Journal articles: 'Reza Shah'

1

Ghods, M. Reza. "Iranian nationalism and Reza Shah." Middle Eastern Studies 27, no. 1 (January 1991): 35–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00263209108700845.

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Bakhash, Shaul. "Britain and the abdication of Reza Shah." Middle Eastern Studies 52, no. 2 (December 22, 2015): 318–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00263206.2015.1119122.

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Ghods, M. Reza. "The Iranian communist movement under Reza Shah." Middle Eastern Studies 26, no. 4 (October 1990): 506–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00263209008700833.

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Zirinsky, Michael P. "Imperial Power and Dictatorship: Britain and the Rise of Reza Shah, 1921–1926." International Journal of Middle East Studies 24, no. 4 (November 1992): 639–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800022388.

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[Reza Khan] seemed to me a strong and fearless man who had his country's good at heart. —Sir Edmund Ironside, recalling late 1920 Reza… has never spoken for himself, nor… [his] Government… but only on behalf of his country… —Sir Percy Loraine, January 1922 He is secretive, suspicious and ignorant; he appears wholly unable to grasp the realities of the situation or to realise the force of the hostility he has aroused. —Harold Nicolson, September 1926 I fear we can do nothing to humanise this bloodthirsty lunatic. —Sir Robert Vansittart, December 1933 Born in obscurity about 1878 and soon orphaned, Reza Pahlavi enlisted at fifteen in a Russian-officered Cossack brigade. Rising through the ranks, he provided force for a February 1921 coup d'état, seizing power for journalist Sayyid Zia alDin Tabatabai. Reza Khan provided strength in the new government and rose from army commander to minister of war (April 1921) to prime minister (1923) and, after failing to make a republic in 1924, to the throne in 1925. As shah he ruled with increasingly arbitrary power until Britain and Russia deposed him in 1941. He died in exile in 1944.

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Schayegh, Cyrus. "“SEEING LIKE A STATE”: AN ESSAY ON THE HISTORIOGRAPHY OF MODERN IRAN." International Journal of Middle East Studies 42, no. 1 (January 14, 2010): 37–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743809990523.

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This essay is an attempt to reflect on the past and on possible futures of the historiography of Pahlavi Iran. At its root stands the observation that with the rise of the autocratic Pahlavi dynasty, the state began to cast a long shadow over the way journalists, intellectuals, and scholars saw modern Iran. Key actors—Reza Shah Pahlavi (r. 1921–41) and his bureaucratic elite, and Muhammad Reza Shah Pahlavi (r. 1941–79) and his technocratic elite—produced an image of the state as a unit completely detached from society and omnipotent enough to be the ultimate reference point for all developments be they social, cultural, or economic.

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Schayegh, Cyrus. "Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi’s Autocracy: Governmental Constraints, 1960s–1970s." Iranian Studies 51, no. 6 (October 22, 2018): 889–904. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00210862.2018.1522949.

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7

Muzaffar, Muhammad. "Muhammad Reza Shah Pahlavi Reign: An Analysis of White Revolution." PAKISTAN LANGUAGES AND HUMANITIES REVIEW 2, no. II (December 31, 2018): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.47205/plhr.2018(2-ii)2.1.

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8

Masterton, Rebecca. "The Spirit of Tolerance in Islam by Reza Shah-Kazemi." Journal of Shi'a Islamic Studies 6, no. 3 (2013): 355–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/isl.2013.0025.

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9

Ettehadieh, Mansoureh, and Kaveh Bayat. "The Reza Shah period: document collections recently published in Iran." Iranian Studies 26, no. 3-4 (September 1993): 419–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00210869308701813.

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10

Ravandi-Fadai, Lana M. "The Most Luxurious Royal Celebration in Modern History: Celebrating 2,500th Anniversary of the Establishment of the Persian Empire in Iran." Oriental Courier, no. 1-2 (2021): 177. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s268684310015772-7.

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The article describes a unique in terms of luxury and used resources celebration of the 2500th anniversary of the Persian Empire, held near the ruins of the ancient Achaemenid capital on the initiative of the last Shah of Iran, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi. The author suggests that this inadequately expensive event was one of the reasons for the 1979 revolution and the flight of the Shah from the country.

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11

Monirinejad, Mahdi, Arman Heidari, and Keshvad Siahpour. "ROLE OF INTELLECTUALS IN TRIBAL POLICIES OF REZA SHAH REGIME: A STUDY FOCUSING ON THE BAKHTIARI AND QASHQAEI TRIBE." Humanities & Social Sciences Reviews 8, no. 4 (September 2, 2020): 801–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.18510/hssr.2020.8480.

