Dissertations / Theses: 'Rhetoric – Political aspects – China'

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Zhao, Geng Ping Holly. "Rhetorical devices and translation in political discourse :a case study of Xi Jinping : The Governance of China." Thesis, University of Macau, 2018. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b3954472.

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Fang, Xiaodong. "Anti-China rhetoric, presidential elections and U.S. foreign policy towards China." Thesis, Georgetown University, 2016. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10128065.

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Is anti-China rhetoric an effective strategy in U.S. presidential campaigns? If the answer is Yes, then to what extent does anti-China rhetoric affect them? If the answer is No, then why have so many presidential candidates used anti-China rhetoric in recent campaigns? Is anti-China rhetoric only election-driven? Is it also policy-driven? Do presidential candidates use anti-China rhetoric to seek voter support, as well as propose changes in U.S. foreign policy towards China?

Conventional wisdom and scholars like Robert Sutter suggest that foreign policy has little effect on American presidential elections and anti-foreign rhetoric by presidential candidates does not matter to American foreign policy and foreign relations. In this dissertation, however, I argue the opposite that anti-China rhetoric exercises significant influence on American presidential elections and foreign policy towards China. The dissertation addresses two fundamental questions: 1) what is the effect of anti-China rhetoric on American presidential elections? And 2) what is the effect of anti-China rhetoric on American foreign policy towards China, American public opinion towards China, and U.S.-China relationship? To answer the first question about elections, I focus on televised campaign commercials and statistically estimate the effect of anti-China rhetoric on seeking voter support in the presidential election. The data I examine come from the “Wisconsin Advertising Project” and various election polls in 2008. I answer the second question about foreign policy by exploring the contents of anti-China rhetoric in campaign activities including ads, candidates’ speeches and debates, and public statements about policy towards China and how that rhetoric affects subsequent American foreign policy towards China, as well as public opinion of China and U.S.-China relations. My statistical and qualitative analyses find that airing ads using anti-China rhetoric increases the presidential candidate’s voter support in target states; that the administration is more likely to make tough foreign policies towards China when there is more anti-China rhetoric by presidential candidates; and thirdly, that anti-China rhetoric during the election year negatively affects American opinions of China but produces a positive impact on U.S.-China relations.

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Lam, Maggie, and 林美琪. "Language and politics: use and abuse of language in political rhetoric." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2007. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B38429494.

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Chambers, Carmel M. "Rhetoric in British Columbia : an analysis of its influence upon adult education and women." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/25364.

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The topic under consideration is the rhetoric of British Columbia's political leaders and their strategic use of language whereby the government maintains its position of power and authority, implements its own ideological priorities, even if unpopular, and deprives the opposition of its ability to effectively mount a counter strategy. Aspects of political philosophies, human nature, scientific knowledge, education, and alternate feminist political philosophical views are presented. Brief sketches of Constitutionalism, The Rule of Law and ideological bases of modern political systems, liberalism and socialism, are considered in the context of a political spectrum that spans communism to fascism. An analytical framework adapted from the classical rhetoric of Aristotle and the new rhetoric of Kenneth Burke is used to examine the rhetoric and actions of the political leaders of British Columbia. Findings indicate that the strategies employed are effective and persuasive to the dominant majority of the populace. Components of strategy are identified which are deemed necessary in order that a democratically elected government may pursue successfully, a revolutionary political ideological change in its philosophy. Priorities and areas of social concern are identified in terms of their esteem for the present government leaders. The market principle and technology are the sacred cows. Education of a liberal kind, women, the welfare state, are a sow's ear. One recommendation is that adult education unite with movements that espouse and practice like philosophies so that it is strengthened and rejuvenated in its mandate and not precipitated to bend to the prevailing political ideology.
Education, Faculty of
Educational Studies (EDST), Department of
Graduate

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Peirce, Karen Patricia. "Alternatives to Argumentation : implications for intercultural rhetoric /." Diss., Find on the web, 2006. http://etd.library.arizona.edu/etd/GetFileServlet?file=file:///data1/pdf/etd/azu%5Fetd%5F1517%5F1%5Fm.pdf&type=application/pdf.

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Halmari, Sirkka Helena. "On dichotomous political rhetoric: With special reference to Ronald Reagan's language." CSUSB ScholarWorks, 1990. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/567.

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James, Edwin M. (Edwin Martin). "Rhetoric as Praxis: A Model for Deconstructing Hermeneutic Discourse." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1993. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc500434/.

