Journal articles on the topic 'Rhetoric of civic engagement'

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1

Eble, Michelle F., and Lynee Lewis Gaillet. "Educating "Community Intellectuals": Rhetoric, Moral Philosophy, and Civic Engagement." Technical Communication Quarterly 13, no. 3 (July 2004): 341–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1207/s15427625tcq1303_7.

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2

Iredele, Tolulope. "PRAGMATICS OF CIVIC ENGAGEMENT AN ANALYSIS OF OBASANJO’S LETTERS." International Journal of Language and Literary Studies 3, no. 1 (March 30, 2021): 56–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.36892/ijlls.v3i1.518.

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The study investigates the role of language in civic engagement and demonstrates how language is used as a viable tool to propel civic actions. Hence, it focused on the locution and illocutionary acts of Obasanjo's letters to two presidents in Nigeria. Sixty sentences were selected from three open letters. The findings showed that the overall relative frequency percentages are: commissive 15%, assertive 20%, directive 48.3%, declarative 6.7%, and expressive 10%. Results show that Obasanjo, in his letters relied more on sentences that performed directive acts more than other speech acts. However, in his letters to Buhari, he used sentences with assertive acts more than he used in his letter to Jonathan. Hence, the data is characterized by a preponderance of directive, assertive and commissive acts as rhetoric strategies. The study confirms that language use in political discourse is rarely neutral. It further demonstrates that civic engagement drivers manipulate language to influence political decisions and reconstruct public opinion by propelling certain actions or inactions.
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Bendrat, Anna, Agnieszka Budzyńska-Daca, Agnieszka Kampka, Ewa Modrzejewska, and Maria Załęska. "Retoryka w Polsce po 1989 r. Przegląd kierunków badań." Poradnik Językowy, no. 10/2021(789) (December 28, 2021): 26–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.33896/porj.2021.10.2.

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This paper is dedicated to the development of rhetoric in Poland after 1989 taking into account adaptation processes at two levels: communication practices and research refl ection. The sociopolitical transformations have enabled an unrestricted development of rhetorical activities, which were impracticable in the former Eastern Bloc countries: advertising and marketing, political debates, civic engagement, academic freedom. The adaptation has taken place at the level of communication habits of citizens and rhetorical practices of rhetoric researchers themselves. The study adopts the descriptive methodology and focuses on several aspects: the process of internal differentiation of rhetorical studies, the infl uence of the American rhetorical criticism on the studies, the rhetorical perspective in linguistic research, media studies, and politics. The paper emphasises the cultural characteristics of Polish rhetorical studies, which draw inspiration from three main sources: 1) Old Polish oratory and its modern analyses from the perspective of literary studies; 2) analyses of the propaganda of the times of the Polish People’s Republic, including the media; 3) modern concepts from the areas of argumentation, rhetorical criticism, discourse analysis, and media studies. The overview shows that, after 1989, rhetorical studies can be described as a self-organising system cre ated by dense intertextual relations, relationship networks, and institutional frameworks rather than as a compilation of sparse individual works.
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Tenney, Matthew, and Renee Sieber. "Data-Driven Participation: Algorithms, Cities, Citizens, and Corporate Control." Urban Planning 1, no. 2 (July 4, 2016): 101–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/up.v1i2.645.

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In this paper, we critically explore the interplay of algorithms and civic participation in visions of a city governed by equation, sensor and tweet. We begin by discussing the rhetoric surrounding techno-enabled paths to participatory democracy. This leads to us interrogating how the city is impacted by a discourse that promises to harness social/human capital through data science. We move to a praxis level and examine the motivations of local planners to adopt and increasingly automate forms of VGI as a form of citizen engagement. We ground theory and praxis with a report on the uneven impacts of algorithmic civic participation underway in the Canadian city of Toronto.
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Kuehl, Rebecca A., Sara A. Mehltretter Drury, and Jenn Anderson. "Civic Engagement and Public Health Issues: Community Support for Breastfeeding Through Rhetoric and Health Communication Collaborations1." Communication Quarterly 63, no. 5 (October 20, 2015): 510–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01463373.2015.1103598.

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6

Stob, Paul. "Louis Brandeis and the Rhetoric of Transaqional Morality." Rhetoric and Public Affairs 14, no. 2 (June 1, 2011): 261–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/41940540.

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Abstract Progressive reformers frequently spoke a moral language, bringing abstract moral laws to bear on the social, economic, and political turmoil of the early twentieth century. However, this form of moral discourse often proved ineffective for grasping the complexities of the time. In this essay I turn to Louis Brandeiss progressive advocacy to uncover an alternative form of moral speech, one that was better attuned to the changing nature of society. As I argue, Brandeis articulated what one might call "transactional morality," crafting a rhetoric that hinged upon the interconnection of morality, economics, and democratic citizenship. By infusing his moral speech with economic terminology and an abiding concern for civic participation, Brandeis directed the nations attention to the moral costs and benefits of an emerging industrial democracy. The result was a form of moral engagement that not only avoided the problems other progressives encountered but also reconfigured morality in response to radical social change.
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7

Rogers, Rebecca. "Book review: John Ackerman and David Coogan, The Public Work of Rhetoric: Citizen-Scholars and Civic Engagement." Discourse & Society 23, no. 5 (September 2012): 633–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0957926512450064d.