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Purpose of the study: Following the entrance of Reza Shah into Iran’s political scene, the Persian archaist and nationalist intellectuals started to support him. These intellectuals believed that only through a central government with a Persian Nationalism could establish a united national nation-state in Iran. They played a key role in paving the path for the formation of a united nation-state and tackling the existing barriers before its path, e.g. the semi-autonomous traditional tribal governments, through establishing parties, societies, and newspapers and various activities in the administrative and bureaucratic domains. This is an issue which has not been discussed almost by no one of the scholars who have conducted studies on Iran. Methodology: The present study has been undertaken based on the method of historical sociology and through the use of the library sources. Results: In this way, the intellectuals who were supporters of the ancient Persian nationalism persuaded Reza Shah to adopt a radical military approach against the tribes. They consecrated Reza Shah and did not miss any opportunity to humiliate the tribes in every possible form. In fact, the pro-ancient Persian nationalism intellectuals had their own personal strategies for the destruction of the semi-independent governments. Applications of this study: This article plays a prefund role in studying the history of recent Iran. Novelty of the study: The Novelty of the study is in investigating the historical sociology and using various sources.

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12

Özdemir, Zelal. "Tracing the International Dimensions of Iranian Nationalism: The Era of Mohammad Reza Shah." Iran and the Caucasus 25, no. 1 (April 22, 2021): 48–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1573384x-20210106.

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This study explores the reconstruction of Iranian national identity during the Mohammad Reza Shah era (1953 to 1979). Drawing on materials collected from the memoirs and statements of the Shah and the key actors of the era and using Historical Sociology in International Relations as its theoretical backbone, it aims to unravel the constitutive role of the international on the formation of Iranian state nationalism. It argues that in order to understand the meaning attached to being Iranian, we should look into the specifics of international- domestic interaction, as Iranian national identity has been framed and re-framed by the Shah alongside the changing dynamics born out of specific interaction between the domestic and international dynamics. The Shah’s interpretation of Iranian identity emerged and evolved at the intersection of his endeavours for gaining legitimacy against the legacy of Mosaddeq and his popular nationalism at the domestic level and for reclaiming the actorness of Iran during the Cold War at the international level. Playing inwards and outwards, the Shah sought to deconstruct the content of Iranian nationalism articulated by Mosaddeq and to give a new meaning to Iranian nationalism. Serving as the ideological glue of his state building, it was characterized by a strong belief in the rapid industrialization, emphasis on unity rather than diversity, uniqueness of Iranian identity vis-à-vis the East and the West, and presentation of the Shah as the real and moral representative of the Iranian people.

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13

Sumarno, Wisnu Fachrudin. "Sejarah Politik Republik Islam Iran Tahun 1905-1979." SANGKéP: Jurnal Kajian Sosial Keagamaan 3, no. 2 (July 24, 2020): 145–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.20414/sangkep.v3i2.1931.

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Iran merupakan negara Islam yang banyak dibicarakan baik dalam sejarah maupun sistem perpolitikannya. Negara Iran merupakan negara penganut paham syiah yang paling besar. Sejarah berdirinya negara Iran dan sistem politik kekuasaan Iran hampir seperti sistem monarki mulai dari Persia, dinasti Safawiyah hingga rezim Qajar, kemudian berlanjut dengan sistem militer yang otoriter pada masa Reza Shah Pahlevi sesudah menaklukkan Rezim Qajar sampai putranya Muhammad Reza Pahlevi, dan terakhir Theo-demokrasi dengan Waliyat al Faqih semenjak terjadinya revolusi Iran pada tahun 1979 yang dipimpin oleh Ayyatullah Khumaeni. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode penelitian sejarah dan pendekatan politik.

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14

Bonakdarian, Mansour, and Mohammad Gholi Majd. "Great Britain & Reza Shah: The Plunder of Iran, 1921-1941." Albion: A Quarterly Journal Concerned with British Studies 34, no. 4 (2002): 688. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4054714.

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15

Shahriari, Kamyab. "Modernization Process in Iran: Historical Overview." Journal of Social Science Studies 4, no. 1 (January 31, 2017): 269. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/jsss.v4i1.10206.