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This study proposes a model for the deconstruction of nationalism. Nationalism is a discursive construct. This construct manifests in ideologies and formalizes order. Individuals should question these institutions in order to achieve legitimate societal participation. This criticism can be accomplished through self-reflection. The model demonstrates that sanctioned individual(s) provide interpretations of events. These interpretations recycle authority. The hermeneutic obscures an individual's understanding of the originating fact. Self-reflection allows an individual, such as Malcolm X in the Nation of Islam, to come closer to discovering the original fact. Critiquing the hermeneutic can reveal the imperfections of the message(s). Revealing the imperfections of an ideology is the first step to the liberation of the individual and society.

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Gray, Robert John Stephen, and University of Lethbridge Faculty of Arts and Science. "More than a story : an exploration of political autobiography as persuasive discourse." Thesis, Lethbridge, Alta. : University of Lethbridge, Faculty of Arts and Science, 1998, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/10133/73.

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The epideictic discourse of political autobiography offers a powerful means of persuasion to attitude not otherwise available to politicians. In the extended narrative form of political autobiography, the audience's identification with characters, actions and speaker is central to persuasion. Narrative persuades implicitly by disposing the audience favourably to the rhetor and through the "common-sense assumptions" that the audience supplies in order to understand the discourse. The methodological approach used in this thesis, Fantasy Theme Analysis, addresses how the socialization process that is a primary function of epideictic rhetoric takes place. In the analysis, the rhetorical vision of the "game of politics" and two other fantasy themes are identified. The analysis demonstrates that an audience who identifies with this network of fantasy themes would also be influenced attitudinally and ideologically. The author concludes that political autobiography deserves further study because of its potentially important role in political persuasion.
vi, 95 leaves ; 29 cm

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Lin, Zhong Xuan. "Towards a politics of ourselves :Chinese internet celebrity's practices of self-governance." Thesis, University of Macau, 2017. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b3690692.

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Ye, Ming, and 葉明. "The political economy of urban space: centralbusiness district development in Shanghai and Hong Kong." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2005. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B45015193.

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黃慧芳 and Wai-fong Wong. "Birth control policies in China and India since the 1950s: the political arena." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1997. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B4389379X.

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Li, Luxia. "The social roles of Chinese political blogosphere in the age of "we media" : a case study of Lianghui Blogs." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2008. http://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/933.

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Dantile, Julius Jabavu Thami. "Uhlalutyo lwee-akhawunti zopolitiko emzantsi Afrika." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53704.