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8

Clancy, Sharon. "The politics of public engagement – Reclaiming community?" Gateways: International Journal of Community Research and Engagement 8, no. 1 (September 3, 2015): 160–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.5130/ijcre.v8i1.4475.

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This article examines the tension between the rhetoric and reality of public engagement, seen through the eyes of a practitioner who has worked in both the arenas of community activism and as a public engagement broker within a UK Russell Group university over the course of the last 15 years. This has coincided with the rise to prominence of public engagement as a means of re-energising the debate about the University as an ‘ethical beacon’ and as an agent of civic and social life. This renewed engagement with ‘the public’ has created many powerful research programmes, conferences, debates, resources and toolkits, has fostered organisations and influenced policy. But has it maintained a focus on ‘community’ as a means of understanding and listening to real people, on the ground, and the issues and concerns that animate and concern them? And how far has ‘community’ been squeezed out because it is no longer part of the prevailing political discourse, supplanted by the more broadly interpreted - and possibly more palatable - concept of ‘public’?Suggestions are offered to counter possible ambivalence on the behalf of universities with regard to engaging in ‘deep’ community engagement through both historical and new articulations of adult education and democracy.
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Enck, Suzanne Marie. "The praxis of rhetorical attitudinizing: productive criticism as civic engagement." Review of Communication 16, no. 1 (January 2, 2016): 92–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15358593.2016.1183905.

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10

Zarefsky, David. "The Public Work of Rhetoric: Citizen-Scholars and Civic Engagement, John M. Ackerman and David J. Coogan, eds." Rhetoric Review 30, no. 4 (October 2011): 426–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07350198.2011.604614.

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van Schaik, Marjan A. "How Belletristic Rhetorical Theory in the Liberal Arts Tradition Led to Civic Engagement: Turn-of-the-Century Rhetoric Instruction at Bryn Mawr College." Rhetoric Review 33, no. 2 (March 13, 2014): 113–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07350198.2014.884412.

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Peucker, Mario. "On the (In)compatibility of Islamic Religiosity and Citizenship in Western Democracies: The Role of Religion for Muslims’ Civic and Political Engagement." Politics and Religion 11, no. 3 (March 9, 2018): 553–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048317000700.

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AbstractQuestioning the compatibility of Islam with liberal democratic principles has become a common argument in the public rhetoric across the socio-political spectrum. This article examines this claimed irreconcilability through the prism of a constitutive dimension of healthy democracies: active citizenship. Drawing on a systematic synthesis of recent studies, the article argues that, while it is impossible to ultimately decide whether Islam as a faith is compatible with liberal democratic norms, the lived religiosity of most Muslims is generally not an obstacle to civic engagement in non-Muslim majority countries; active involvement in mosques rather tends to enhance their active citizenship. Data from an explorative study on Muslims’ engagement in Australia and Germany allow new insights into the different ways civically active Muslims refer to their faith as a driver for their citizenship. Some describe it as a religious duty, while for others ‘serving humanity’ constitutes a fundamental aspect of lived religiosity.
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Mussack, Brigitte. "Social Justice and Corporate Mission Statements: Analyzing Values in Business Writing." Prompt: A Journal of Academic Writing Assignments 5, no. 1 (January 18, 2021): 15–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.31719/pjaw.v5i1.72.

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This article describes and reflects on a collaborative, in-class activity that asks students in a business writing course to analyze the intersection of language, values, and social justice through a rhetorical analysis of corporate mission statements. The activity looks at how mission statements, as a genre, work to construct an ethos of civic engagement targeting a specific audience. Students reflect on values embedded in mission statements and compare these values with corporate action. Students then work in groups to create their own mission statements that direct their research and teamwork for their other, collaborative course projects. I offer this activity focused on mission statements as a concrete way to discuss social justice, values, and civic engagement in a business writing course; specifically, students explore how language impacts social justice and structural (in)equality.
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Dowling, David O. "Documentary games for social change: Recasting violence in the latest generation of i-docs." Catalan Journal of Communication & Cultural Studies 12, no. 2 (October 1, 2020): 287–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/cjcs_00033_1.

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The evolutionary trajectory of digital journalism has been fuelled by the convergence of visual storytelling unique to documentary filmmaking with the graphics and procedural rhetoric of digital games. The reciprocal influences between gaming and documentary forms coalesce in this new highly engaging interactive journalism. This research demonstrates how game mechanics, design and logics combine with cinematic storytelling conventions in documentary games published since 2014. As forms of civic engagement more intimate and immersive than traditional print and broadcast journalism, documentary games leverage alternative depictions of violence for social critique. Case studies examine products of independent developers including the documentary games We Are Chicago by Culture Shock Games and iNK Stories’ 1979 Revolution: Black Friday along with its related vérité virtual reality experience, Blindfold. These cases represent major advances in the activist depiction of oppressed populations in narrative documentary journalism. All these projects feature atypical video game protagonists anathema to those of mainstream games.
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15

Woyshner, Christine. "Race, Gender, and the Early PTA: Civic Engagement and Public Education, 1897–1924." Teachers College Record: The Voice of Scholarship in Education 105, no. 3 (April 2003): 520–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/016146810310500304.

