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Academic literature on the topic 'Rhetoric – Political aspects – China'

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Published: 10 December 2022
Last updated: 28 January 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Rhetoric – Political aspects – China"

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Khabarov, Artyom A., and Aleksandra A. Vorozhbitova. "U.S.-China Intercultural Dialogue in the Information-Psychological Warfare Paradigm: Linguistic Rhetoric Aspect." Current Issues in Philology and Pedagogical Linguistics, no. 1 (March 25, 2022): 29–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.29025/2079-6021-2022-1-29-41.

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The article examines the communicative strategies of ideological influence implemented by the military-political leadership of the United States through global media structures within the framework of diplomatic relations and intercultural exchange of the countries of the collective West with the People’s Republic of China. Linguistic and rhetorical features of intercultural interaction and political communication are considered in textual examples in English and Chinese, reflecting the content of negotiation practice between representatives of public authorities, as well as based on materials of socio-political events, reflecting the opinions of experts and individuals. The authors’ research focuses on verbal forms and means of indoctrination identified in the communicative strategies implemented by the US military-political leadership with the help of global media structures, as well as discursive practices of the party and political elite of the PRC, explicated in responding to threats and challenges in the consentient sphere. Based on the results of semantic-structural, pragmatic, and cognitive analysis of the text, the authors identify verbal markers of argumentation, persistence and manipulation that form the methodological basis of ideological influence in the context of global informational and psychological confrontation. As a discourse paradigm, the paper considers sociocultural and significant interpretations of reality that coexist at the present stage of modern history, broadcast in the English-language macro-discourse of the American mass media during the establishment of an intercultural dialogue with China. During a comprehensive linguistic analysis, the pragmatic potential of verbal means of establishing an intercultural dialogue between the collective West and China in the format of civilizational coupling is assessed, in the process of which the target audience is imposed precisely those value orientations that are designed to form the conceptual basis of ideologically determined mass consciousness. In the light of the Linguistic Rhetorical Paradigm, the thesis is postulated that discourse-syntagma is represented as a cognitive-interpretative conflict manifested by linguistic means of heterogeneous discursive practices, because of which the addressee creates an understanding of reality determined by the intention of the actor of ideological discourse, which in the future may serve as a ground for manipulating consciousness and regulating the behavior of the addressee. The conclusions of the study confirm the theoretical positions of the Sochi Linguistic Rhetorical School that competing socio-political discourses enter paradigmatic and syntagmatic relations with each other, and that the same subject of speech can use his linguistic rhetorical tools of ethos support both in a negative and in a positive direction.
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Hooijmaaijers, Bas. "The BRICS Countries’ Bilateral Economic Relations, 2009 to 2019: Between Rhetoric and Reality." SAGE Open 11, no. 4 (October 2021): 215824402110541. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/21582440211054128.

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After Brazil, Russia, India, and China (BRIC) started meeting in the BRIC countries format, and since 2011 with South Africa in the BRICS format, these countries’ leaders made several pledges for strengthening intra-BRICS economic cooperation. This article examines the degree this is reflected in the increase of Chinese Outward Foreign Direct Investment (COFDI) in the other four BRICS countries, the value of Chinese construction contracts, and bilateral trade between China and Brazil, India, Russia South Africa in 2009 to 2019. Focusing on these aspects contributes to the ongoing debate about the institutionalization of the BRICS political grouping. This article demonstrates that, thus far, despite the various pledges, the intensification of intra-BRICS economic cooperation is very limited. With some exemptions due to mega investment deals, COFDI in the other BRICS partners is still reasonably modest and shows no clear trend of increase over time in both absolute and relative figures. There is no significant increase in total trade, and various imbalances and asymmetries remain. Thus, the reality does not mirror the BRICS rhetoric on the intensification of economic cooperation.
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Jacoby, Wade, and Umut Korkut. "Vulnerability and Economic Re-orientation." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 30, no. 3 (October 14, 2015): 496–518. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325415604355.