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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2003.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study examines the effectiveness and inducement of political rhetoric in South African context. Political discourse has become more significant in South Africa since the sanction of a democratic political dispensation. This study is motivated by the events occurred as from 1998, which demand accounts from those implicated. Comments and reactions pertaining to events such as the Pan Africanist Congress (PAC)- led land grabbing in BredeII, near Kempton Park, Gauteng; the Youth Day incident -16 June 2001; the ongoing tug-of-war between the ANC and its ally, Congress of South African Trade Unions (Cosatu) over strategic government policies; and Tony Yengeni's advertised refutation of getting kickbacks from the 'Arms Deal', have been the main focus of this study. These accounts have made it possible to apply Benoit's (1995) integrated image restoration strategies theory, which he developed from a variety of theories developed to understanding why certain utterances are made in certain contexts. The fundamental approach to developing Benoit's integrated theory originates from a constant interest by linguists and communication theorists in particular, and social psychologists in general, to understanding the dynamics of politeness in social context. Chapter 2 of this study presents a theoretical background to the development of politeness theory. Chapter 3 summarises the development of integrated image restoration strategies theory in public and social contexts. Chapter 4 deals with the application of Benoit's integrated image restoration strategies theory through the critical analysis of the abovementioned accounts from a weekly Internet publication, ANC Today, vol 1, no: 1, 2001, which serve as a platform for the ANC to counteract the pervasiveness of political scandal in South African politics. Tony Yengeni's newspaper advertisement was of great interest as it was the first independent and personally paid public statement by a South African politician since the new democratic dispensation. Through the critical analysis of these accounts, it has been found that South African politicians do make public statements implementing defensive and persuasive strategies in order to protect or restore their images.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie ondersoek die doeltreffendheid van die uitoefening van politieke retoriek in die Suid-Afrikaanse konteks. Politieke diskoers het toenemend meer betekenisvol geword sedert die invoer van 'n demokratiese bestel. Hierdie studie is gemotiveer deur die politieke diskoers oor gebeure wat sedert 1998 plaasgevind het, waarvoor die geïmpliseerde persone verduidelikings moes aanbied. Kommentaar en response rakende gebeurtenisse soos die Pan-Afrika Kongres grondbesettings in BredeII, naby Kempton Park, Gauteng; die Jeugdag insident op 16 Junie 2001, die voortgaande dispuut tussen die ANC en sy vennoot, Kongres van Suid- Afrikaanse Werkers Unie (COSATU) oor strategiese regeringsbeleid; en Tony Yengeni se ge-adverteerde weerspreking van bevoordeling uit die Wapenkontrakte, vorm die hooffokus van hierdie studie. Hierdie verduidelikings is ondersoek deur die toepassing van Benoit (1995) se geïntegreerde beeld-herstel strategieë teorie, wat ontwikkel het vanuit 'n verskeidenheid teorieë ontwikkel om te verstaan waarom bepaalde uitinge in bepaalde kontekste gemaak word. Die grondliggende benadering in die ontwikkeling van Benoit se teorie het as oorsprong die belangstelling van taalkundiges en kommunikasie-teoretisie in die besonder, en sosiaal-sielkundiges in die algemeen, om die dinamika te verstaan van beleefdheid in sosiale konteks. Hoofstuk 2 van hierdie studie bied die teoretiese agtergrond van die ontwikkeling van beleefdheidsteorie. Hoofstuk 3 gee 'n opsomming van die ontwikkeling van geïntegreerde beeld-herstel teorie in openbare en sosiale kontekste. Hoofstuk 4 doen 'n toepassing van Benoit se beeld-herstel strategieë teorie deur die kritiese analise van die bogenoemde verduidelikings vanaf die Weeklikse Internet bulletin, 'ANC Today' vol. 1 no. 1, 2001, wat as 'n mondstuk dien vir die ANC om 'n teenstand te bied teen die algemeenheid van politieke skandaal in Suid-Afrikaanse politiek. Tony Yengeni se koerantadvertensie het groot belangstelling uitgelok omdat dit die eerste onafhanklike en persoonlik-betaalde openbare verklaring was wat deur 'n Suid-Afrikaanse politikus gemaak was sedert die instellingvan die demokratiese bestel. Deur die kritiese analise van hierdie verduidelikings is bevind dat Suid-Afrikaanse politici openbare verklarings maak waarin hulle verdedigende en oorredende strategieë implementeer ten einde hul beeld te beskerm en te herstel.
USHWANKATHELO : Olu phando luphonononga ukusebenziseka nokukhuthazeka kokusetyenziswa kobuciko bezopolitiko kwimeko yaseMzantsi Afrika. Idiskhosi yezopolitiko ithande ukubaluleka eMzantsi Afrika ukusukela ngokumiselwa kwenkqubo yolawulo ngedemokrasi. Olu phando lukhuthazwe ziziganeko ezenzeke ukusukela ngo-1998 nezinyanzelise ukunikwa kweeakhawunti ngabo bachaphazelekayo. lintetho neempendulo ezayamene neziganeko ezinjengokurhwaphilizwa komhlaba ngabantu abakhokelwe ngamalungu aphambili e-Pan Africanist Congress (PAC) eBredell ngaseKempton Park, eRhawuntini; isiganeko soSuku loLutsha - 16 Juni 2001; ukuxambulisana phakathi kwe-African National Congress (ANC) kunye nehlakani layo i- Congress of South African Trade Union (Cosatu) ngezicwangciso-nkqubo; kunye nentengiso kaTony Yengeni yokuphika ukufumana izinyobo kuThengo Iwezixhobo, zibe ngumxholo ophambili wolu phando. Ezi akhawunti zenze kukwazeke ukusebenzisa ithiyori ehlangeneyo yobugcisa bokubuyekeza umfanekiso kaBenoit (1995) nayiphuhlise kwiithiyori ezahlukeneyo ezaphuhliselwa ukuqonda kuba kutheni kusenziwa iintetho ezithile ngokweemeko ezithile. Esona siseko singumvulandlela ekuphuhlisweni kwale thiyori kaBenoit sivela kumdla osoloko ukho kwiingcali zolwimi nezonxibelelwano, kunye neesayikholojisti zasekuhlaleni wokufuna ukuqonda ubuchukubhede ngentlonelo kwimeko yasekuhlaleni. Isahluko 2 solu phando sinika imvelaphi yethiyori yokuphuhliswa kwethiyori yentlonelo. Isahluko 3 sishwankathela ukuphuhliswa kwethiyori yobuyekezo lomfanekiso kwimeko yasesidlangalaleni neyasekuhlaleni. Isahluko 4 sijongene nokusetyenziswa kwethiyori yobuyekezo lomfanekiso kaBenoit ngohlalutyo Iwee-akhawunti ezixelwe apha ngentla, nezivela kupapasho Iweveki olukwi-Internet, ANC Today, vol 1, no: 1, 2001 nesebenza njengeqonga le-ANC lokunika izimvo ngeziganeko namanyundululu ezopolitiko eMzantsi Afrika. Intengiso kaTony Yengeni kumaphephandaba yatsala amehlo nanjengoko ibe kokuqala ukwenziwa kwengxelo eloluhlobo ngumpolitiki kweloMzantsi Afrika kweli lixa ledemokrasi. Ngohlalutyo Iwezi akhawunti, kufumaniseke ukuba abapolitiki boMzantsi Afrika bayazenza iingxelo neentetho ezisebenzisa ubugcisa bokuzikhusela nobolukuhlo ngeenjongo zokuzikhusela okanye ukubuyekeza umfanekiso wabo.