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This article examines the origins of the National Parent-Teacher Association and questions its current image as a white, middle-class women's association. Founded as the National Congress of Mothers in 1897, the association was wedded to late-nineteenth century maternalist ideology that held that all women were united across race, class, and religion in their particular obligation to ensure the proper rearing of all children. The author considers this maternalism and its role in the development of the organization. First, she argues that the emphasis on woman-as-mother allowed for the rapid expansion of a national organization, which by 1920 created considerable tension between women volunteers and male school administrators. By the 1920s, male administrators succeeded in containing the influence of the PTA by employing a rhetorical strategy that separated fundraising from volunteers’ educational work. Then, the author investigates the NCM's racially inclusive policy, a central component of maternalist thinking unique for this era, and argues that it posed the greatest challenge to the organization. This historical study raises questions about the role of civic voluntary associations in public education in a democracy.
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Finn, Sarah. "Broadening the Scope of Community Engagement." Pedagogy 21, no. 1 (January 1, 2021): 159–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/15314200-8692754.

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This article explored a community-engaged, first-year writing course that partnered students with student activist groups on campus at Northeastern University in Boston. Their placement with peers connected them with the campus network and illuminated the ways that they could advocate for social justice in their new community. Students wrote in multiple genres as they attended the meetings and events of different groups involved with environmentalism, food justice, adjunct rights, and more. As students connected their social-change work to the classroom, they learned more about different genres of writing, from scholarly inquiries to multi-modal “deliverables” supporting their student groups. These final “deliverables” included posters, videos, prezis, banners, and even original music to be played at meetings or events. The fact that student worked with peers alleviated some common challenges of community-engaged learning, such as a sense of saviorhood. Instead, students felt a sense of civic investment and developed rhetorical flexibility that they implemented in the classroom and with their groups. Students found the course meaningful and valued the opportunity to get involved with campus activism. As they developed as activists and writers, students felt that the classroom and community spheres overlapped and informed each other.
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17

Mihailidis, Paul, and Samantha Viotty. "Spreadable Spectacle in Digital Culture: Civic Expression, Fake News, and the Role of Media Literacies in “Post-Fact” Society." American Behavioral Scientist 61, no. 4 (March 27, 2017): 441–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764217701217.

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This article explores the phenomenon of spectacle in the lead up and immediate aftermath of the 2016 U.S. presidential election. Through the spread of misinformation, the appropriation of cultural iconography, and the willing engagement of mainstream media to perpetuate partisan and polarizing information, the proliferation of populist rhetoric, polarizing views, and vitriolic opinions spread. Revisiting the world of critical theorist Guy Debord, this article argues that the proliferation of citizen-drive spectacle is unique in its origination and perpetuation, and a direct result of an increasingly polarized and distrustful public spending an increasing amount of time in homophilous networks where contrarian views are few and far between. We apply the frame of spreadable media to explore how citizen expression online initiated, sustained, and expanded the media spectacle that pervaded the 2016 U.S. presidential election. The conclusion of this work argues that media literacies, as a popular response mechanism to help cultivate more critical consumers of media, must be repositioned to respond to an era of partisanship and distrust. We present a set of considerations for repositioning the literacies to focus on critique and creation of media in support of a common good, and that can respond meaningfully in an era of spreadability, connectivity, and spectacle.
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Caron, Caroline, Rebecca Raby, Claudia Mitchell, Sophie Théwissen-LeBlanc, and Jessica Prioletta. "How are civic cultures achieved through youth social-change-oriented vlogging? A multimodal case study." Convergence: The International Journal of Research into New Media Technologies 25, no. 4 (August 22, 2018): 694–713. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354856518795094.

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Debate over conceptual definitions is prominent within the body of literature dealing with emerging patterns of civic engagement and political participation among youth information and communication technology–enabled politics. This article contends that advancing new knowledge in this field is also dependent upon fine-grained empirical analysis of digital traces of youth participation. Drawing on a close analysis of two youth-produced vlogs, we show that adolescents’ commitment to social change can be creatively achieved through video making. Informed by a socio-semiotic approach to multimodal analysis and by Peter Dahlgren’s concept of online civic cultures, our qualitative analysis highlights two main patterns we found in young people’s vlogs aimed at raising awareness about social issues. First, we found that to impact their intended audiences, vloggers presented themselves as creative choice makers and as savvy insiders of youth civic cultures on YouTube. Second, we found that vloggers successfully managed the risk of being the target of online hostility using rhetorical devices and tactics that smoothed counterpositions. Overall, our multimodal case study shows that contrary to traditional approaches to successful communication based on textual coherence, a mix of consistency, disruption, and contradiction can be used purposefully in public speech in order to manage difficult, risky topics. As we demonstrate that visual-based communication on social network sites such as vlogs posted on YouTube is not neat and tidy, we illuminate the vloggers’ shifting identities, opinions, and concerns. This evidence-based observation calls for more in-depth small case qualitative analyses for investigating the multiple affordances of civic talk online and its democratic potential. This article contributes to the ongoing conceptual redefinition of youth civic engagement and political participation in the face of fast-evolving sociotechnical change.
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Filonik, Jakub. "A Civic Style: The Use of μετέχειν Metaphors in Athenian Oratory." Trends in Classics 14, no. 2 (November 11, 2022): 255–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/tc-2022-0011.