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To what extent do Euroskeptic parties in Eastern and Central Europe have viable alternatives to the European Union and the broad basket of liberal policies promoted by the EU? In recent years, Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán has used his overwhelming parliamentary majorities to chart a partially new course, and this article inventories one aspect of this new course. The article asks whether Hungary can gain any potential benefits from closer links to China as a partial replacement for resources that might not be available (or that might be lost) from its more conventional European partners to the west. Orbán has often justified both radical constitutional change and economic nationalism as powerful medicines to push back against Hungary’s vulnerability at the hands of its foreign and domestic enemies. In this context, China emerged as both a potential source of new revenue and rhetorical trope that seemed to fit in a broader Fidesz discourse of an “Eastern opening.” This article makes a first attempt to separate rhetoric and reality. It first explores how the ongoing consolidation of illiberalism in Hungary has now also sparked a geopolitical repositioning through the “Eastern opening” during Fidesz’s second term. Second, it seeks to understand the theoretical proposition that new sources of external funding—including FDI and government bond purchases—can help enable a state to execute such a broad geopolitical shift. To do so, it develops empirical material from the fascinating Hungarian efforts to position themselves as a major beneficiary of Chinese engagement with Europe. The article concludes that Orbán’s policies have indeed been broadly consistent with his party’s new rhetoric, but it also concludes that the amount of Chinese investment is, in aggregate, still modest to date.
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Jiayi, ZHANG. "http://www.appublishing.com.au/index/newsview.html?id=1924." Asia-Pacific Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 2, no. 2 (June 30, 2022): 047–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.53789/j.1653-0465.2022.0202.006.

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The study of metaphor has a long history. Traditional metaphor theories focus on metaphor as merely a figure of speech. In cognitive linguistics, researchers believe that metaphor is not only a linguistic rhetoric phenomenon, but a fundamental and universal cognitive way for human beings to understand the world. With the development of the Internet age, multimodal information is becoming increasingly abundant, thus more attention has been paid to the study of multimodal metaphor. However, there are few studies on multimodal metaphor in the context of cultural differences between China and the West at present. Therefore this paper takes the multimodal metaphors embodied in the images and words reflected on the front pages of China Daily and The Economist as data to analyze the different ideologies and cultural values reflected in them. This comparative study analyzes the similarities and differences between the multimodal metaphors in the front pages of China Daily and The Economist. It is found that the front pages of China Daily contain more traditional Chinese cultural elements and tend to convey positive values, while the multimodal metaphors in The Economist often have abundant connotations, indicating a more political and sarcastic tone. Meanwhile the reasons for the different choices of images are analyzed from three aspects: ideology, culture and context, thus providing some enlightenment on how to further enhance cultural confidence and better construct China's national image for domestic media.
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Yuelin, Liu, and Zhang Liwei. "Comparative textual analysis of New Year’s speeches of the heads of the Russian Federation and the People’s Republic of China in linguistic and cultural aspects." Neophilology, no. 2 (2022): 261–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.20310/2587-6953-2022-8-2-261-275.

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Based on the text theory in the context of linguocultural studies the full text of New Year’s speeches of Russian and Chinese heads of state in 2013–2022 in terms of content and expression were analyzed, high-frequency words were organizes and summarizes using antconc and SEO software to create word cloud maps, which visually represent the research content and help in analyzing the text structure. It is proven that the New Year’s speeches of V.V. Putin and Xi Jinping have similarities and differences. The New Year’s speeches of the heads of the two countries have a stable structural basis. The content of New Year’s speeches consists of two parts: the first is an expression of wishes for the New Year, and the second is a brief summary of the work of the past year, setting plans and goals for the next year. The themes of the New Year’s speeches continue and change according to different political, economic and contemporary contexts. Ideology is built into the themes of the text. V.V. Putin’s New Year’s speeches reflect the national culture of Russia. He uses rhetorical means such as rhetorical modification, metaphor, gradation, and rhetorical exclamation. He also uses intertextuality in expressing ideology in order to express emotional resonance and to elicit an identity with the motherland. In Xi Jinping’s New Year’s speeches, cultural themes are reinforced year by year and rhetorical techniques such as quotation, comparison and parallelism are widely used, which has the genetic effect of spreading widely.
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Yuan, Ai. "THE PERFORMANCE OF SILENCE IN EARLY CHINA: THE YANZI CHUNQIU AND BEYOND." Early China 44 (September 2021): 321–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/eac.2021.4.