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Modernization process in Iran began in 19th century by Iranian officials like Abbas Mirza Ghaem Magham and Amir Kabir in order to change the traditional structure of government and replace it with a new and modern one. After the establishment of Pahlavi dynasty, the process of modernization continued by Reza Shah and Mohammad Reza Shah. After the victory of Islamic revolution of 1979 modernization didn’t stop and continued until now. This paper examines the process of modernization in Iran from 19th century up to the present. Research shows that although 100 years have passed since the victory of Iran’s Constitutional Revolution and in spite of 150 years passing since modern political concepts introduced by intellectuals and inclusive struggles to establish modern political system, none of these have been incarnated in a tangible way. As a result, Iranian society is still in search of the rule of law, freedom and democracy, which had been introduced for the first time more than hundred years ago.

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16

Farahzadi, Amir. "The Educative Conversation of Imam Khomeini in Islamic Republic Victory." Journal of Studies in Education 7, no. 1 (February 3, 2017): 89. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/jse.v7i1.10332.

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One of the most efficient weapons of dominators, was anonymity of dominated societies to continue to rule. In recent decades, there were high trying to make the third world societies in dream and make the people understood that they are dependent to other people and other societies. In Reza Khan Era, England country was idea maker in his rule in all dimensions of the country. So, his ruling method was formed based on England thought and idea and in hid son Era, some American policies were replaced. Mohammad Reza Shah, tried to advertise about the western culture, and he founded the country constructional system, on the basis of western structure. Imam Khomeini as the leader of Islamic Republic was informed about the policies of shah along changes at the aim of American purposes, therefore, he noted that the only way to challenge with Shah is rehabilitation of Islamic culture and removing the western culture and he has tried to get the people informed about the sensitive conditions and to rehabilitate the sense of confidence and independence as the Islamic value. This research aim is to present the idea of arrogance and anti-colonialism in orientation of public thoughts against Pahlavi Government.

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17

G.N, Khaki, and Mohd Altaf Bhat. "Pahlavi's the Pioneers of Education in Iran: A Study of Reza Shah." http://www.crossref.org/webDeposit/ 3, no. 3 (September 30, 2015): 45–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.5121/ije.2015.3305.

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18

Summitt, April R. "For a White Revolution: John F. Kennedy and the Shah of Iran." Middle East Journal 58, no. 4 (October 1, 2004): 560–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.3751/58.4.12.

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The story of American relations with Iran during the Kennedy administration is one of misunderstandings and missed opportunities. Shah Muhammad Reza Pahlavi often manipulated and thwarted Kennedy's policy toward Iran and used American fears of Communism to gain increased financial aid and military support. Disagreements among US policy-makers also contributed to an inconsistent policy toward Iran. These factors resulted in the bolstering of a dictatorship out of touch with the Iranian people, inevitably leading to the revolution that occurred in 1978-79.

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19

Abdel-Alak, Dr Ahmed Shaker, and Dr Abdullah Lafteh Al-Budairi. "The Visit of the Shah of Iran to Washington in October 21-23, 1969: A study in the U.S Department of State’s reports." ALUSTATH JOURNAL FOR HUMAN AND SOCIAL SCIENCES 225, no. 2 (September 1, 2018): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.36473/ujhss.v225i2.134.

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Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi tried in his visit to Washington to give the impression to the US administration that he was able to protect the interests of the United States in Iran and in the whole Arabian Gulf and the Middle East. The visit of the Shah represented a new turning point in the history of the Iranian - US relations. It included the discussion of issues concerning both countries, especially the issue of arms and the production and sale of Iranian oil after the announcement of the British government's desire to withdraw from the Gulf region within three years. The American leaders focused on meeting the demands of the Shah, specifically the military ones, to discuss oil production topics and methods of exporting and cooperation with US oil companies, have expressed American sympathy in dealing with the many issues.

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20

Abrahamian, Ervand, and Cyrus Ghani. "Iran and the Rise of Reza Shah: From Qajar Collapse to Pahlavi Rule." American Historical Review 105, no. 2 (April 2000): 652. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1571622.

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21

SAKURAI, Keiko. "Delvlopment and Purose of Sporting Events during the Reign of Iran's Reza Shah." Bulletin of the Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan 33, no. 2 (1990): 65–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.5356/jorient.33.2_65.

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22

Mueller, Chelsi. "Anglo-Iranian Treaty Negotiations: Reza Shah, Teymurtash and the British Government, 1927–32." Iranian Studies 49, no. 4 (March 16, 2015): 577–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00210862.2015.1016820.