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Abstract This paper examines the language of ‘sharing in the polis’ common in Greek legal and political discourse, with a particular emphasis on its use in Athenian oratory. It explores the conceptual metaphors related to various forms of engagement in the socio-political framework of the city-state, such as μετέχειν τῆς πόλεως and μετεῖναι τῆς πόλεως (“having a share in the polis”), μετέχειν τῶν τῆς πόλεως (“having a share in the affairs of the polis”), μετέχειν τῶν κοινῶν (“having a share in public affairs”), and more context-specific variants of this phrasing used by orators in attempts to influence the audiences gathered in the political institutions of democratic Athens. Finally, it argues that crucial distinctions should be made in the understanding of these different expressions and in interpreting their meaning in different rhetorical, legal, and socio-political contexts.
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Conley, Donovan, and Benjamin Burroughs. "Pained publics." Communication and the Public 5, no. 1-2 (March 2020): 3–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2057047320951894.

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In her contribution to the Quarterly Journal of Speech’s centennial issue, “Pathologia,” Jenny Rice suggests, “pathology does not only or always reveal something broken. Rather, the experience of pathology also reminds us that rhetoric’s sensorium is working—really working” (p. 35). Yes, and in a time of pandemic turbulence, we are reminded that the sensorium of civic life works in ways that shape, even threaten, our collective modes of engagement and relationality. Rice offers “the wound” as a response to pathological publicness, noting, “I propose that we begin to theorize the wound itself as the beginning of dialogue. Only the wound can stand as pathology’s counterpart” (p. 40). Wounds focalize and materialize the pathogenic, opening up possibilities for redress while also remediating their own contaminants. Accordingly, our special issue aims to grapple with the ways contemporary publicness affects, and is affected by, civic wounds: how they are discursively produced, and productively discursive. What emergent forms of expression or composition do wounds make possible or foreclose? And, how might critical communication scholarship ad/dress the pathogenic constitution of civic wounds? Each of the essays in “Ad/Dressing Civic Wounds” thus situates particular ways in which wounds are “really working” to produce the conditions that open or foreclose possibilities in the never-finished work of finding shared grounds of togetherness we might call civic life.
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Meir, David, and Thomas Fletcher. "The transformative potential of using participatory community sport initiatives to promote social cohesion in divided community contexts." International Review for the Sociology of Sport 54, no. 2 (June 22, 2017): 218–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1012690217715297.

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Sports are popularly believed to have positive integrative functions and are thought, therefore, to be able to galvanise different, and sometimes divided communities through a shared sporting interest. UK government and policy rhetoric over the last two decades has consistently emphasised the positive role sport can play in building more cohesive, empowered and active communities. These positive impacts are particularly important for communities with high numbers of young people from disadvantaged backgrounds. The purpose of this article is to reflect on the challenges associated with co-producing a participatory community sport initiative with 28 young people, the aim of which was to work towards greater social cohesion in an ethnically segregated borough in north-west England. Although a great deal was learned from working towards this, the initiative was ultimately unsuccessful because, for a variety of reasons, the young people removed themselves from the process. A major contribution of this article is its consideration of how we reflect on the realities of project failure and how future community sport initiatives might have greater success. In particular, we argue that for sport to make a difference, participants must be enabled to develop a sense of civic engagement and critical awareness which go beyond either sport or community development, emphasising wider sociopolitical development instead.
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Wasem, Ruth Ellen. "More than a Wall: The Rise and Fall of US Asylum and Refugee Policy." Journal on Migration and Human Security 8, no. 3 (September 2020): 246–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2331502420948847.

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Executive Summary This article uses a multidisciplinary approach — analyzing historical sources, refugee and asylum admissions data, legislative provisions, and public opinion data — to track the rise and fall of the US asylum and refugee policy. It shows that there has always been a political struggle between people who advocate for a generous refugee and asylum system and those who oppose it. Today, the flexible system of protecting refugees and asylees, established in 1980, is giving way to policies that weaponize them. It offers a historical analysis of US refugee and asylum policies, as well as xenophobic and nativist attitudes toward refugees. It places Trump administration refugee policies in three categories: those that abandon longstanding US legal principles and policies, most notably non-refoulement and due process; those that block the entry of refugees and asylees; and those that criminalize foreign nationals who attempt to seek asylum in the United States. The article concludes with an analysis of public opinion research to square the growing public support for refugees and asylees shown in polling data with the subgroup popularity of Donald Trump’s harsh xenophobic rhetoric and policies. These seemingly contradictory trends are consistent with research on right-wing populism. It argues that the restoration of generous humanitarian policies requires robust civic engagement and steadfast legislative efforts.
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Strunz, Stephan. "Turbulente Lebensläufe: Multivalente Bewerbungsstrategien für den preußischen Staatsdienst nach 1815." Administory 5, no. 1 (December 1, 2020): 200–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/adhi-2020-0013.