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AbstractThis article looks beyond the dichotomy between silence (mo 默) and speech (yan 言) and discusses the functions of and attitudes toward silence in the Yanzi chunqiu 晏子春秋 as a case representing the variety of ideas of silence in early China. In the West, silence has been widely explored in fields such as religion and theology, linguistic studies, and communication and literary studies. The consensus has moved away from viewing silence as abstaining from speech and utterance—and therefore absence of meaning and intention, toward seeing it as a culturally dependent and significant aspect of communication. However, beyond a number of studies discussing unspoken teachings in relation to early Daoism, silence has received little attention in early China studies. This article approaches the functions of silence by pursuing questions regarding its rhetorical, emotive, political, and ethical aspects. Instead of searching for the nature of silence and asking what silence is, this article poses alternative questions: How do ancient Chinese thinkers understand the act of silence? What are the attitudes toward silence in early China? How does silence foster morality? How does silence function as performative remonstrance? How is it used for political persuasion? How does silence draw the attention of and communicate with readers and audiences? How does silence allow time for contemplation, reflection, and agreement among participants? How is silence related to various intense emotional states? These questions lead us to reflect on previous scholarship which regarded silence in early China as the most spontaneous and natural way to grasp the highest truth, which is unpresentable and inexpressible through articulated speech and artificial language. In this sense, the notion of the unspoken teaching is not only understood in opposition to speech, but also as a means to reveal the deficiency of language and the limits of speech. However, through a survey of dialogues, stories, and arguments in Yanzi chunqiu, I show that silence is explicitly marked and explained within the text, and is used actively, purposefully, and meaningfully, to persuade, inform, and motivate audiences. In other words, silence is anything but natural and spontaneous. Rather, it is intentionally adopted, carefully crafted, and publicly performed to communicate, remonstrate, criticize, reveal, and target certain ideas. That is to say, silence is as argumentative as speech and as arbitrary as language. Finally, an awareness of and sensitivity to silence provides a new perspective to engage with other early Chinese texts.
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van Els, Paul, and Elisa Sabattini. "Introduction: Political Rhetoric in Early China." Extrême-Orient, Extrême-Occident, no. 34 (November 1, 2012): 5–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/extremeorient.247.

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Breslin, Shaun. "Reform, rhetoric and reaction in China." Pacific Review 5, no. 4 (January 1992): 409–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09512749208719010.

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Pamungkas, Adi. "Pemasaran Retorika Politik dalam Iklan Baliho Tokoh Politik Indonesia." Kalijaga Journal of Communication 4, no. 2 (December 31, 2022): 133–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.14421/kjc.42.02.2022.

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This study subjects to understand how the politicians build identity through the marketing of their political rhetoric in billboard advertisements. The research uses qualitative methods with a substance theory approach to the formation of political identity, especially in the context of political marketing and Aristotle's rhetoric in the form of aspects 1) ethos; morally proper attitude, 2) logos; evidence that can support the argument and 3) pathos; speech that evokes feelings in the audience. The findings explain that the political identity built by various rhetoric aspect. Between the politicians also build different identity according to the consideration of internal aspects of the politicians and external aspects that exist in public. Through the identity built by rhetoric, politicians create their political marketing products then offered to the public so can be consumed as political support and choice.
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Neo, Ric, and Chen Xiang. "State rhetoric, nationalism and public opinion in China." International Affairs 98, no. 4 (July 4, 2022): 1327–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiac105.

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Abstract The Chinese government is fond of invoking the ‘hurt feelings of 1.4 billion Chinese citizens’ to protest foreign actions and policies. However, this rhetoric might be nothing more than propaganda and attempts to leverage nationalist sentiment. How much do citizens in China actually care about issues completely unrelated to their daily livelihoods? To answer this, the study employs a representative survey to investigate the extent to which rhetoric about ‘hurt feelings’ is consistent with public opinion on four contemporary socio-political disputes involving the NBA, Marriott International, Mercedes-Benz and the city of Prague. Across the scenarios, we found that the Chinese government did not exaggerate the displeasure of audiences—citizens are aware of the cases, were indeed upset by them and advocated for retaliatory measures that were surprisingly more forceful than those adopted in reality. These emotions were largely driven by nationalistic sentiment rather than personal experiences or encounters, suggesting the success of state propaganda in steering the public opinion toward outcomes favourable to the state. These findings support recent studies highlighting the peculiar case of rising nationalism in China, and have important implications for the impact of public opinion on Chinese policymaking.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Rhetoric – Political aspects – China"

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Zhao, Geng Ping Holly. "Rhetorical devices and translation in political discourse :a case study of Xi Jinping : The Governance of China." Thesis, University of Macau, 2018. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b3954472.

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Fang, Xiaodong. "Anti-China rhetoric, presidential elections and U.S. foreign policy towards China." Thesis, Georgetown University, 2016. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10128065.

