main aspects of the pragmatics of precedent statements in the texts of political rhetoric are argumentativeness, manipulativeness and polemicality. Political language units of communication are: 1) unknown to the general public (they testify to the intelligence, education of political speakers), 2) recognizable precedent statements. The using of the latter provides the effect of communicative proximity, the realization of the communicative situation in axiological coordinates «one’s own – another’s». The using of precedent statements in the language of the policy and their receptiveness to the target audience is an indicator of the proportionality of individual, social or national cultural spheres.
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Garcia, Lermie Shayne. "THE PHILIPPINE PRESIDENT’S RHETORIC ON JAPAN-CHINA RIVALRY AND INDEPENDENT FOREIGN POLICY." Journal of Nusantara Studies (JONUS) 3, no. 2 (December 28, 2018): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.24200/jonus.vol3iss2pp1-16.
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This study examines the Japan-China rivalry and independent foreign policy (IFP) rhetoric of Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte. Using both AntConc (concordance program) and conventional reading, this study identifies the themes and aspects as to how he used words related to China and Japan in his speeches. Data analysis reveals that his rhetoric centered on several themes, such as historical relations, brotherly and friendly relations, strategic partnership, China as an economic and military superpower, development assistance, and as point of reference, among others. Contrary to what Duterte portrays as IFP, the study shows that even after two years into his presidency, nothing has really changed in the Philippines. His promise of pursuing an IFP policy has neither taken the form of a concrete plan nor materialized as a policy. This paper argues that the ambivalence in Duterte’s foreign policy rhetoric is just a strategy to accommodate China’s influence while maintaining his nationalist narrative. His IFP rhetoric is just a manifestation of continuing dependency to outside powers. No matter how different it initially seemed to be from previous administrations in the way that it entertains other powers such as China and Japan apart from the US, it still cannot be considered as IFP.Keywords: Independent foreign policy, Japan-China rivalry, Philippine foreign policy under Duterte, presidential speech analysis, Rodrigo DuterteCite as: Garcia, L.S.S. (2018). The Philippine president’s rhetoric on Japan-China rivalry and independent foreign policy. Journal of Nusantara Studies, 3(2),1-16.http://dx.doi.org/10.24200/jonus.vol3iss2pp1-16
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Ooi, Su-Mei, and Gwen D’Arcangelis. "Framing China: Discourses of othering in US news and political rhetoric." Global Media and China 2, no. 3-4 (September 2017): 269–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2059436418756096.
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Evtyushin, Kirill A. "FOREIGN POLICY OF CHINA IN THE POLITICAL RHETORIC OF ITS LEADERS." RSUH/RGGU Bulletin. Series Political Science. History. International Relations. Area Studies. Oriental Studies, no. 2 (2016): 80–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-6339-2016-2-80-92.
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Gul, Shabnam, Zainab Asif Dar, and Kishwar Munir. "The Interplay of Rhetoric and Voting Behavior in Pakistan: The Perspective of Youth." Global Regional Review V, no. II (June 30, 2020): 215–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/grr.2020(v-ii).23.
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Political communication is one of the major aspects of any political system. The speeches of politicians, especially the political party leaders, are an important source of political awareness regarding pertinent issues facing any country. However, politicians often rely on political rhetoric to appeal to the emotions of prospective voters. This paper explored the use of political rhetoric in political discourse in Pakistan. Political rhetoric pertains to exaggeration of reality and distortion of facts to change the views and perception of the public. Politicians actively use this as a tool to gain the support of their potential voters in their electoral campaigns. The researchers analyzed the statements of leaders of three major political parties in Pakistan. It has been concluded from this research that politicians focus on populist political rhetoric when they address their voters to garner support rather than educating them about real political, social, and economic challenges. Thus political rhetoric is a significant factor in voting behavior.
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Clarke, Michael. "Kant's Rhetoric of Enlightenment." Review of Politics 59, no. 1 (1997): 53–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500027157.