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Abstract This article analyses curricula vitae (CVs) submitted in the context of applications in the Prussian civil service in the Rhineland after 1815. The rhetoric of the CVs was multivalent. First, candidates presented their claims to a post via a narrative of their fate during the long period of Napoleonic rule. Secondly, applicants stylised their willingness to make sacrifices during the ‘wars of liberation’ as a sacred dedication to the ‘fatherland’. Thirdly and finally, there were applicants who had not taken part in the ‘wars of liberation' and tried to make up for this lack of patriotic engagement through substitute services.
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Curtright, Travis. "Thomas More as author of Margaret Roper's letter to Alice Alington." Moreana 56 (Number 211), no. 1 (June 2019): 1–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/more.2019.0048.

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Why would Sir Thomas More write a letter to Alice Alington under the name of Margaret More Roper? To answer that question, this essay examines the political and familial circumstances of the letter's composition, its artfully concealed design of forensic oratory, and use of indirect argument. A careful analysis of the letter's rhetorical strategy will reveal further that More crafted his defense of conscience with allusion to the question of counsel from Utopia, whether or not a philosopher should enter into a king's service. In the Alington letter, from More's position as an imprisoned, former Chancellor of England, he revised civic humanism's call for political engagement into a powerful statement of defiance against King Henry VIII.
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Bacchus, Nazreen S. "Resisting Islamophobia: Muslims Seeking American Integration Through Spiritual Growth, Community Organizing and Political Activism." American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 36, no. 4 (October 7, 2019): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajiss.v36i4.548.

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Since 9/11, second-generation Muslims have experienced an increase in religious discrimination that has presented several challenges to their American integration. Scholars have noted that Muslims are often marginalized and “othered” because of their religious beliefs, attire choices and non-Western ethnic origins. In New York, Arabs, South Asians and Africans are the predominant ethnic groups practicing Islam. Although Muslim communities are ethnically and racially diverse, they are categorized in ways that have transformed their religious identity into a racialized group. This new form of racial amalgamation is not constructed on underlying skin color similarities but on their religious adherence to Islam. The War on Terror has complicated the image of Muslims by circulating Islamophobia, or the fear of Muslims and Islam, onto American society. Political rhetoric targeting Muslim communities has also incited new ways of misinterpreting Qur’anic text to further marginalize them. Second-generation Muslim Americans are responding to Islamophobia by reframing the negative depictions about their identities through community-based activism. This paper takes an intersectionality approach to understanding how Muslims across the New York metro area are managing their religious identities as they seek to develop a sense of belonging in American society. This ethnographic case study addresses how second-generation Muslims are resisting Islamophobia through community building, civic engagement, and college student associations. Countering Islamophobia has become part of the everyday life experience for Muslims in New York and is currently their main trajectory for integration into American society.
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Bacchus, Nazreen. "Resisting Islamophobia." American Journal of Islam and Society 36, no. 4 (October 7, 2019): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v36i4.548.

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Since 9/11, second-generation Muslims have experienced an increase in religious discrimination that has presented several challenges to their American integration. Scholars have noted that Muslims are often marginalized and “othered” because of their religious beliefs, attire choices and non-Western ethnic origins. In New York, Arabs, South Asians and Africans are the predominant ethnic groups practicing Islam. Although Muslim communities are ethnically and racially diverse, they are categorized in ways that have transformed their religious identity into a racialized group. This new form of racial amalgamation is not constructed on underlying skin color similarities but on their religious adherence to Islam. The War on Terror has complicated the image of Muslims by circulating Islamophobia, or the fear of Muslims and Islam, onto American society. Political rhetoric targeting Muslim communities has also incited new ways of misinterpreting Qur’anic text to further marginalize them. Second-generation Muslim Americans are responding to Islamophobia by reframing the negative depictions about their identities through community-based activism. This paper takes an intersectionality approach to understanding how Muslims across the New York metro area are managing their religious identities as they seek to develop a sense of belonging in American society. This ethnographic case study addresses how second-generation Muslims are resisting Islamophobia through community building, civic engagement, and college student associations. Countering Islamophobia has become part of the everyday life experience for Muslims in New York and is currently their main trajectory for integration into American society.
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Banaji, Shakuntala. "Everyday Racism and «My Tram Experience»: Emotion, Civic Performance and Learning on YouTube." Comunicar 20, no. 40 (March 1, 2013): 69–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.3916/c40-2013-02-07.