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Is anti-China rhetoric an effective strategy in U.S. presidential campaigns? If the answer is Yes, then to what extent does anti-China rhetoric affect them? If the answer is No, then why have so many presidential candidates used anti-China rhetoric in recent campaigns? Is anti-China rhetoric only election-driven? Is it also policy-driven? Do presidential candidates use anti-China rhetoric to seek voter support, as well as propose changes in U.S. foreign policy towards China?

Conventional wisdom and scholars like Robert Sutter suggest that foreign policy has little effect on American presidential elections and anti-foreign rhetoric by presidential candidates does not matter to American foreign policy and foreign relations. In this dissertation, however, I argue the opposite that anti-China rhetoric exercises significant influence on American presidential elections and foreign policy towards China. The dissertation addresses two fundamental questions: 1) what is the effect of anti-China rhetoric on American presidential elections? And 2) what is the effect of anti-China rhetoric on American foreign policy towards China, American public opinion towards China, and U.S.-China relationship? To answer the first question about elections, I focus on televised campaign commercials and statistically estimate the effect of anti-China rhetoric on seeking voter support in the presidential election. The data I examine come from the “Wisconsin Advertising Project” and various election polls in 2008. I answer the second question about foreign policy by exploring the contents of anti-China rhetoric in campaign activities including ads, candidates’ speeches and debates, and public statements about policy towards China and how that rhetoric affects subsequent American foreign policy towards China, as well as public opinion of China and U.S.-China relations. My statistical and qualitative analyses find that airing ads using anti-China rhetoric increases the presidential candidate’s voter support in target states; that the administration is more likely to make tough foreign policies towards China when there is more anti-China rhetoric by presidential candidates; and thirdly, that anti-China rhetoric during the election year negatively affects American opinions of China but produces a positive impact on U.S.-China relations.

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Lam, Maggie, and 林美琪. "Language and politics: use and abuse of language in political rhetoric." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2007. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B38429494.

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Chambers, Carmel M. "Rhetoric in British Columbia : an analysis of its influence upon adult education and women." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/25364.

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The topic under consideration is the rhetoric of British Columbia's political leaders and their strategic use of language whereby the government maintains its position of power and authority, implements its own ideological priorities, even if unpopular, and deprives the opposition of its ability to effectively mount a counter strategy. Aspects of political philosophies, human nature, scientific knowledge, education, and alternate feminist political philosophical views are presented. Brief sketches of Constitutionalism, The Rule of Law and ideological bases of modern political systems, liberalism and socialism, are considered in the context of a political spectrum that spans communism to fascism. An analytical framework adapted from the classical rhetoric of Aristotle and the new rhetoric of Kenneth Burke is used to examine the rhetoric and actions of the political leaders of British Columbia. Findings indicate that the strategies employed are effective and persuasive to the dominant majority of the populace. Components of strategy are identified which are deemed necessary in order that a democratically elected government may pursue successfully, a revolutionary political ideological change in its philosophy. Priorities and areas of social concern are identified in terms of their esteem for the present government leaders. The market principle and technology are the sacred cows. Education of a liberal kind, women, the welfare state, are a sow's ear. One recommendation is that adult education unite with movements that espouse and practice like philosophies so that it is strengthened and rejuvenated in its mandate and not precipitated to bend to the prevailing political ideology.
Education, Faculty of
Educational Studies (EDST), Department of
Graduate
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Peirce, Karen Patricia. "Alternatives to Argumentation : implications for intercultural rhetoric /." Diss., Find on the web, 2006. http://etd.library.arizona.edu/etd/GetFileServlet?file=file:///data1/pdf/etd/azu%5Fetd%5F1517%5F1%5Fm.pdf&type=application/pdf.

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Halmari, Sirkka Helena. "On dichotomous political rhetoric: With special reference to Ronald Reagan's language." CSUSB ScholarWorks, 1990. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/567.

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James, Edwin M. (Edwin Martin). "Rhetoric as Praxis: A Model for Deconstructing Hermeneutic Discourse." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1993. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc500434/.