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23

Amanolahi, Sekandar. "Reza Shah and the Lurs: the Impact of the Modern State On Luristan." Iran and the Caucasus 6, no. 1 (2002): 193–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157338402x00124.

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24

Khakpour, Arta. "A divorce of avant-gardes: Surrealism and socialism in post-Reza Shah Iran." Middle Eastern Literatures 19, no. 2 (May 3, 2016): 119–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1475262x.2016.1199092.

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25

Chehabi, Houchang E. "Staging the emperor's new clothes: dress codes and nation‐building under Reza Shah." Iranian Studies 26, no. 3-4 (September 1993): 209–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00210869308701800.

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26

Khoshnood, Ardavan, and Arvin Khoshnood. "The death of an emperor – Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi and his political cancer." Alexandria Journal of Medicine 52, no. 3 (September 1, 2016): 201–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ajme.2015.11.002.

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27

Matthee, Rudi. "Transforming dangerous nomads into useful artisans, technicians, agriculturists: education in the Reza Shah period." Iranian Studies 26, no. 3-4 (September 1993): 313–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00210869308701804.

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28

Wynn, Antony. "The Fall of Reza Shah: The Abdication, Exile and Death of Modern Iran’s Founder." Asian Affairs 52, no. 3 (May 27, 2021): 749–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03068374.2021.1943966.

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29

Arabadzhyan, Z. A. "Republican Movement in Iran and the reasons of its failure (January – March 1924)." Minbar. Islamic Studies 13, no. 4 (December 27, 2020): 794–823. http://dx.doi.org/10.31162/2618-9569-2020-13-4-794-823.

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By the beginning of the twentieth century for almost 2500 years of its history,Iranwas an originally monarchical country, where the republican ideas and traditions were completely untypical. Nevertheless, from the end of December 1923, the society traced the idea of overthrowing Ahmed Shah Qajar and replacing constitutional monarchy with a republic. The main source of the republican movement was the Tajjaddod (Renaissance) Party, led by Seyyed Mohamed Tadayon. In fact, the whole process was initiated by an almighty dictator Reza Khan (whose honorary title was Sardar Sepah). He held the posts of a Prime Minister and a Minister of War and in order to achieve his goals he forced Ahmed Shah to leaveIranin November 1923. Reza-Khan wanted to repeat Kemal Ataturk’s way, and planned to become the so-called lifetime president of the republic.However, the movement for becoming a republic provoked strong resistance in various segments of Iranian society, which was led by Shiite clergy. The leader of Anti-Republican Movement was Seyed Hassan Modarres, a major theologian and politician and a member of the Majlis (Parliament).As a result of a sharp struggle between the opposing camps, the Republican Movement suffered a crushing defeat. The reasons for it were, firstly, the unwillingness of the majority of Iranian classes and social groups to give up the monarchy and, secondly, straightforward and rough actions of the Republicans, which caused the opposite effect among the population.

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30

Forughi, Mohammad-Ali. "The History of Modernization of Law." Journal of Persianate Studies 3, no. 1 (2010): 31–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187471610x505942.

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AbstractMohammad Ali Khan, Zokā’ al-Molk, later Forughi, became Minister of Justice in December 1911 (until June 1912 and again from August 1914 to April 1915), following Moshir al-Dawla Pirniā and continuing the legal reform the latter had initiated in 1911. Forughi also served as Prime Minister of Iran several times, lastly in 1941-42 (1320), when he arranged the abdication of Reza Shah and the succession of his son, Mohammad-Reza Pahlavi, shortly before his death in November 1942. This lecture was given at the Faculty of Law and Political Science at the new University of Tehran is an important historical document that throws considerable light on the early stage of the modernization of Iran’s legal system. We are therefore publishing it in a translation which preserves the lecture format with only slight abridgement. Forughi’s informed account of legal modernization is prefaced by acute observations on the intrusion of modernity into the culture of Iran in the early twentieth century. (The Editor)

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Kirichenko, Vladimir. "IRAN-SYRIA: FACTORS OF COOPERATION AND RAPPROCHEMENT." Russia and the moslem world, no. 1 (2021): 89–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/rmw/2021.01.06.

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The article is about Iran-Syria relations. Bilateral ties between these countries were not friendly under Shah Reza Pahlavi (1919-1980), despite a thaw in relations in the 1970s. Having lost the U.S. support, Iran needed allies immediately after the Islamic revolution (1978-1979), which led to a rapprochement with Syria. The Iranian leadership also shared the Syrian point of view regarding Israel. All these factors have encouraged the bilateral ties strengthening. Iran has supported Bashar al-Assad's regime, providing Syria with both financial and military assistance since the beginning of the Syrian crisis (2011).