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譚美兒 and Mei-yee Eve Tam. "Orientalism and photography." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2002. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B4413938X.

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Tsang, Yik-man Edmond, and 曾奕文. "Beethoven in China: the reception of Beethoven's music and its political implications, 1949-1959." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2003. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31227892.

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Wang, Yuanxin. "Surveying the relationship between the media use and the political interest in China." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2013. http://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/1505.

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Shea, Esther Yi Ping. "The political economy of China's grain policy reform." Title page, contents and abstract only, 2003. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phs5393.pdf.

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Includes bibliographical references (leaves 222-235) Develops a coherent theoretical framework to analyse the formulation of grain procurement policy for the entire history of the PRC. An optimization model is constructed to capture Chinese policy makers' preferences regarding the competing objectives of sectoral income distribition and food security, as well as the factors governing the trade-off between thes two objectives and the choice of policy instruments. Also analyses the impacts of China's accession to WTO on its grain sector. To explain the numerous failures of China's grain policy, studies the problems arising from policy formulation and implementation.

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施達理 and Colin Storey. "The politics of information flow in academic libraries in the People'sRepublic of China 1949-1989: a case study ofmajor institutions in Beijing, Shanghai and Guangzhou." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1999. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31240999.

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Hu, Zhiyi, and 胡志毅. "A study of red tourism in China: exploring the interface between national identity construction and touristexperience." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2009. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B43224246.

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Chan, Wai-ling Jenny, and 陳慧玲. "The labor politics of market socialism: a collective action in a global workplace in South China." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2006. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B37229631.

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Ko, Jessika Li-Juan. "Liability aspects of air transport between Taiwan, Hong Kong and Mainland China." Thesis, McGill University, 1995. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=23959.

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Despite the hitherto unsettled political and legal status of Taiwan, air transportation between Taiwan and Mainland China has experienced tremendous growth since 1987. To date, this air transport has been effected through the use of an intermediate stop station in Hong Kong, in order that both States may avoid the recognition of the other as the legitimate "Chinese Government". However, Hong Kong will revert to the PRC in 1997. As a result, the issue of nonstop flights between Taiwan and the Mainland takes on an added urgency.
This issue is not merely political. In terms of air carrier liability, Taiwan is party to the Warsaw Convention and the Warsaw Convention as Amended by the Hague Protocol, only through its tenuous link with Mainland China. Is the Convention applicable to Taiwan in this case? A number of arguments favoring applicability of the Convention are discussed and found to be wanting. In the alternative, the principle of conflict of laws is proposed as an applicable solution. Since Taiwan and the PRC have a civil law system while Hong Kong has a common law system, the respective legal regulations governing damage compensation in aviation cases differ. The case of liability following a hijacking is used to demonstrate how regulations of the three jurisdictions differ significantly. This leads to a serious problem, namely, "forum shopping". The fact that judicial assistance is not yet practiced between the three jurisdictions creates a further problem in that decisions coming from the different courts cannot be recognized and enforced in the other jurisdictions. In light of all of the foregoing, the existing legal systems cannot adequately address the legal problems of air carrier liability in this region.
As a result of these inadequacies, an alternative mechanism for resolving the issue of air carriers' liability is suggested. This suggested pragmatic approach may also be found applicable for updating existing air transport legal systems elsewhere in the world.