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This study proposes a model for the deconstruction of nationalism. Nationalism is a discursive construct. This construct manifests in ideologies and formalizes order. Individuals should question these institutions in order to achieve legitimate societal participation. This criticism can be accomplished through self-reflection. The model demonstrates that sanctioned individual(s) provide interpretations of events. These interpretations recycle authority. The hermeneutic obscures an individual's understanding of the originating fact. Self-reflection allows an individual, such as Malcolm X in the Nation of Islam, to come closer to discovering the original fact. Critiquing the hermeneutic can reveal the imperfections of the message(s). Revealing the imperfections of an ideology is the first step to the liberation of the individual and society.
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Gray, Robert John Stephen, and University of Lethbridge Faculty of Arts and Science. "More than a story : an exploration of political autobiography as persuasive discourse." Thesis, Lethbridge, Alta. : University of Lethbridge, Faculty of Arts and Science, 1998, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/10133/73.

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The epideictic discourse of political autobiography offers a powerful means of persuasion to attitude not otherwise available to politicians. In the extended narrative form of political autobiography, the audience's identification with characters, actions and speaker is central to persuasion. Narrative persuades implicitly by disposing the audience favourably to the rhetor and through the "common-sense assumptions" that the audience supplies in order to understand the discourse. The methodological approach used in this thesis, Fantasy Theme Analysis, addresses how the socialization process that is a primary function of epideictic rhetoric takes place. In the analysis, the rhetorical vision of the "game of politics" and two other fantasy themes are identified. The analysis demonstrates that an audience who identifies with this network of fantasy themes would also be influenced attitudinally and ideologically. The author concludes that political autobiography deserves further study because of its potentially important role in political persuasion.
vi, 95 leaves ; 29 cm
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Lin, Zhong Xuan. "Towards a politics of ourselves :Chinese internet celebrity's practices of self-governance." Thesis, University of Macau, 2017. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b3690692.

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Ye, Ming, and 葉明. "The political economy of urban space: centralbusiness district development in Shanghai and Hong Kong." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2005. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B45015193.

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Books on the topic "Rhetoric – Political aspects – China"

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Declercq, Dominik. Writing against the state: Political rhetorics in third and fourth century China. Leiden: Brill, 1998.

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Huang, Shaorong. To rebel is justified: A rhetorical study of China's Cultural Revolution Movement, 1966-1969. Lanham: University Press of America, 1996.

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Discursive constructions around terrorism in the People's daily (China) and The sun (UK) before and after 9/11. New York: Peter Lang, 2010.

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Andrews, Stuart. Unitarian radicalism: Political rhetoric, 1770-1814. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003.

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Tropes of politics: Science, theory, rhetoric, action. Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin Press, 1998.

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Politics & rhetoric: Coming to terms with terms. New York City: Palgrave-Macmillan, 2009.

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Trepanier, Lee. Political rhetoric and leadership in democracy. Cedar City, Utah: Southern Utah University Press, 2011.

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Goyet, Francis. Rhétorique de la tribu, rhétorique de l'Etat. Paris: Presses universitaires de France, 1994.

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Rhetoric Society of America. Conference. Rhetorical democracy: Discursive practices of civic engagement : selected papers from the 2002 Conference of the Rhetoric Society of America. Mahwah, N.J: Lawrence Erlbaum, 2003.

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Rowland, Robert C. Analyzing rhetoric: Readings and workbook. Dubuque, Iowa: Kendall/Hunt Pub., 1999.

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Book chapters on the topic "Rhetoric – Political aspects – China"

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Rueff, Gaston. "Postwar Problems of French Indo-China: Social and Political Aspects." In South East Asia, 331–45. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003101710-30.

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Maduz, Linda. "Explaining Korea’s Positioning in the US–China Strategic Competition." In China-US Competition, 247–73. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-15389-1_10.

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ABSTRACTGiven South Korea’s pivotal role in the security order of Northeast Asia, the US and China are expected to keep raising pressure on South Korea to distinctively position itself in their rivalry. As the rivalry intensified over the past years, Seoul’s strategy has been to accommodate both great powers and to avoid taking sides. The analysis of this chapter shows that this is consistent with the country’s positioning since the end of the Cold War. Structural, political, and broader societal factors combine to explain Seoul’s strategic choices. Today, the country’s policymakers face an international environment that increasingly constrains their strategic options. At the same time, they are confronted with shifts in domestic perceptions, turning increasingly critical of China. Combined, these trends suggest that South Korea will adopt more critical positions toward China in future. The 2022 election of a new South Korean president who has distinguished himself for his anti-Chinese rhetoric might be an early indication of this. For the time being, the country is, however, unlikely to go as far as to abandon its current hedging strategy and join the US in actively balancing against China.
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Puppo, Federico, Silvia Corradi, and Lorenzo Zoppellari. "Rhetoric and Argumentation in the Pandemic Legislation: The Italian Case." In The Pandemic of Argumentation, 165–86. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-91017-4_9.