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This article examines Kant'sWhat is Enlightenment?andThe Conflict of the Facultieswith a view to recovering certain neglected aspects of his defense of freedom in the public use of reason. Kant's arguments in the two works are the most tangible expression of the concern with the scope and limits of reason in politics that runs throughout his political philosophy. Yet the political purpose and rhetorical strategy of that defense has received less attention than it deserves. Kant contends the possibility of establishing ends set by reason as critical standards in politics depends on rulers being persuaded that their interests are best served by cooperating with philosophers. The famous distinction inWhat is Enlightenment?between the public and private uses of reason proposes the terms of this cooperation. InThe Conflict of The FacultiesKant makes similar arguments in defense of the university. He presents it as an institution that exists to serve governments but that can also pursue enlightening ends if government grants it the freedom to do so. The article attempts to show Kant's awareness of enduring conflicts between reason and authority in politics, and it argues that his defense of the public use of reason addresses them in a way that is still worthy of our attention.
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MALYGINA, ELENA V., and ANNA M. IVANOVA. "SOCIOLINGUISTIC ASPECTS OF POLITICAL CORRECTNESS IN ENGLISH." Theoretical and Applied Linguistics, no. 3 (2021): 140–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.22250/2410-7190_2021_7_3_140_148.
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The paper examines the issue of political correct (PC) language as deeply rooted in a set of values and beliefs of the Anglo-American democratic ideology. The review of foreign and Russian-language literature enables to specify key cultural prerequisites of the PC phenomenon and shed light on the current state of the problem. We aimed to use a number of examples from academic literature to describe the factors contributing to the popularity of politically correct vocabulary in all spheres of public communication with the focus on different approaches to the euphemistic nature of PC expressions. Empirical research methods were used including targeted selection of theoretical information on the studied issue and practical language material to study the controversial issue of interpretation and rereading of canonical texts through the lens of political correctness. The conclusion was made that classical and academic literature should not be subjected to the current PC rhetoric and ideology.
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Richter, Matthias L. "Handling a double-edged sword: Controlling rhetoric in early China." Asiatische Studien - Études Asiatiques 68, no. 4 (December 19, 2014): 1021–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/asia-2014-0048.
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Abstract The present essay discusses rhetorics as an instrument of both persuasion and deception. Early Chinese political thought shows a keen awareness of the deceptive potential immanent in rhetorical skills. Multiple texts warn against certain types of rhetorical behaviour that entail a potential threat to the ruler's control over political power. Yet, at the same time rhetorical skills were also a desirable qualification. While most texts from early China discuss rhetorical skills in general terms as an asset or a threat to the ruler's power, some texts reflect rhetorical skills in more detail, describing specific types of rhetorical behaviour. This essay introduces examples of such texts that were probably first composed as pragmatic texts for application in political practice, before they were integrated into larger compilations or literary texts for argumentative purposes. The essay also shows that these pragmatic texts used a set of technical terms, some of which were no longer recognized in the later transmission, which often led to changes in the texts.
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da Silva Bezerra, Valdir. "Brazil’s viewpoints on international organizations: Political aspects." BRICS Journal of Economics 3, no. 1 (May 16, 2022): 73–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.3897/brics-econ.3.e81072.
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Recent (geo)political tensions, the impact of the Covid-19 pandemic and the rise of nationalism worldwide have brought to the forefront processes of (de)globalization both in social, political, and economic terms. In this context, we place questions: How have Brazil’s views on international organizations changed over the years and why does it matter when it comes to understanding the country’s recent contribution to the processes of (de)globalization? To answer the aforementioned questions, this article discusses some of Brazil’s main points of view on international organizations (IOs) from a historical perspective. Therefore, we aim to analyze the criticism and political positions of Brazil regarding the most relevant IOs over time, from the League of Nations to the United Nations and the Bretton Woods institutions. Additionally, this paper addresses Jair Bolsonaro’s (de)globalization positions, especially in view of his peculiar foreign policy oriented towards the contestation of the system. As a concluding point, we provide sufficient evidence on Bolsonaro’s political inclination towards processes of (de)globalization based on his contempt for the so-called ‘globalism’, as well as his nationalistic rhetoric.
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Curran, Eleanor. "Hobbes on Equality: Context, Rhetoric, Argument." Hobbes Studies 25, no. 2 (2012): 166–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18750257-02502003.
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It is often argued that Hobbes’s arguments for natural and political equality are used instrumentally. This paper does not argue against the instrumental arguments but seeks to broaden the discussion; to analyse aspects of Hobbes’s arguments and comments on equality that are often ignored. In the context of the anti-egalitarian arguments of leading contemporary royalist commentators, Hobbes’s arguments and remarks are strikingly egalitarian. The paper argues, first, that there is an ideological disagreement between Hobbes and leading royalists on equality. Second, that Hobbes believes in natural equality as well as using the arguments for equality instrumentally.