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Chen, Cong. "China's influence on media in southeast Asia : a case study of the Philippines, Thailand and Cambodia." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2020. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_oa/752.

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This thesis interrogates how China influences one of its neighboring regions, Southeast Asia, in the aspect of media. Issues of how China's growing influence extends to media coverage and framing of news involving China and China's engagement in Southeast Asia have been brought up but has not been examined with empirical evidence. The research questions of this thesis concern how China is presented in local reporting in Southeast Asian media and why it is framed as it is portrayed in news media in the region. This research considers whether China's political and financial interests through media ownership, funding, soft power, and other factors are exerting influence on media coverage in Southeast Asia. Drawing on theoretical contributions from the theory of the political economy of media, comparative media systems theory and the theory of public diplomacy, the thesis assesses the situations based on a case study of the Philippines, Thailand and Cambodia by collecting and analyzing empirical data from these three Southeast Asian countries. The mix-method approach has been adopted in this study, which includes a quantitative content analysis on the news content of the selected Southeast Asian newspapers, and a qualitative analysis depending on semi-structured interviews with local media practitioners who share their understanding of journalistic routines and personal experiences in reporting China-related news in the field study. Some noteworthy findings have been drawn from the analysis. China has observable impacts on the media content in the Philippines, Thailand and Cambodia, limited to certain aspects in relation to China's growing regional power. Philippine newspapers adopt considerably more negative frames than newspapers of Thailand and Cambodia. There are unwritten guidelines in their news outlets and certain principles that media practitioners in Southeast Asia need to follow when covering China-related issues.

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Chan, Shuen-yan, and 陳旋茵. "History and memory in Hou Hsiao-hsien's A City of Sadness and Tian Zhuangzhuang's The Blue Kite." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1999. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31951843.

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梁詠雩 and Wing-yue Trini Leung. "The politics of labour rebellions in China, 1989-1994." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1998. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31237320.

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Li, Wen Fei. "Comparison of media frame in Mainland China, Hong Kong and U.S. on two shoe-hurling issues." Thesis, University of Macau, 2010. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2150384.

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徐寶玲 and Po-ling Chui. "Organising for the provision of public housing in Hong Kong: an institutional analysis of publicorganisations and policy design." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1999. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31220708.

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Xia, Lu Harold, and 夏璐. "Politicized academic capitalism: the Chinese communist party's sociopolitical control mechanisms over intellectualsduring the reform era." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2013. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B50899685.

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Why has the significant expansion of a certain social category‘s population and influences– largely resulting from the development of national economy and free market system – NOT frequently caused political instability and unrest to the authoritarian regime during the reform era? How has the regime upgraded its strategies of sociopolitical control by combining the market logics into the conventional approaches? And what strategies has the Party-state adopted so as to preempt and prevent this social category‘s potential challenges from occurring in this ever-changing period? This study undertakes the task of understanding these theoretical questions by looking at the Chinese Communist Party-state‘s sociopolitical control mechanisms over intellectuals during the reform era. Particularly, it primarily seeks to tackle the following empirical issues: How has the state-intellectual relationship in 1990s and the first decade of the 21st century been shaped differently comparing with that in the previous period? Why has it been shaped in that particular pattern? In the face of what kinds of institutional and intellectual challenges has the CCP inherited and created a number of different forms of sociopolitical control mechanisms over intellectuals for the persistence of its authoritarian rule in China? And to what extent could this particular pattern of state-intellectual relationship drawn upon the case of China be extended to other transitional countries? The author seeks to solve these questions by developing a theoretical framework of Politicized Academic Capitalism. The core of such a framework is a kind of hybrid institutional arrangement designed by the Chinese Communist Party-state with the employment of the market logics as the important means of interest-sharing with and hence the sociopolitical control mechanism over intellectuals who serve in higher education institutions. By highlighting the scarcity and competition as the primary logics of the market, the author further holds that scarcity is the natural and logical prerequisite for the competition, and the competition is manipulated by the Party-state to keep intellectuals being in a constantly busy situation and working along the line drawn by the state. Moreover, shaping scarcity is an effective way to show the significance of key resources and the related interests that could be shared with the Party-state, and then manipulating competition becomes the only manifested way to enjoy this interest-sharing privilege. This study is conducted on a basis of a variety of data sources, including historical documents, media accounts and reports on currently related events, organizational charts and regulations, university archives, interviews with key persons, and a set of biographies and memoirs of renowned intellectuals. These intensive empirical probes into the complex relations among the Chinese Communist Party-state, institutions of higher learning, and the intellectual community have revealed that economic reforms have strengthened the state capacity and facilitated the state‘s means of social control. And the Politicized Academic Capitalism can be viewed as a hybrid institutional arrangement designed by the Party-state to employ the logic of the market to impose sociopolitical control over university intellectuals during the reform era.
published_or_final_version
Politics and Public Administration
Doctoral
Doctor of Philosophy