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AbstractThis chapter examines the argumentative and rhetorical structure of the regulatory techniques used to deal with the SARS-CoV-2 pandemic in Italy. The first part of the chapter aims to clarify the connection between law and rhetoric, in order to provide a framework in which the legislative activity has operated. After analyzing critical aspects of the chosen regulatory tools, we will focus on the three most innovative elements of the pandemic legislation: the frequent use of images, the sporadic presence of sanctions, and the relevant role of experts. In the second part, an analysis of the fundamental traits of visual argumentation will be presented to highlight the fact that the use of images, during the pandemic period, has become a political-normative technique, which is never a neutral tool, but is always subject to interpretation and endowed with a notable rhetorical value. Given the sporadic presence of sanctions, the second section will analyze the argumentative strengthening applied by the legislator in order to promote the obedience of the recipients of the measures. Finally, we will examine the involvement of experts in the justificatory activity of the legislator, and the need for them to acquire legislative legitimacy through a rhetorical-argumentative relationship with citizens.
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Brown, Ruairidh J. "Travels in a Haunted House. Rational Curiosities and Overlapping Dichotomies in Duncan McPherson MD’s Account of the ‘Chinese Expedition’ of 1840–1842." In Palgrave Series in Asia and Pacific Studies, 145–73. Singapore: Springer Nature Singapore, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-0124-9_6.

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AbstractThe chapter proposes to explore rational curiosity as a key category to unpack nineteenth-century British perspectives on Asia, and especially China. Duncan MacPherson’s account is interpreted from a new perspective, which highlights both imperialist rhetoric and overlapping dichotomies. A careful reading shows how even at the height of European expansion we do not find in travel literature any clear dichotomy of East vs West, but rather a Eurocentric view of material and scientific progress that praised or condemned different aspects of both Asian and European societies. Hence, Asia emerges as a complex space where the civilising mission encounters problems similar to those encountered amongst British people: traditions, irrationality and passions. This chapter therefore adds to the reflection of the volume on the use of knowledge and the impact of identity, whilst uncovering a more specific mode of curiosity rooted in post-Enlightenment thought and guiding the encounter with Asia.
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Balmas, Paolo, and Sabine Dörry. "The Geoeconomics of Chinese Bank Expansion into the European Union." In The Political Economy of Geoeconomics: Europe in a Changing World, 161–85. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-01968-5_7.

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AbstractWe apply the concept of geoeconomics to the example of Chinese state-owned commercial banks based in Luxembourg and their financial activities in the European Union. The case study links the uneven relationship between China and Luxembourg to the field of international finance via large Chinese state-owned banks as important but analytically neglected actors. In doing so, we analyze how economic resources are used by, through and between nation states in the pursuit of their strategic goals. Starting from the observation that Chinese banking networks primarily provide a platform for the implementation of direct investments by Chinese companies, we identify important mechanisms and practices of Chinese banks, their anchoring in Luxembourg and the limited fulfilment of Western policy makers’ expectations from the presence of the Chinese banks in Luxembourg. Furthermore, we analyze instruments and strategies that define important aspects and dimensions of the concept of geoeconomics and complement them with the agency attributed to Chinese banks. An interesting paradox emerges from our analysis: while the geoeconomic power of Chinese banks’ activities is limited by the strict adherence to Chinese state development guidelines, the new organization of the Chinese banking networks in the EU suggests that they will be able to exercise their geoeconomic power in the future; with corresponding implications for local economies and economic development in Europe.
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Boynton, G. R., and Glenn W. Richardson, Jr. "The Language of Threat in our Political Discourse." In Advances in Human and Social Aspects of Technology, 212–30. IGI Global, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-4666-6066-3.ch013.

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This chapter is a report about negotiating the boundaries of appropriate political discourse via Twitter. The instance looked at in depth is the communication about the shooting of Representative Giffords in 2011. The first month over 400,000 messages referred to Giffords and substantially more referred to the controversy about the campaign rhetoric of targets and reloading. The authors tracked the communication in 6 ongoing collections of streams of messages and 2 that resulted from the shooting and controversy. One stream was about how “terrorist” was used in characterizing the shooter. The major controversy was about the use of targeting or gun references in campaign rhetoric. Palin released a video using the phrase “blood libel” leading to opposing interpretations of the appropriate use of the term. The authors look in less depth at the controversy in early 2012 about Rush Limbaugh's characterization of a student who testified to a committee of the House of Representatives. That controversy reinforced points found in the communication about the Giffords shooting. It also reminds us that the boundaries of appropriate political rhetoric are continuously negotiated in a free speech society and that there is now a new domain for the negotiation in the new media.
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Novak, Alison N., Christopher Mascaro, Sean P. Goggins, and Emmanuel Koku. "How [Not] to Caffeinate a Political Group." In Advances in Human and Social Aspects of Technology, 425–42. IGI Global, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-4666-6066-3.ch025.