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Wang, Weihong, and Xiao Lan Curdt-Christiansen. "Teaching Chinese to International Students in China: Political Rhetoric and Ground Realities." Asia-Pacific Education Researcher 25, no. 5-6 (September 30, 2016): 723–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s40299-016-0316-z.
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van Dijk, Teun A. "War rhetoric of a little ally." Journal of Language and Politics 4, no. 1 (June 8, 2005): 65–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.4.1.04dij.
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In this paper we examine some of the properties of the speeches by former Prime Minister José María Aznar held in Spanish parliament in 2003 legitimating his support of the USA and the threatening war against Iraq. The theoretical framework for the analysis is a multidisciplinary CDA approach relating discursive, cognitive and sociopolitical aspects of parliamentary debates. It is argued that speeches in parliament should not only be defined in terms of their textual properties, but also in terms of a contextual analysis. Besides an analysis of the usual properties of ideological and political discourse, such as positive self-presentation and negative other-presentation and other rhetoric devices, special attention is paid to political implicatures defined as inferences based on general and particular political knowledge as well as on the context models of Aznar’s speeches.
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Arakaki, Robert. "Mitt Romney's Tough-on-China Rhetoric and the 2012 Presidential Campaign." Asian Politics & Policy 5, no. 1 (January 2013): 151–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/aspp.12007.
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Weiss, Jessica Chen, and Allan Dafoe. "Authoritarian Audiences, Rhetoric, and Propaganda in International Crises: Evidence from China." International Studies Quarterly 63, no. 4 (September 3, 2019): 963–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/isq/sqz059.
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Abstract How do government rhetoric and propaganda affect mass reactions in international crises? Using two scenario-based survey experiments in China, one hypothetical and one that selectively reminds respondents of recent events, we assess how government statements and propaganda impact Chinese citizens’ approval of their government's performance in its territorial and maritime disputes. We find evidence that citizens disapprove more of inaction after explicit threats to use force, suggesting that leaders can face public opinion costs akin to audience costs in an authoritarian setting. However, we also find evidence that citizens approve of bluster—vague and ultimately empty threats—suggesting that talking tough can provide benefits, even in the absence of tough action. In addition, narratives that invoke future success to justify present restraint increase approval, along with frames that emphasize a shared history of injustice at the hands of foreign powers.
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Garver, Eugene. "Deliberative Rhetoric and Ethical Deliberation." Polis: The Journal for Ancient Greek Political Thought 30, no. 2 (2013): 189–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/20512996-90000538.
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Central to Aristotle’s Ethics is the virtue of phronēsis, a good condition of the rational part of the soul that determines the means to ends set by the ethical virtues. Central to the Rhetoric is the art of presenting persuasive deliberative arguments about how to secure the ends set by the audience and its constitution. What is the relation between the art and the virtue of deliberation? Rhetorical facility can be a deceptive facsimile of virtuous reasoning, but there can be more fruitful connections as well. In particular, the experience of judging rhetorical arguments can aid in the development of phronēsis through exercising those aspects of phronēsis that are not so intimately tied to the ethical virtues. Judging the advice given by others leads to excellence in reasoning practically for oneself.
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BOUZEKRI, Mohammed, and Mohammed SALAMI. "THE RHETORIC OF POLITICAL DISCOURSE: A SIMEO - PRAGMATIC APPROACH." RIMAK International Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 03, no. 05 (June 1, 2021): 330–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.47832/2717-8293.5-3.31.
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The main step in this research assumes that political discourse should be treated as a convincing speech that pleads the different means of linguistic and non-linguistic argumentations to influence and induce the recipient, where we will discuss political discourse in terms of semiotic and pragmatics behaviors that take it out of a normal nature to a different coding. We will also see it as a new organization of semantic units at the heart of the culture incubating meanings, as accessing and reviving them, but it is done by digging into the memory of the political, and evoking - as much as possible - its cultural dimensions, which can only be done by activating the semantic power. From this perception, everything that is politicized can refer to a particular human situation that is culturally framed, through certain cultural conditions but with the need to know the semantic relationships that allow us to move from direct reporting cases to various possible inspirational and dynamic aspects.
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Dai, Xin. "An Analysis of Identification Theory in Political Fable—A Case Study of Animal Farm." Journal of Innovation and Social Science Research 8, no. 7 (July 30, 2021): 117–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.53469/jissr.2021.08(07).22.