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32

Ansari, Ali M. "The Myth of the White Revolution: Mohammad Reza Shah, 'Modernization' and the Consolidation of Power." Middle Eastern Studies 37, no. 3 (July 2001): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/714004408.

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33

Zirinsky, Michael P. "Render therefore unto Caesar the things which are Caesar's: American presbyterian educators and Reza Shah." Iranian Studies 26, no. 3-4 (September 1993): 337–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00210869308701805.

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34

Blaszczyk, Regina Lee. "Synthetics for the Shah: DuPont and the Challenges to Multinationals in 1970s Iran." Enterprise & Society 9, no. 4 (December 2008): 670–723. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s146722270000759x.

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In the 1960s and 1970s, the largest U.S. chemical firm, E.I. du Pont de Nemours & Company, established an international presence in synthetic fibers by building plants to make nylon, polyester, and acrylic in Latin America and Europe. DuPont managers also looked to the Middle East, specifically to Iran, which was fast industrializing under Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi. The Shah's pro-Western stance and his country's rich oil fields made Iran appealing to a petrochemical giant like DuPont, which used petroleum feed stocks to make fibers and other products. In the 1970s, DuPont partnered with the Behshahr Industrial Group, a conglomerate run by the Ledjavardi clan, one of Iran's leading families, to build a high-tech fiber facility that would help modernize the Iranian textile industry. The story of this short-lived joint venture, a victim of the Islamic Revolution, demonstrates the challenges to multinationals operating in imperial Iran, and shows how the daily experience of dealing with cultural differences often masked larger political and economic troubles.

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35

von Eggert, Konstantin. "THE TRAGEDY OF THE LAST SHAH: MOHAMMED REZA PAHLAVI AND THE DEAD END OF ENLIGHTENED AUTHORITARIANISM." Security Index: A Russian Journal on International Security 17, no. 1 (March 2011): 113–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19934270.2011.553119.

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Al - Mousawi, Abdul Hamid Al Eid. "Iran's regional relations after 2000 (Study in relation between Iran and Arab countries)." Tikrit Journal For Political Science 2, no. 3 (February 27, 2019): 36. http://dx.doi.org/10.25130/poltic.v2i3.79.

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Relations between Iran and the Arab countries have seen a real fluctuations ranging from support, if not the coalition to tension limit the severance of diplomatic relations, and then the war, since the success of the Islamic revolution in Iran, and fears of the spread of Shiism, and export it to neighboring Arab countries, which are dominated by Sunnis. If the Iranian politics before the Islamic revolution has been characterized Bastbdadah Shah (Mohammad Reza Pahlavi), the leader of the pro-Western, this policy after the Islamic revolution had known Jdida.ovi turning point of this study to review these policies in the two pre-Revolution and Beyond two sections.

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37

Nasr, Vali. "POLITICS WITHIN THE LATE-PAHLAVI STATE: THE MINISTRY OF ECONOMY AND INDUSTRIAL POLICY, 1963–69." International Journal of Middle East Studies 32, no. 1 (February 2000): 97–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800021061.

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In February 1963, the government in Iran formed the Ministry of Economy—a pilot bureaucratic agency that was to oversee industrial transformation and generate growth. In 1969, after six years of unprecedented growth and significant industrialization,1 the political leadership withdrew its support for the ministry and broke down its autonomy. The fate of the ministry had little to do with its performance or promise in the economic arena. It was, rather, the political implications of the rise of an autonomous and competent bureaucratic agency, and the rationalization of industrial policy-making, that led the political leadership—and Muhammad Reza Shah Pahlavi in particular—to end its support for this experiment.

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Sanjabi, Maryam B. "Mardum-gurīz: An Early Persian Translation of Moliere's Le Misanthrope." International Journal of Middle East Studies 30, no. 2 (May 1998): 251–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800065892.

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Ever since the Persian intelligentsia first discovered French literature in the 19th century, it has remained fascinated with its various genres: first with the writings of the Philosophe, then with the Romantics, the roman aventure, the realists, and, in the mid-20th century, with the existentialists and the thèâtre absurde. Moliere's comedies, in particular, were the subject of great interest and the source of many adaptations in the secularizing Iran of the Constitutional period (1905–19) and the Reza Shah era (1921–41). These comedies, often staged with the government's blessing in the newly built playhouses in Tehran and other major cities, had a great impact on the ethos of the growing urban middle classes, who viewed theater-going as a chic habit with a moral essence.