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Does the public expression and performance of shock, distress, anger, frustration and ideological disapproval of particular sorts of politics constitute a form of collective political expression from which individuals can learn about being citizens? When it comes to the expression of feelings of racial and other types of prejudice, has political correctness led to a deepening of entrenched racist beliefs with no channel for discussion? This article engages with such questions through a case study of YouTube responses to «My Tram Experience» a commuter-uploaded mobile-phone video of a racist diatribe on a tram in the UK. Using qualitative content analysis, and thematic analysis, it describes how these performed, networked and distributed moments of citizen angst demonstrate a limited but interesting range of civic engagements with and positionings towards racism, immigration, class and nationalism. For one reason or another these are not allowed to occur in other public for a such as the mainstream media or schools. The article argues that these vlogs are both a wide-ranging potentially therapeutic resource for those needing validation for their racist or anti-racist views, or for those who wish to express and garner solidarity for discomfort and pain caused by racism; they are also a significant though currently uncurated resource for citizenship education both formal and informal because of their engagements with technology, social context, emotional context and political rhetoric. ¿La manifestación pública de sentimientos de conmoción, angustia, ira, frustración y desaprobación ideológica de ciertos tipos de hacer política constituyen una forma de expresión colectiva que permiten a las personas aprender a ser ciudadanos? En expresiones de prejuicios raciales u otros, ¿es posible que la «corrección política» haya llevado a una profundización de creencias racistas arraigadas? Este artículo interpela estos interrogantes a tfravés de las respuestas en YouTube al vídeo «Mi experiencia en un tranvía», realizado por un viajero con teléfono móvil a partir de una diatriba racista ocurrida en un tranvía del Reino Unido. Tras un análisis cuantitativo de contenido y un análisis temático, se describe cómo momentos de angustia ciudadana –compartidos y distribuidos por la Red– demuestran un rango limitado y a la vez interesante de relaciones cívicas, así como posicionamientos ante el racismo, la inmigración, la clase social y el nacionalismo. Por diferentes motivos, estos posicionamientos no están presentes en otgros foros públicos como los medios y las escuelas. Se argumenta que estos videoblogs son un recurso terapéutico para aquellos que necesitan el reconocimiento de sus puntos de vista racistas o anti-racistas, o para aquellos que desean expresar o provocar solidaridad en momentos incómodos y dolorosos causados por el racismo. Además son un recurso significativo, aunque todavía no considerado, en la educación para la ciudadanía, tanto la formal como la informal, debido a sus compromisos con la tecnología, el contexto social, el contexto emocional y la retórica política.
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Davies, Anna R., Vanesa Castán Broto, and Stephan Hügel. "Editorial: Is There a New Climate Politics?" Politics and Governance 9, no. 2 (April 28, 2021): 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v9i2.4341.

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Addressing climate change globally requires significant transformations of production and consumption systems. The language around climate action has shifted tangibly over the last five years to reflect this. Indeed, thousands of local governments, national governments, universities and scientists have declared a climate emergency. Some commentators argue that the emergency framing conveys a new and more appropriate level of urgency needed to respond to climate challenges; to create a social tipping point in the fight against climate change. Others are concerned to move on from such emergency rhetoric to urgent action. Beyond emergency declarations, new spaces of, and places for, engagement with climate change are emerging. The public square, the exhibition hall, the law courts, and the investors’ forum are just some of the arenas where climate change politics are now being negotiated. Emergent governing mechanisms are being utilised, from citizens’ assemblies to ecocide lawsuits. New social movements from Extinction Rebellion to Fridays For Future demonstrate heightened concern and willingness to undertake civil disobedience and protest against climate inaction. Yet questions remain which are addressed in this thematic issue: Are these discourses and spaces of engagement manifestations of a radical new climate politics? And if these are new climate politics, do they mark a shift of gear in current discourses with the potential to effect transformative climate action and support a just transition to a decarbonised world?
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Hernández, Jess Vázquez. "Review by "Literacy and pedagogy in an age of misinformation and disinformation," Edited by Tara Lockhart, Brenda Glascott, Chris Warnick, Juli Parrish, and Justin Lewis; Lockhart, T., Glascott, B., Warnick, C., Parrish, J., & Lewis, J. (Eds.) (2021). Parlor Press." Communication Design Quarterly 9, no. 4 (December 2021): 17–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/3487213.3487217.

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Literacy and Pedagogy in an Age of Misinformation And Disinformation (2021) joins ongoing engagement with the topics of post-truth rhetorics (Carillo, 2018; McComiskey 2017; McIntyre 2018), evolving technologies in composition (Laquintano and Vee, 2017; Craig, 2017), and literacies pedagogies for our current moment (Colton and Holmes, 2018; Vee, 2017). Stemming from renewed interest in fake news after the 2016 election, the effects of the Trump presidency and its impacts in literacy education are represented throughout. This collection of 18 essays edited by Literacy in Composition (LiCS) journal editors Tara Lockhart, Brenda Glascott, Chris Warnick, Juli Parrish, and Justin Lewis continues the work of their 2017 special issue, "Literacy, Democracy, and Fake News." By bringing together "a range of perspectives---from literacy professionals in higher education, K-12, journalism, information technology, and other fields" (p. 2), the collection models a central condition for teaching within this context: to combat misinformation and disinformation, it is necessary to take a collaborative, interdisciplinary approach that expands outside of academic settings and brings together a wide range of expertise. Supporting this goal, the collection features six interviews moderated by Tara Lockhart. Each interview engages with a professional and/or educational staff, including social media strategists/curators/editors and curriculum/program coordinators, to explore how misinformation and disinformation is affecting all of us. Thus, Literacy and Pedagogy in an Age Of Misinformation and Disinformation "creates a polyphonous interrogation" (p. 6) to open up spaces and "opportunities for different kinds of literacy workers to hear and learn from each other---a networked approach that echoes the patterns of information ecologies themselves" (p. 6). Readers are invited to engage with the collection through "four essential threats that emerge most urgently from the collection's contributions" (p. 8). These include: 1) keywords and definitions; 2) contextualized praxis and pedagogy; 3) rhetorical analysis; and 4) "citizenship and civic literacies" (p. 13) based on people's different positionalities relating to misinformation and disinformation---as students, professors, journalists, social media specialists, etc. However, as readers will find, other organic pathways emerge based on format (curricular/course design, interviews, etc.) and context (higher education, K-12, online environments, etc.). Ultimately, it is within this complex web that we find a sustained engagement with practical and tangible strategies, pedagogies, and processes to think critically about how we combat misinformation and disinformation inside and outside of the classroom.
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Barrow, Emma, and Barry Judd. "Whitefellas at the Margins." International Journal of Critical Indigenous Studies 7, no. 2 (June 1, 2014): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/ijcis.v7i2.111.