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Under the guidance of Burke’s identification theory, this paper analyzes the speech of the old Major in the first chapter of Animal Farm from a rhetorical perspective and finds that the old Major persuades his audience, i.e., the other animals, to gain the identification from two aspects: identification by content and identification by form, thus causing the successful uprising of the animals that follows in the storyline. This study explores the embodiment of rhetoric in political fables and analyzes the rationale embedded in the fable from a new perspective, that of rhetoric.
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White, Gordon. "Political Aspects of Rural Economic Reform in China." IDS Bulletin 18, no. 3 (July 1987): 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1759-5436.1987.mp18003011.x.
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Bartolucci, Valentina. "Terrorism rhetoric under the Bush Administration." Journal of Language and Politics 11, no. 4 (December 31, 2012): 562–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.11.4.05bar.
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In this paper I examine some of the properties of the speeches by former U.S. President George W. Bush framing the issue of terrorism as the most pressing menace humanity is facing and some of the consequences of the selective appropriation of the discourse on terrorism initially instantiated by Bush. The theoretical framework for the analysis is a multidisciplinary Critical Discourse Analysis approach relating discursive and socio-political aspects of U.S. presidential discourses on terrorism in the Bush era. Parallel to an analysis of common characteristics of political discourse, such as ‘us’ versus ‘other’ representations, the device of over/less characterisation, hyperboles and repetitions, attention is also directed towards the socio-political effects deriving from the ways in which ‘terrorism’ and ‘terrorists’ have been represented by the presidential discourse on terrorism that condition the contemporary life of individuals and groups all around the world.
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Davenport, Christian, and Marci Eads. "Cued to Coerce or Coercing Cues? An Exploration of Dissident Rhetoric and its Relationship to Political Repression." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 6, no. 2 (September 1, 2001): 151–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.6.2.4671141747x2k660.
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This article explores whether and how state repression is influenced by a social movement organization's rhetoric; and, conversely, if dissident rhetoric is responsive to authorities' repressive efforts. These relationships are examined with data generated from several newspapers within the Bay area, across 253 weeks from 1969 to 1973, concerning rhetoric of the Black Panther Party (BPP) as well as police and court repression directed against the Panther organization. The results of the statistical analysis are mixed. Several aspects of BPP rhetoric increase both police and court-ordered repression, albeit at different magnitudes and lags. Moreover, results disclose that only police repression influences the discussion of particular topics in the Panther newspaper—the same topics that induce protest policing (again, across different lags). The analysis complements existing research on the conflict-repression nexus, but it also forces us to consider state-dissident interactions in a more comprehensive manner.
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Uras, Alessandro. "The South China Sea and the Building of a National Maritime Culture." Asian Survey 57, no. 6 (November 2017): 1008–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2017.57.6.1008.
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This article investigates the nationalistic rhetoric disseminated by the Chinese political elite regarding the South China Sea, exploring how this political discourse contributed to building a collective consciousness of the sea among Chinese citizens and to creating a new maritime province.
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Meland, Ingmar. "“Den høyere retorikk” hos Hume." Rhetorica Scandinavica 22, no. 78 (December 1, 2018): 53–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.52610/nght1386.
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Our understanding of David Hume’s philosophy in general can benefit from being read as part of the history of rhetoric. In connection with some relatively new studies of Hume, the article tries to show what makes Hume’s philosophy relevant to political rhetoric today. The starting point is that Hume’s Treatise can be regarded as a rhetorical anthropology and that this anthropology gives us keys to a reading of the essay Of Eloquence. By separating Hume’s rhetorical anthropology from his own philosophical rhetoric, as well as from his views on the art of everyday conversation and political rhetoric, his use of ancient forms and his retrenchment of the gentleman’s ideals of his time are highlighted to offer a fresh perspective on what these aspects of Hume’s philosophy might imply today
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Stroud, Scott R. "Kant, Rhetoric, and the Challenges of Freedom." Journal for the History of Rhetoric 18, no. 2 (July 2015): 181–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/jhistrhetoric.18.2.0181.