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薛兆枝 and Siu-chi Simon Sit. "The implementation of school-based management in Hong Kong: issues, processes and politics." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2002. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31966974.

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宮翠棉 and Chui-min Koon. "The politics of popular culture: a study of aHong Kong comic strip, McMug." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2001. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B43894884.

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Ernst, Timothy C. "Toward a grounded normative theory of strategies of political communication used in politics disadvantages in policy debate." Scholarly Commons, 2011. https://scholarlycommons.pacific.edu/uop_etds/768.

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This study examines politics disadvantages used in competitive policy debate. Specifically, this research examines politics disadvantages for their role and relevance in deliberation, an important form of political communication. Deliberation is the means by which citizens can engage in discussions of salient policy issues, and make political judgments about policies. This study developed a grounded theory about the type of deliberation manifest in politics disadvantages. Pre-constructed politics disadvantages from websites such as PlanetDebate.com, Cross-X.com, as well as from summer policy debate workshops were analyzed to develop a grounded theory. Through the process of coding and theoretical memoing, categories of political communication emerged from the disadvantage shells. The theory indicated that politics disadvantages develop an acontextual, narrowly adversarial view of deliberation. This theory was juxtaposed against already established theories of deliberation to reveal that politics disadvantages show serious deficiencies in the ways in which deliberation is taught to policy debaters.

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Chan, Hing-lung, and 陳興龍. "Mapping the political risk perceptions and strategies of Hong Kong Chinese entrepreneurs." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1995. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B42574468.

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Longshore, Renee Michelle. "The rhetoric of state assessment: Educational politics in the public school system." CSUSB ScholarWorks, 2004. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/2721.

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In this thesis I explore the rhetoric behind the assessment push nation-wide and, particularly, in California. I take a close look at what politicians, educators, and citizens say about public education and their views of the current educational reform: whether they are speaking in support of or opposition to the No Child Left Behind Act of 2001. I look specifically at the finances of public education in California, the impact and current outcome of NCLB, and propose new reforms as suggested by those intimately involved in education.

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Ding, Xiaojiong, and 丁笑炯. "Policy metamorphosis in China: a case study of minban education in Shanghai." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2006. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B37392323.

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Zuser, Tobias. "One country, two teams: the cultural politics of football in Hong Kong." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2018. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_oa/564.

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Amidst China's escalating pursuance of placing football in the centre of its soft power propagation, Hong Kong has remained entirely excluded from the accompanying policy strategies of the Mainland. Following the 1997 handover and with it the return to Chinese sovereignty, the former British colony has retained its independent memberships in global governing bodies, such as FIFA or the IOC, making sports the last cultural and political arena in which Hong Kong and China compete as two - de facto equal - national entities. While the status quo of this framework is not necessarily controversial, the popularity of football in both locales has created a new public platform for identity politics. At the same time, Hong Kong's marginalization of sports development has raised questions over the value and expediency of sport within the local policy regime. Formerly known as the "Football Kingdom of the Far East", interest and investment in domestic football have declined since the late 1980s, evoking a sense of crisis and nostalgia. However, as a cultural practice football has shown resilience throughout the years, leading to a reform process and on-going debates over public subsidies. Drawing upon the fields of cultural studies, sociology of sport, history, and cultural policy studies, this dissertation argues for the conceptualization of football as a cultural resource that is not just a mirror of socio-political constellations, but also a productive force in shaping leisure, consumption, and everyday life in the city. The overarching, and seemingly simple research question of this dissertation is therefore: how is sport - and in particular football - a culture in Hong Kong? And, how can a cultural understanding of sport contribute to the challenges of sports policies? As such, this project takes on a holistic approach to frame an understanding of local football culture through and between four different themes: history, policy, fandom, and national identity. Starting from early colonial times, the dissertation first aims to trace the cultural resonance of football in local society by using the intellectual discourse around cricket's Indianness as a so called inter-Asian reference to reflect on the particular context that enabled the rise of another sport in Hong Kong. Instead of nurturing a regional identity, local football was turned into a trans-national project of Chinese modernity. From there the research delves into a policy analysis to investigate the institutionalization, governance, and reformation of local football until now, and how it evolved as a Bourdieusian cultural field. Eventually, the research draws on its long-term ethnographic fieldwork to investigate the agency of fans and how local football has attracted subcultural practices with entrepreneurial traits that function as cultural resources. This culminates in the discussion of localist and nationalist sentiments based on the (auto-)ethnographic experience at the two 2015 World Cup games between Hong Kong and China in an attempt to contextualize the politicization of the spectacle within the cultural framework of local football. By proposing a cultural argument along notions of cultural resource, and cultural field, this dissertation argues for a culturalization of sport in cultural studies and policy-oriented discourses, and hence a conceptual move towards a cultural policy of sports.