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Within the context of the Australian higher education sector and the organisational interactions facilitated by a university, the politics of Anglo-Australian identity continues to limit the ability of ‘whitefella’ Australians to engage with Indigenous people in a way that might be said to be truly ethical and self-transformative. Instead, the identity politics of Anglo-Australia, a politics that originates in the old colonial stories of the 19th century, continues to function in a way that marginalises those individuals who choose to engage in a way that goes beyond the organisational rhetoric of government and civil institutions in promoting causes such as reconciliation and ‘closing the gap’. The history of Australian colonialism teaches us that, when a deep and productive engagement between settler and native has occurred, the stability of Anglo-Australian identity is destabilised as the colonial establishment is reminded of Indigenous dispossession and the moral and legal legitimacy of the contemporary Australian state become subject to problematic questions that arise from this fact of Australian history. Framing the contemporary context of change and resistance, the authors discuss the importance of inclusive institutional practice, in the quest for a democratic modelling that points to a pathway for a truer recognition, acceptance and inclusion of Indigenous peoples in the ‘mainstream’ of Australian university life.
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31

Stein, David. "Civic Engagement." Adult Learning 13, no. 4 (September 2002): 7–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/104515950201300403.

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32

Downs, Donald A. "Civic Education versus Civic Engagement." Academic Questions 25, no. 3 (July 14, 2012): 343–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12129-012-9302-y.

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33

Maiello, Carmine, Fritz Oser, and Horst Biedermann. "Civic Knowledge, Civic Skills and Civic Engagement." European Educational Research Journal 2, no. 3 (September 2003): 384–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.2304/eerj.2003.2.3.5.

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In this article the authors suggest that civic skills and civic knowledge are key components of the political information perception process and try to determine the differential effects of these variables on civic engagement. Starting from a model proposed by Torney-Purta, Lehmann, Oswald & Schulz, they developed an alternative model to explain the likelihood to vote in the International Association for the Evaluation of Educational Achievement Civic Education Study Standard Population of 14 year-olds tested in 1999. Results indicate that home environment and school-related factors predict civic knowledge and skills equally well. However, the direct effects of civic knowledge on likelihood to vote appear to be stronger than the corresponding effects of civic skills in 23 out of 28 countries. The evaluation of total effects highlights the meaning of an open classroom climate for discussion with reference to the likelihood to vote.
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Dudley, Robert L., and Alan R. Gitelson. "Civic Education, Civic Engagement, and Youth Civic Development." Political Science and Politics 36, no. 02 (April 2003): 263–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096503002191.

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35

Bohunická, Alena. "Civic rhetoric and social inclusion." Journal of Linguistics/Jazykovedný casopis 73, no. 1 (June 1, 2022): 51–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/jazcas-2022-0027.

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Abstract The subject of the study is current civic rhetoric with regard to the inclusive rhetorical mechanisms employed in it. In classical rhetoric, we rely on the Aristotle’s deliberative type of rhetoric. We are interested in the citizen’s predisposition for involvement in deliberation (deliberative competence including its rhetorical aspect), the identity of rhetorical deliberative subjects, as well as the rhetorical procedures and genres in civic rhetoric. We work on the assumption that inequality of deliberation actors is the impetus for the creation of inclusive rhetoric. In this paper we distinguish three functions of inclusive rhetoric: (1) coordination function (coordination of various individual or group interests, opinions, intentions), (2) compensatory function (compensating for knowledge, information and other deficits) and (3) solidarity function (strengthening collectivity as a prerequisite for the influence and success of proposals in the negotiation phase of civic rhetoric. These particular functions characterize inclusive rhetoric in the public debate phase of civic rhetoric (i.e., deliberation in its own sense). We characterize and illustrate them through the rhetorical speeches and deliberative practices of the founder of the civic initiative IG24.
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Doolittle, Amy, and Anna C. Faul. "Civic Engagement Scale." SAGE Open 3, no. 3 (July 4, 2013): 215824401349554. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2158244013495542.

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37

Bennion, Elizabeth A. "Introduction: Apsa’s Civic Engagement Section Shines a Spotlight on Civic Engagement." PS: Political Science & Politics 55, no. 2 (March 31, 2022): 385–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096521001670.

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38

Taylor, Jr., Henry, D. Luter, and Camden Miller. "The University, Neighborhood Revitalization, and Civic Engagement: Toward Civic Engagement 3.0." Societies 8, no. 4 (October 30, 2018): 106. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/soc8040106.