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ABSTRACT Kant clearly valued freedom in his moral philosophy, but he also seemed to distance the moral realm from the activities of rhetoric. This article challenges the long-standing concept of Kant as anti-rhetoric, complicating the view that rhetoric had no place in Kant’s philosophy. After examining the centrality of freedom as autonomy in Kant’s moral and political philosophy, this article carefully dissects Kant’s pronouncements on rhetoric in his various works. The conclusion reached is that Kant advances a bifurcated notion of rhetoric, with some uses of communicative means being characterized by freedom-restricting features and other employments foregrounding autonomy-enhancing aspects. This latter sense of communication is what can be identified as Kant’s educative rhetoric given its focus on preserving and promoting the freedom of both rhetor and audience.
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Shiu-hing, Lo. "Aspects of Political Development in Macao." China Quarterly 120 (December 1989): 837–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s030574100001849x.
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Under the terms of a secret agreement reached between China and Portugal in 1979, Portugal was to continue administering Macao but sovereignty was transferred to China. Eight years later however, the Sino–Portuguese agreement on Macao's future was signed, which stipulated that it would become a Chinese Special Administrative Region on 20 December 1999. Whereas the transitional stage from Portuguese to Chinese administration began in 1987, political development started in 1976 when the principle of democracy was introduced into the colonial legislature (two years after a military coup had toppled the regime of Marcello Caetano in Portugal). This article will explore aspects of Macao's political development since the Portuguese revolution in 1974.
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Nilsson, Bo, and Anna Sofia Lundgren. "‘For a living countryside’: Political rhetoric about Swedish rural areas." European Urban and Regional Studies 25, no. 1 (December 8, 2016): 72–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0969776416679216.
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The expression ‘a living countryside’ is often used to characterize the goal of Swedish rural politics. In this article the use of the expression in 170 non-government bills related to Swedish rural politics is analysed using discourse theory. On a general level, the expression was found to be empty of meaning and open for use by different and often opposing political parties proposing different and sometimes antagonistic measures. However, there were aspects of it that flirted with positively charged notions of Swedish national identity. It was also clear that the discursive struggle for a living countryside was also part of a party-political struggle. Further, the fantasy of a living countryside performed an ideological function in that it under-communicated how rural areas are generally and structurally subordinated to urban centres in ways that reach far beyond easily performed measures and political party quarrels.
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Ye, Min. "FRAGMENTED MOTIVES AND POLICIES: THE BELT AND ROAD INITIATIVE IN CHINA." Journal of East Asian Studies 21, no. 2 (July 2021): 193–217. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jea.2021.15.
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AbstractObservers have portrayed the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) variously, as China's great-power strategy, global infrastructure initiative, or commercial projects. Each characterization has had logical reasoning and evidence to support it. But how? How has one initiative been shown to have such varied motives? This article unpacks the Chinese state and establishes that a “tri-block” structure consisting of political leadership, bureaucracy, and economic arms has accounted for such varied motivations and actors in the BRI in China. In the BRI process, the leadership employed strategic rhetoric, and bureaucracies imposed policy ideas. Yet, more pervasively, the implementers have followed commercial motives in specific projects. BRI's strategic rhetoric and hazardous investment have generated external critiques and anti-China backlash, forcing Beijing to readjust the initiative. However, given the tri-block state structure, Beijing's policy adjustment will not be sufficient. Economic actors’ incentives need to be shifted too.
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Frandsen, Finn, and Winni Johansen. "The Rhetoric of Green Hotels." HERMES - Journal of Language and Communication in Business 14, no. 27 (February 27, 2017): 55. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/hjlcb.v14i27.25649.
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The last two decades have seen environmentalism become a core value in western societies. This evolution, and in particular the rise of environmental consumerism, has not only forced the marketplace to be more responsive to products and services promising environmental responsibility, but has also created new types of communication, including new text genres and a new rhetoric. The purpose of this article is to analyse the environmental rhetoric of green hotels in Denmark. The article briefly presents the differences and similarities between political and commercial green discourse and then discusses the paradoxes of green marketing as reflected in the texts of some of the most important green hotel chains and associations of green hotels in Denmark. The article devotes its analysis to select rhetorical aspects of two genres, the green hotel brochure and the green card or "towel card".
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TSAI, TUNG-CHIEH, and TONY TAI-TING LIU. "Whither East Asian Regionalism? China's Pragmatism and Community Building Rhetoric." Japanese Journal of Political Science 14, no. 4 (October 30, 2013): 543–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109913000261.