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Koyagi, Mikiya. "Moulding Future Soldiers and Mothers of the Iranian Nation: Gender and Physical Education under Reza Shah, 1921–41." International Journal of the History of Sport 26, no. 11 (September 2009): 1668–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09523360903133103.

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40

Andersen, Steen. "Building for the Shah: Market Entry, Political Reality and Risks on the Iranian Market, 1933–1939." Enterprise & Society 9, no. 4 (December 2008): 637–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1467222700007588.

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Unlike other Western European companies operating in Iran between the first and second world wars, the Danish construction firm Kampsax pursued a forestalling strategy in dealing with the political imperative of Reza Shah. The British Bank of the Middle East and the Anglo-Persian Oil Company, by contrast, pursued an absorption strategy. That is, they actively tried to “Iranize” their operations by appointing native Iranians to important managerial positions. Kampsax, however, made no attempt at “Iranization,” depending entirely on contractual relations with local builders and labor forces. This no doubt contributed to the firm's exposure as a totally foreign enterprise and lessened their chances of gaining favor with the Shah's advisors, who pursued an overtly nationalistic set of policies. The history of Kampsax in Iran therefore offers a useful case to use the concept of the political risks in relation to multinationals working in dictatorial settings. This paper undertakes such a study and concludes that the absorption strategy that was already being pursued by British firms offers a better way of managing such risks.

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41

Iqbal, Muhammad. "أغراض خطابة الإمام الخميني و خصائص أسلوبها." Buletin Al-Turas 19, no. 1 (January 23, 2018): 159–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.15408/bat.v19i1.3708.

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Abstract Al-Khumayni is the first Iranian Supreme Leader had a big hand in the Iranian revolution. He was born on 24 September 1902 in Khomein, Markazi Province. Together with his followers in the city of Qum, al-Al-Khumayni began to build a political base against the royal family especially the Shah of Iran Mohammed Reza Pahlavi, who later became an important part of the power steering Iran's Islamic Revolution. The main weapon held by al-Khumayni was political speeches capable of moving masses in large numbers so as to make future milestone Iranian empire felled. He was a great orator capable of sorting out the words and put them into a strand of pearls that evoke a spirit listeners to dissolve in their struggle against the Iranian royal family and American intervention. The style of language in his speech (Uslub Khithaby) which was the rhetorical speech trigger the urge author to analyze it more deeply through one of his speeches was phenomenal "American intervention in Iranian affairs".---Abstract Al-Khumayni is the first Iranian Supreme Leader had a big hand in the Iranian revolution. He was born on 24 September 1902 in Khomein, Markazi Province. Together with his followers in the city of Qum, al-Al-Khumayni began to build a political base against the royal family especially the Shah of Iran Mohammed Reza Pahlavi, who later became an important part of the power steering Iran's Islamic Revolution. The main weapon held by al-Khumayni was political speeches capable of moving masses in large numbers so as to make future milestone Iranian empire felled. He was a great orator capable of sorting out the words and put them into a strand of pearls that evoke a spirit listeners to dissolve in their struggle against the Iranian royal family and American intervention. The style of language in his speech (Uslub Khithaby) which was the rhetorical speech trigger the urge author to analyze it more deeply through one of his speeches was phenomenal "American intervention in Iranian affairs".

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42

Sreberny, Annabelle, and Massoumeh Torfeh. "The BBC Persian Service and the Islamic Revolution of 1979." Middle East Journal of Culture and Communication 3, no. 2 (2010): 216–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187398610x510029.

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AbstractThis paper is the second part of a work in progress that examines the impact of seventy years of BBC Persian broadcasts to Iran. The Persian Service, established in December 1940, was originally set up by the Foreign and Commonwealth Office (FCO) as one of thirty-eight language services broadcasting to strategically important areas of the world during World War Two. The first piece of research looked at three historic moments when the influence of BBC Persian broadcasts was hotly debated: the toppling of the pro-German Shah of Iran, Reza Pahlavi, in 1941; the late 1940s, when Iran's nationalist leader, Mohammad Mossadeq, championed oil nationalization and challenged the rights hitherto enjoyed by the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company; and the US-led coup of 1953 that returned the young Mohammad Reza Pahlavi to the throne. The present research focuses on a period that many Iranians consider the most influential in terms of all BBC broadcasts to Iran. The BBC Persian Service (BBCPS) became a household name during 1978, the year leading up to the revolution of 11 February 1979. Many Iranians at home and abroad tuned in to hear the latest news and developments, even as the Shah of Iran accused the BBC of fomenting revolution, an argument echoed thirty years later in the responses of the Islamic Republic to the launch of the new Persian television channel in January 2009. The research shows clearly how difficult it had become for the FCO to uphold the independence of the BBC and support their closest friend in the region when he believed that the British government must be in charge. There was indeed heated debate and discussion inside the Foreign Office as to whether Britain was sacrificing its long-term interests by allowing the BBC to continue its broadcasts when even the British ambassador in Tehran was suggesting the service should be closed down.