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Maseko, Thulani Norman. "The second transition : an analysis of the political rhetoric of the ANC and ANCYL." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1020760.

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South Africa achieved its formal democracy through a negotiated settlement in 1994. Formal democracy focuses on liberty, rights and basic freedom such as freedom of speech, and the right to vote, amongst others, while substantive democracy focuses on equality, social justice, and the area of economic rights with a focus on reduction of poverty, unemployment and increased equality. It is within the substantive democratisation theoretical framework, that South Africa’s democratic achievement has not necessarily been as great as its political achievements in constructing a constitutional democracy. This is evident in the continued patterns of racialised inequality and poverty, as well as the increase in service delivery protest action, which can destabilise the democratic success achieved in 1994. The objective of economic development is to create an environment where people can enjoy economic stability, job security and health, and lead productive lives, on one hand. On the other hand, political development seeks to create an environment where people can enjoy peace, rule of law and freedom. Politics and economics therefore go hand in hand to attain wealth benefits for people and create a sufficient level of political stability within a transitioning context. South Africa has made some strides towards getting political stability and a democratic state, but much still needs to be done to reduce poverty, unemployment and inequality. Hence an argument stressing the need for a Second Transition or Economic CODESA has recently entered the sphere of political public debate. This project seeks to deconstruct and explain the discourse of the Second Transition and Economic CODESA. The studies found that centre to this debate are key redistributive issues. Poverty, inequality and unemployment are key substantive challenges that have the potential to undermine political stability if they are not effectively dealt with.

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Tsui, Heung-ling, and 徐香玲. "Media for cultural praxis: a case-study of Hong Kong In-Media." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2009. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B42664421.

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Ho, Kwok-leung Denny, and 何國良. "The political economy of public housing in Hong Kong: a sociological analysis." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1989. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B3120918X.

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莫詠儀 and Wing-yee Heronie Mok. "De-institutionalizing culture: a study of there-institutionalization of the cultural apparatuses of Hong Kong." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2002. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31966937.

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Wan, Pengfei, and 萬鵬飛. "An institutional analysis of Chinese urban local governance: case studies of Urban ResidentialCommittees." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2000. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31241116.

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張榮顯. "公眾的想像 : 媒介使用與中國人的國家主義建構 = Public imagination : media use and the construction of the Chinese nationalism." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2005. http://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/652.

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Micic, Peter 1965. "School songs and modernity in late Qing and early republican China." Monash University, School of Asian Languages and Studies, 1999. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/7654.

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Bejar, Ofelia Morales. "Zapatistas: The shifting rhetoric of a modern revolution." CSUSB ScholarWorks, 2004. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/2610.

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This thesis studies the rhetoric of the Zapatista Revolution and social movement through the analysis of Zapatista messages using the method of cluster criticism. It explores changes in the rhetoric of confrontation and the rhetoric of peace used by the Zapatistas to further their cause during the last ten years of the revolution.

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Bruce, Kathleen. "Burning protests, the rhetoric of agitation and control of the journey of harmony tour." Scholarly Commons, 2009. https://scholarlycommons.pacific.edu/uop_etds/740.