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AbstractDespite numerous published writings on China's regional role, the world still knows very little about Beijing's perception and strategy. This article seeks to make an intellectual contribution in understanding China's foreign policy and its efforts to participate in East Asian integration. This article argues that under the rhetoric of peaceful development and community building, China's foreign policy is pragmatic and changes with the tide of events in international relations. China's participation in regional integration serves as a good case for examining changes in Beijing's strategy. In the past two decades, China has moved from a reluctant participant of regional affairs to an active participant and potential future leader. China's adjusting role is a consequence of Beijing's pragmatism in policy and its growing economic confidence. Pragmatism has led China to ‘hide its light under a bushel’ and wait for the proper timing to step onto the world stage.
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Duan, Demin. "On Authoritarian Political Representation in Contemporary China." Politics and Governance 7, no. 3 (September 24, 2019): 199–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v7i3.2119.
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Both in the Party Charter and in the State Constitution, the Chinese Communist Party claims to represent the Chinese people. Instead of treating this claim as mere rhetoric made by the party for propaganda purposes, this article demonstrates that it indicates a rather significant transition in the party’s understanding of its relationship with the people. Particularly, roughly about two decades into the Open and Reform policy initiated under the leadership of Deng Xiaoping, the party made a strategic choice in imagining itself as the representative of the people instead of the revolutionary vanguard. This change in the language was very remarkable in the post-1949 Chinese history, in the sense that the party no longer considers itself as the facilitator of proletariat revolution, but as the authoritarian representative in the political community. If representation means “re-presentation”, as in bringing something absent present, this appears to be what the party tries to do. By embodying the nation, the party tries to represent both the rich and the poor, acting as the arbiter of forever present discords and conflicts within the society. Clearly, this representation has nothing to do with what people usually call “democratic” representation. But considering that representation and democracy are conceptually rooted in very different sources, exploring “authoritarian representation” in contemporary China would enable us to better understand both China and democratic representation.
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Kashin, V. B., V. A. Smirnova, and I. V. Aksenov. "Political Aspects of COVID-19 Epidemic Crisis in China." Journal of International Analytics 11, no. 1 (March 28, 2020): 27–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2020-11-1-27-41.
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The global spread of coronavirus infection has given States the task of taking decisive measures to respond quickly and on a large scale to the challenge of existing management systems. China has demonstrated successful mobilization mechanisms to combat the negative effects of the pandemic: the necessary measures have been taken to inform the population and stop panic, control and prevent coronavirus, and mitigate the impact on the economy. However, the weak side was the inability to take priority measures in the face of uncertainty, which did not prevent the development of the epidemic at its initial stage. This provoked a search for those responsible among the Chinese leadership, becoming another source of tension in relations between China and the West. Despite the relative success of the measures taken, the situation in China itself remains tense: it faces challenges to prevent a re-outbreak of infection and to restore the economy in the face of information and economic pressure from the United States. In this context, the authors analyze the features of information support for measures taken in China to combat the spread of coronavirus infection and their impact on the domestic and foreign policy situation.
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Bachman, David. "Aspects of an Institutionalizing Political System: China, 1958–1965." China Quarterly 188 (December 2006): 933–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741006000506.
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This article uses newly available Chinese sources to take a different look at aspects of the Chinese political system and the Chinese state during 1958 to 1965. While not challenging the literature on elite power issues, it demonstrates that much more was going on within the Chinese state than has been widely appreciated. In particular, the article focuses on the formal legal process, where it appears that the use of courts was extensive throughout the per-Cultural Revolution period and where the verdict of not guilty, not punished occurred more frequently in China than it did in American federal criminal cases; on the growing breakdown of the Party elite; and on China's preparation for war, basically an ongoing process of the Chinese state from 1962 on, with extensive militarization even earlier.
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Yeoh, Friven. "The People’s Courts and Arbitration A Snapshot of Recent Judicial Attitudes on Arbitrability and Enforcement." Journal of International Arbitration 24, Issue 6 (December 1, 2007): 635–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/joia2007047.
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The legislative regime in mainland China is often said to be pro-arbitration. Yet, the People’s Courts retain significant jurisdiction to make rulings with regard to the arbitration process as well as the resulting arbitral award. This article examines a number of recent Chinese court decisions and considers how well the proarbitration rhetoric has played out in reality. The authors observe that certain aspects of the People’s Courts’ recent rulings are already in conformity with international norms, such as the arbitrability of tortious claims in China and its adherence to the doctrine of separability of the arbitration clause. Nevertheless, other aspects of the system remain troubling for foreign parties. These aspects include the Supreme People’s Court’s restrictive approach to intervention by or joinder of parties who are not signatories to the arbitration agreement, uncertainty over the “public policy” and “social and public interest” exceptions to enforcement of arbitral awards and the status of awards issued by foreign arbitration institutions in China.