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This essay analyzes and syntheses key theories and concepts on neighborhood change from the literature on anchor institutions, university engagement, gentrification, neighborhood effects, Cold War, Black liberation studies, urban political economy, and city building. To deepen understanding of the Columbia University experience, we complemented the literature analysis with an examination of the New York Times and Amsterdam newspapers from 1950 to 1970. The study argues that higher education’s approach to neighborhood revitalization during the urban renewal age, as well as in the post-1990 period, produced undesirable results and failed to spawn either social transformation or build the neighborly community espoused by Lee Benson and Ira Harkavy. The essay explains the reasons why and concludes with a section on a more robust strategy higher education can pursue in the quest to bring about desirable change in the university neighborhood.
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Johnson, Peter, and Pamela Robinson. "Civic Hackathons: Innovation, Procurement, or Civic Engagement?" Review of Policy Research 31, no. 4 (July 2014): 349–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/ropr.12074.

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40

Konkov, Alexander E. "Soft Power for Russia: from Adoption to Latent Governance Skills." RUDN Journal of Political Science 22, no. 2 (December 15, 2020): 205–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2020-22-2-205-221.

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This article is devoted to the study of Russian perception of soft power, which was initially conceptualized within the American political theory and is still being discussed in terms of its application to real political relations in the modern world. Scientific novelty of the article lies in identifying, based on retrospective analysis of Russian language publications on soft power, gradual shift from descriptive approach to soft power as exclusive instrument of American foreign policy towards an emerging independent category of Russian soft power. The latter incorporates perceptions about the ability of the state to rely on the most effective social structures in interaction, first of all, with external actors, which, however, can also have a domestic civil dimension in terms of expanding the tools for latent management of social processes. Besides considering the publication dynamics in scientific journals, the author also analyzes the gradual entry of the concept of soft power into discourse of real Russian politics through the public rhetoric of country’s top leadership and strategic foreign policy documents. Initially, Russian priorities articulated through the search for mechanisms to resist soft power from the outside. Later a consecutive postulate emerged to develop sovereign soft power instruments, based on the active engagement of civil society institutions into foreign policy process. Activation of latter, as well as the growing practices of different countries in building relations with non-governmental organizations in the implementation of their national interests, are becoming important factors to encourage government efforts for soft power. Russian experience demonstrates a two-way process in search for the corresponding national model: while the state expresses interest in developing additional mechanisms that support its policy in the international arena, the society demonstrates a demand for increasingly universal forms of self-realization in a competitive global market.
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Price, Patricia L., Christopher Lukinbeal, Richard N. Gioioso, Daniel D. Arreola, Damián J. Fernández, Timothy Ready, and María de los Angeles Torres. "Placing Latino Civic Engagement." Urban Geography 32, no. 2 (February 2011): 179–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.2747/0272-3638.32.2.179.

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Huda, SSM Sadrul, Tanveer Kabir, and Tanvir Alam Siddiq. "Civic Engagement of Students." International Journal of Political Activism and Engagement 6, no. 3 (July 2019): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijpae.2019070101.

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This article aims to figure out the impact of civic engagement of students in Bangladesh. Developed countries are well aware about the importance of civic engagement of the student community nowadays. Their educational system is already structured in a manner which encourages civic engagement in educational life. There are a lot of studies in developed countries regarding student participation in civic engagement. It is seen that the educational system and curriculum in Bangladesh does not incorporate civic engagement. However, there is some skill sharing institutions that has started engaging students in civic activities. Students are learning leadership skills, gaining practical knowledge besides academic, experiencing innovation and becoming responsible citizens of the country. This article focuses on some practical scenarios through which students were engaged with civic activities, which, in turn, positively affect the academic and non-academic achievements of the students in Bangladesh.
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Franco, Josh. "Civic Engagement Leadership Program." PS: Political Science & Politics 55, no. 2 (March 31, 2022): 394–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s104909652100175x.

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Boruff-Jones, Polly D. "Civic engagement: Available resources." College & Research Libraries News 67, no. 1 (January 1, 2006): 23–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/crln.67.1.7555.

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Johansen, Stine Liv, and Cecilie Givskov. "Media and civic engagement." MedieKultur: Journal of media and communication research 30, no. 56 (June 30, 2014): 4. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/mediekultur.v30i56.17286.

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46

Dennan, Simon. "Performance and civic engagement." Research in Drama Education: The Journal of Applied Theatre and Performance 25, no. 2 (February 25, 2020): 311–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13569783.2020.1730171.

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47

Theiss-Morse, Elizabeth, and John R. Hibbing. "CITIZENSHIP AND CIVIC ENGAGEMENT." Annual Review of Political Science 8, no. 1 (June 15, 2005): 227–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev.polisci.8.082103.104829.

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48

Mandarano, Lynn. "Civic Engagement Capacity Building." Journal of Planning Education and Research 35, no. 2 (January 22, 2015): 174–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0739456x14566869.

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Żukowski, Tomasz, and Maria Theiss. "Islands of Civic Engagement." International Journal of Sociology 39, no. 4 (December 2009): 65–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.2753/ijs0020-7659390403.

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50

Berry, Jeffrey M. "Nonprofits and Civic Engagement." Public Administration Review 65, no. 5 (September 2005): 568–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-6210.2005.00484.x.

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