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This study is a rhetorical analysis of the protests that occurred along the international leg of the 2008 Beijing Olympic torch relay. This study aimed to identify the rhetorical strategies employed by the agitators that were demonstrated along the torch relay. There were two agitative groups: The movement and the counter-movement. The movement began at the start of the torch relay and the counter-movement began demonstrating one week later. There were a number of protest groups in the movement including human rights activists, media rights activists, and environmentalists. However, there was only one distinct group in the counter-movement, pro-China supporters. The movement agitated the Chinese government and their nation's government. To establish the rhetorical strategies and tactics utilized by the two agitative groups and the control groups, this study analyzed the artifact through the model of the rhetoric of agitation and control created by Bowers, Ochs, and Jensen (1993) and symbolic interaction. This study . found that the Chinese government (the control) created the counter-movement to suppress and provide a counter-persuasion to the movement. To achieve this rhetorical strategy the control fully co-opted the rhetorical strategies of the movement. This study also, found that the governments to which the agitators belonged to completely denied the demands of the agitators in order to maintain healthy relations with China.

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Zhang, Gengli, and 張更立. "Governing urban regeneration: a comparative study of Hong Kong, Singapore and Taipei." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2004. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B45015247.

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To, Wing-chi Wynn, and 杜詠誌. "A study of the Chinese language strategy in the environmental protection department." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1996. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31965064.

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Wong, Wai-kwok, and 黃偉國. "Teacher participation and empowerment: the cases of Hong Kong and Taiwan." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2007. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B37842766.

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Peng, Nian. "Myanmar's China policy since 1988 : a neoclassical realist approach." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2018. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_oa/594.

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This thesis argues that Myanmar's China policy since 1988 has been jointly determined by systemic imperatives and domestic factors. To make this argument logically acceptable, I create a neoclassical realism model of 'strategic preference'. The strategic preference is the intervening variable which decides the state's reactions to external environments. It assumes that states will adopt active diplomacy if they have an 'integration' strategic preference, and that otherwise, they will to be neutral about foreign affairs or isolated from the world. The external environments are divided into inclusive and restrictive ones, where the former means economic and political competition between great powers, while the latter refers to military confrontation between them. The hypothesis is that states are more likely to hedge against the threatening state when they have an 'integration' strategic preference and are faced with an inclusive external environment. Alternatively, states will keep their distance from the threatening state. In the case of Myanmar, it formulated an 'integration' strategic preference in 1988 because the domestic politics remained stable and moderate leaders were in charge of foreign affairs. Meanwhile, it faced a high threat from the US and great opportunity of gaining benefits from China. Given this, Myanmar engaged closely with China and thus resisted the US. However, Myanmar switched to the 'isolation' strategic preference after 2004 and confronted moderate Sino-US competition, thereby keeping both China and the US at a distance. Myanmar then revived the 'integration' strategic preference in 2011 and was faced with high risks of over-depending on China and a good chance of re-approaching the US. Hence, Myanmar improved relations with the West and fostered relations with ASEAN, India, and Russia to balance the rising Chinese influence. It also attempted to reduce its over-dependence on China by decreasing Chinese investment and slowing down its strategic partnership with China. The successive NLD government inherited the 'integration' strategic preference and faced strong US criticism. Therefore, it enhanced engagement with China to relieve the US pressure while strengthening relations with neighbouring countries to balance China's influence. Myanmar has stabilised bilateral ties and won the support of China through the high-level exchanges between the two countries; it has benefited greatly from the close bilateral economic and defence cooperation. Nevertheless, Myanmar has expanded the country's trade and investment partners and aid resources, diversified its foreign relations, and promoted defence cooperation with other military powers, thereby selectively reducing its reliance on China. However, Myanmar's balancing act is a highly restrained one because of its vulnerability and limited access to external resources, especially the strong political support and economic assistance from other great powers, such as the US in particular. In the near future, Myanmar will continue to give top priority to engagement with China, while gradually expanding its balancing act.

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Tsang, Ping-fai Harris, and 曾炳輝. "An analysis of policy agenda-setting in Hong Kong: a case study of home ownership policy." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2003. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31969495.

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Yeung, Au Lai-Kit Rikkie, and 區麗潔. "The governance of government-owned railway organisations in Hong Kong: integration and autonomy in changingtimes." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2005. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31057925.

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Chung, Wah-fan Raymond, and 鍾華勳. "Electronic road pricing: speaking truth to power." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2001. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B42575849.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Rhetoric – Political aspects – China'

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