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Butterfield, Rya. "The Rhetoric of Mao Zedong: Transforming China and Its People." Rhetoric and Public Affairs 22, no. 3 (September 1, 2019): 464–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.14321/rhetpublaffa.22.3.0464.
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Zhdanov, V. L., and K. T. Antrushina. "Political Aspects of International Cooperation in Space." Administrative Consulting, no. 11 (December 23, 2022): 10–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/1726-1139-2022-11-10-19.
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The article discusses the role of international cooperation in relation to advanced space programs, especially in the interests of developing countries. Options for international cooperation in space projects such as the ISS and the Tiangong space station. The author of the calculation that China’s defense space project, the Tiangong space station, is a promising area of cooperation between Russia and China. To implement this project, China is emphasizing global cooperation and inviting more advanced space nations to release large amounts of hydrocarbons. In addition, China provides an opportunity to participate in long-term countries in the interest of greater international cooperation. The purpose of this international study is to analyze the situation in the field of relations in the field of space, as well as a forecast on the implementation of promising space projects and the development of international space cooperation. The methodological component of the study of systemic, functional, comparable, normative-value, as well as prognostic methods. The author also came to the conclusion that the current geopolitical situation requires immediate decision-making on making decisions on amending most international acts.
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Byshok, Stanislav O. "Migration and Recent Aspects of Right-Wing Populist Discourse in Europe." RUDN Journal of Political Science 22, no. 3 (December 15, 2020): 443–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2020-22-3-443-457.
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Intensifying migration processes in the West are reflected in certain changes in the discourse of European right-wing populist and nationalist parties. Along with anti-mass migration sentiments, rhetoric of these political forces demonstrates new elements related to the topics of the clash of civilizations (Huntington), as well as civilizational solidarity - the ideas of civilizationism (Brubaker). In the context of global transformations and changes in the ethno-cultural landscape of the continent, European nationalists became less prone to tradition for their ideology thesis of intra-European animosity. On the other hand, it tend to rhetorically transform, and usually extend, the boundaries of imagined community of the European fortress, which needs to be defended. Principal dichotomy of todays European right-wing populist rhetoric is represented by the secular post-Christian community (us) and seemingly archaic and fundamentalist migrant community from Muslim countries (the others).
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Yakobson, Alexander. "Political Rhetoric in China and in Imperial Rome: the Persuader, the Ruler, the Audience." Extrême-Orient, Extrême-Occident, no. 34 (November 1, 2012): 195–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/extremeorient.263.
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Gamble, Jos. "The rhetoric of the consumer and customer control in China." Work, Employment and Society 21, no. 1 (March 2007): 7–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0950017007073609.
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Nowicki, Michał. "Retoryka i historia w służbie wychowania w Polsce na podstawie analizy skryptu wykładów retoryki w Kolegium Jezuitów w Poznaniu z 1679 roku." Biuletyn Historii Wychowania, no. 29 (February 4, 2019): 15–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/bhw.2013.29.2.
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Rhetoric and History in the service of education in Poland on the basis of the script of rhetoric lectures at the College of the Jesuits in Poznan from 1679.The most important subject of the Old-Polish educational system was rhetoric, having roots in the tradition of the Ancient Rome. This statement is very important because of the fact of the orator’s moral and patriotic duties. Owing to this, the lessons’ focus was not only on technical aspects of rhetoric education but also on morality, religion and political knowledge. The article is divided into two main parts. First of them is describing the role of the rhetorical education and the evolution of the connection between rhetoric and history which existed from the 1st century A.D. until the first decades of the 18th century, when history started separating from rhetoric. The second part shows the historical education in practice on the example of the Jesuit College in Poznań. The analysis of this topic was based on the script of rhetoric lectures given in Poznań in 1679. With regard to this manuscript, it could be said that the most important aim of historical education was the patriotic and civil upbringing of the pupils, so that they could participate in political and cultural reality. The history taught in the College in Poznań was mainly connected with Poland and was rather practica