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Fatoni, Achmad. "Program Pengembangan Nuklir Iran dan Pengaruhnya terhadap Masyarat Iran (1957-2006 M)." Jurnal Studi Sosial dan Politik 3, no. 1 (June 27, 2019): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.19109/jssp.v3i1.4064.

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This research explain a series of developments relatod Iran's nuclear program that can cause conflict and displeasure particularly when Iran face the westrn country. The research takes two main problems,including the history of the emergence of Iran's nuclear program, and how the dynamics of Iran's nuclear development and the response of Middle Eastern countries. The results of the research that the history of the emergence of Iran's nuclear program in 1957 and in it is collaboration between Mohammad Shah Reza Pahlavi and the United States when Dwight D. Eisenhower become USA president. Then the Iraq-Iran war could affect the spirit to continue Iran's nuclear program. Furthermore, Rasfanjani has focused to the Iranian people welfare and emphasized his nuclear interests to become a fowerfull country and to protect iran country. however, Iran sanctioned by the United States which makes it difficult for Iran to export oil and gas.

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Hakim, Sudarnoto Abdul. "Islam and government: an analytical review on Khumayni’s Kashf al-Asrār and Wilāyat al-Fāqih." Indonesian Journal of Islam and Muslim Societies 8, no. 1 (July 1, 2018): 147. http://dx.doi.org/10.18326/ijims.v8i1.147-171.

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This paper is an attempt to scrutinize Khumayni’s ideas especially on government as explained in his works Kashf al-Asra>r, and Wila>yat al-Fa>qih. While focusing on Khumayni’s ideas as the main issues of discussion, the paper tries to find the significance of the ideas for the Iranian revolution in 1979.The paper argues that the ideas on government were mainly triggered by the Reza Shah’s dictatorial, and secular government. It is not exaggerated to mention that according to Khumayni a new sytem of government based on Islamic ideology as a revolutionary system of government was needed in a sense that an Islamic government will implement justice. As will be discussed later, the idea of Islamic government as the single alternative was extensively supported by students, intelligentsias, urban peoples, poor peoples, and others.Artikel ini berusaha mendiskusikan pemikiran Imam Khumayni tentang pemerintah sebagaimana yang dijelaskan dalam karyanya Kasyf al-Asrar dan Wilayat Faqih. Sambil memberikan perhatian terhadap isu pokok, artikel ini ingin menggali kaitan kuat pemikiran Khumayni dengan revolusi Iran yang terjadi pada tahun 1979. Penulis berpandangan bahwa gagasan-gagasannya tentang pemerintah merupakan respons atau sikapnya terhadap kecenderungan pemerintahan diktatorial dan sekular Reza Shah. Tidak berlebihan untuk dinyatakan bahwa menurut Imam Khumayni sebuah pemerintahan Revolusioner yang didasarkan kepada Ideologi Islam sangat dibutuhkan karena pemerintahan Islam seperti inilah yang akan mampu menegakkan keadilan.Sebagaimana yang akan didiskusikan nanti ide pembentukan pemerintah inimemperoleh dukungan secara ekstensif antara lain dari mahasiswa, inteligensia,masyarakat kota dan orang-orang miskin.

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Fernée, Tadd Graham. "Systems and accidents in 20th century magical realist literature: Salman Rushdie's "Midnight's Children" and Sadegh Hedayat's "The blind owl" as critiques of modern nation-making experiments." English Studies at NBU 1, no. 2 (December 31, 2015): 55–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.33919/esnbu.15.2.4.