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The attempted assassination of Representative Gabrielle Giffords in Arizona on January 8, 2011 spurred a surge of media reflection and criticism of the Tea Party Patriots and their violent rhetoric. The Coffee Party, created in 2010 as an oppositional force to the Tea Party, spent the days following the shooting discussing the various social, political, and moral aspects of the violence on their Facebook page. This chapter is part of an ongoing investigation of language in politically oriented online forums. Here, the 24 parent posts and following Facebook conversations are studied to investigate a connection between post sentiment and network structure. Using communication accommodation theory, Linguistic Inquiry Word Count (LIWC), and network analysis, a relationship is located between social, affective, cognitive, perceptual, and biological constructs and network measures of betweeness and core/periphery size. This chapter has implications regarding online network structures, new methods in Internet research, and online political activity research.
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Poh, Angela. "China and United Nations Security Council Sanctions." In Sanctions with Chinese Characteristics. Nieuwe Prinsengracht 89 1018 VR Amsterdam Nederland: Amsterdam University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/9789463722353_ch05.

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Chapter 5 uses the dataset of sanctions-related resolutions tabled at the UNSC from 1971 to 2016 to present a correlation analysis that examines the extent to which expectations derived from the ‘rhetoric-based’ hypothesis align with China’s voting behaviour at the UNSC. Thereafter, it examines the backgrounds, debates, and outcomes concerning three case studies: UN sanctions against the DPRK (2006-2016); Syria (2011-2016); and Guinea- Bissau (2012). It examines whether the hypothesised constraining role of China’s sanctions rhetoric or one of the competing explanations best accounts for the outcomes in each case. It finds that China’s sanctions rhetoric had frequently prompted its decision-makers to act or vote in ways that were not the most favourable to China’s immediate political and economic interests.
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Jenkins, Rhys. "Social, Political, and Environmental Impacts in Sub-Saharan Africa." In How China is Reshaping the Global Economy, 183–219. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198738510.003.0008.

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Some of the most controversial aspects of China’s economic presence in Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) relate to the social, political, and environmental impacts. Many of the claims that are made are based on anecdotal evidence, and there is a need for more systematic research on these aspects. In terms of social impacts, the chapter discusses employment, wages, working conditions, and labour rights. Political issues addressed include claims that China’s involvement supports authoritarian regimes, encourages corruption, and leads to conflict and political instability. These claims are not generally supported, and SSA countries have benefitted from the increased policy space that Chinese involvement gives them. The environmental effects of both increased exports to China and the activities of Chinese firms in SSA are analyzed. Contrasting case studies illustrate the negative impacts of China on forestry, and the positive effects of Chinese support for wind and solar power.
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Jenkins, Rhys. "Social, Political, and Environmental Impacts in Sub-Saharan Africa." In How China is Reshaping the Global Economy, 191–232. 2nd ed. Oxford University PressOxford, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192866356.003.0009.

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Abstract Some of the most controversial aspects of China’s economic presence in Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) relate to the social, political, and environmental impacts. The chapter finds that many of the claims that are made are based on anecdotal evidence and that there is a need for more systematic research on these aspects. In terms of social impacts, the chapter discusses employment, wages, working conditions, and labour rights. Political claims addressed include claims that China’s involvement supports authoritarian regimes, encourages corruption and leads to conflict and political instability. These claims are not generally supported and SSA countries have also benefitted from the increased policy space that Chinese involvement gives them. The environmental effects of both increased exports to China and the activities of Chinese firms in SSA are analysed. Contrasting case studies illustrate the negative impacts of China on forestry and the positive effects of Chinese support for wind and solar power.
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Conference papers on the topic "Rhetoric – Political aspects – China"

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Gazioğlu, Şaziye, and Fatoş Otcuoğlu. "The Central Asian Countries and the Energy Sector: Economics, Politics and Legal Aspects." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c03.00434.

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This paper is written with aim of investigating the importance of the natural resources within the Central Asian energy sector. The geopolitics position of the Central Asian Countries place them in the centre of conflicting powers; that is to say, on the one hand they are providing energy to Europe and USA, and on the other hand they are next to China, which has the highest and growing demand for energy consumption. In political arena, China accordingly seeks to prevent the independence of East Turkistan, which has historical links to Turkistan (West) in Russia. In this regard, we examine the energy policies and trade between states, and we particularly focus on the gas and oil pipelines from said countries to Europe. We also examine the demand from Caucasian and the Central Asian Countries by European, and Pacific Countries and, as well as, the USA. Correspondingly, we discuss the political conflicts upon the energy investments, and mainly concentrate on the investments in Central Asian and Commonwealth of Independent States (“CIS”), and the political risks and legal disputes relating to foreign energy investment and stability implications in this regard.
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Büyükakıncı, Erhan. "Economic Regionalisation in the Russian Foreign Policy: Is it Possible to talk about the Eurasianist Model of Integration?" In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c04.00680.

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In this paper, we try how the idea of economic regionalism has developed within the framework of the interests of the Russian foreign policy, which adopted a Eurasianist rhetoric for nearly fifteen years. As the trends of globalisation spread over the world after the end of the Cold War period, the regional integration movements also gained speed with different forms and contents. Meanwhile the countries in the post-Soviet geography adopted different political approaches towards regionalisation and globalisation by taking into consideration their own capabilities and interests. At its own side, Russia was in search of integration within the world economy by trying to implement its own regionalist policies both at the level of the CIS area and with the neighbouring countries like China and the EU. The Eurasianist discourse has no doubt such impact on Russian leadership’s choices of partners and orientations for economic regionalisation. At this point, we want to discuss if it is possible to talk about some “Eurasianist model of regional integration” as a new idea which can combine, at one side, the institutional integration process within the CIS area and, at the other, the strong regional cooperation with the Asian economic partners like China. This model can be also Russia’s answer to embrace both globalism and regionalism by preserving its own hegemonic expectations after the Soviet legacy.
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Пу, Цзян. "ADVANTAGES AND DISADVANTAGES OF COOPERATION BETWEEN THE USSR AND THE PRC IN THE FIELD OF INDUSTRY IN THE 1950S." In Высокие технологии и инновации в науке: сборник избранных статей Международной научной конференции (Санкт-Петербург, Январь 2022). Crossref, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.37539/vt195.2022.87.12.012.

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Сотрудничество СССР и КНР в 1950-е годы охватывало все стороны экономического становления Китая: материальную, финансовую, научно-технологическую, помощь профессиональными кадрами и подготовка таких кадров на территории СССР. Уроки тех лет, безусловно, полезны и сегодня. Выделенные достоинства и недостатки представлены в виде выдержек из ранее не публиковавшихся документов таких архивов как РГАСПИ и РГАНИ. Cooperation between the USSR and the PRC in the 1950s covered all aspects of the economic development of China: material, financial, scientific and technological, assistance with professional personnel and the training of such personnel on the territory of the USSR. The lessons of those years are certainly useful today. The highlighted advantages and disadvantages are presented in the form of excerpts from previously unpublished documents from archives such as RGASPI (Russian State Archive of Socio-Political History) and RGANI (Russian State Archive of Contemporary History).
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Erdogan, Seyit Ali, and Andrej Naumčik. "Evaluation of investing in real estate in EU and non-EU countries based on MCDM." In The 13th international scientific conference “Modern Building Materials, Structures and Techniques”. Vilnius Gediminas Technical University, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.3846/mbmst.2019.151.

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Investment in real estate is a zoning issue as the real estate market is closely related to economic development and trends in real estate market are considered to be indicators of trends in the whole economy of the country. The goal of this paper is to analyse the main aspects and considerations when investing in real estate, evaluate investment in real estate situation in different EU and non-EU countries and introduce MCDM methods that could be used for selecting a state for investment in real estate. It is identified that when investing in real estate various political, social, economic, environmental and other factors have to be taken into consideration. Analysed examples of EU (Lithuania, Romania, UK) and non-EU (Turkey, China, Russia) countries show different risks and opportunities for investments in real estate. MCDM methods are applicable to evaluate which countries are most attractive for investment in real estate. Described TOPSIS and ARAS methods could be used for assessing states as alternatives when selecting where to invest
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