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This article compares two major 20th century magical realist novels - Salman Rushdie’s Midnight’s Children and Sadegh Hedayat’s The Blind Owl – as critiques of modern nation-making practices, in Nehruvian post-independence India and Iran under Reza Shah Pahlavi. The analysis centers the interplay of accidents and systems, in political constructions and contestations of modern self, history and knowledge. The works are assessed in terms of two aesthetic paradigms of modernity: Baudelaire’s vision of modernity as traumatic deracination involving new creative possibilities and freedom, and Cocteau’s vision of modernity as an Infernal Machine where a pre-recorded universe annihilates creative freedom. The political significance of these aesthetics are evaluated against the two distinctive nationalist narratives which the authors set out to contest in their respective novels. Both novels offer important critiques of violence. Yet both reveal a Proustian aesthetic of nostalgia, rejecting organized political action in the public sphere to celebrate imaginative introversion.

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Karimi-Hakkak, Ahmad. "Revolutionary Posturing: Iranian Writers and the Iranian Revolution of 1979." International Journal of Middle East Studies 23, no. 4 (November 1991): 507–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800023394.

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During those eventful days of early January 1979, after Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi of Iran had finally announced his intention to leave the country and the revolutionary leader Ayatollah Khomeini had made his return from exile contingent on the shah's departure, a hemistitch by Hafez, the 14th-century Persian poet, suddenly appeared next to an array of revolutionary slogans on display in the streets of Tehran: “Div cho birun ravad fereshteh dar āyad” (When the demon departs, the angel shall arrive). The basic binary oppositions of demon/angel and departure/arrival fit the realities of the situation the country had found itself in; a perfect correspondence had been made between the simple, single idea enshrined in the abstract language of a medieval poetic phrase and the intricate political posturing involved in a modern-day revolution in the making. Furthermore, the stark discourse of antagonism underlying the opposition had become as absolute, as uncompromising as the idea of a total revolution.

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Perry, John R. "Language Reform in Turkey and Iran." International Journal of Middle East Studies 17, no. 3 (August 1985): 295–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800029214.

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Of all man's cultural badges, that of language is perhaps the most intimately felt and tenaciously defended. Even chauvinists who are prepared to concede under pressure that language, race, and culture are not the same thing—that their national ethnicity may be mixed, their religion imported, their culture synthetic to a degree—will still cling to the national language as the last bastion of irrational totemic pride. Hence, one of the most controversial features of the programs of westernization and modernization fostered by Kemal Atatürk in Turkey and Reza Shah in Iran was that of state-sponsored language reform, characterized chiefly by attempts to “purify” Turkish and Persian of their centuries-old accretion of Arabic loanwords. A case study of this process also affords some insight into the differing attitudes to national social reforms in Turkey and in Iran, and among the respective regimes, intelligentsia, and masses, which might help to explain why on balance one “succeeded” while the other “failed.”

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Ishaque, Waseem, Syed Jawad Shah, and Aman Ullah. "IRANIAN NUCLEAR DEAL: CHALLENGES FOR REGIONAL AND GLOBAL STRATEGIC MANAGEMENT." Global Political Review 2, no. 1 (December 30, 2017): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2017(ii-i).01.

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Reza Shah Pahlavi laid the foundations of the Iranian nuclear quest in the 1950s by getting nuclear assistance under reciprocal arrangements in the US-sponsored Atom for Peace program. Iran is a signatory of the NonProliferation Treaty (NPT) since 1970, and by their perspective, all protocols under NPT have fully complied. The 1979 revolution in Iran proved a watershed in relations with the USA due to the hostage crisis and increased hostility, which resulted in economic sanctions and isolation. However, Iran covertly pursued its nuclear program, which remained the subject of international debate until the nuclear deal of 2015 aimed at limiting Irans nuclear capability for the lifting of sanctions and breaking isolation. On 16 January 2016, in response to Irans compliance with the provisions of the nuclear deal, all nuclear-related sanctions were lifted. President Trump since taking over office has repeatedly criticized the agreement and decertified it unilaterally. This article analyses implications on regional and global strategic management.

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Limbert, John. "Gholam Reza Afkhami, The Life and Times of the Shah (Berkeley, Calif.: University of California Press, 2009). Pp. 740. $34.99 cloth." International Journal of Middle East Studies 42, no. 3 (July 15, 2010): 532–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743810000711.

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Barnsley, Carole. "Common Ground between Islam and Buddhism. By Reza Shah Kazemi et al. Louisville, KY: Fons Vitae, 2010. Pp. vii +143. $16.95." Religious Studies Review 39, no. 2 (June 2013): 121. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/rsr.12039_3.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Reza Shah'

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