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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Reza Shah'
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1
Jafari, Reza. "Centre-periphery relations in Iran : the case of the Southern Rebellion in 1946." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.369611.
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Ansari, Ali Massoud. "Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi and the myth of imperial authority." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 1998. http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/28497/.
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The thesis is an investigation into the concept of modem political myth and its relationship to ideology. It argues that political myth can best be understood as the personalisation or familiarisation of ideology, by which ideological constructions are identified either with an individual, normally a political leader, or are expressed in mythic representations familiar within a given state and drawn from the traditional myths which permeate the political cultures of that state. The thesis argues that the personalisation and possible personification of ideology is one of the most obvious methods of political myth production and notes that the inherent contradictions and tensions resulting from an attempt to identify an individual with a principle almost always results in the construction of political myth. Political myth construction and development remains dynamic and reciprocal in relation to its ideational and material environment. Iran during the Pahlavi period (1921-79) provides the case-study for the thesis, as a society in the process of profound social and economic change led by a government both enthusiastic and economically able to impose its own particular conception of development and modernity within a nationalistic framework, upon the country. The continued importance of personalities to the political process and then attempts to identify with particular ideologies provided cogent examples of political myth construction and development. With particular emphasis on Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, the thesis shows the development of his ideological world-view, the initial reciprocal dynamic of these views, leading towards increasing identification, polarisation and isolation by the end of his reign. The thesis seeks to show how political myth was employed to naturalise and legitimise the Pahlavi Dynasty within the Iranian state. In charting the ideological development in the Pahlavi era, from traditional state towards a particular conception of modernity, political myth is seen to be not a uniquely modem phenomenon. However, the emergence of the modem mass media, especially in electronic form has resulted in the acceleration of political myth construction and its widespread and rapid dissemination. This technological change helps to differentiate modern political myth from its predecessors and given the continuing growth of the mass media, is likely to ensure that the concept of political myth wall be increasingly important to political discourse.
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Neary, Brigitte U. "Shah Mohammed Reza Pahlavi and Ayatollah Khomeini: in Light of Shi'i History." W&M ScholarWorks, 1986. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539625376.
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Der-Grigorian, Talin 1972. "Construction of history : Mohammad-Reza Shah revivalism, nationalism, and monumental architecture of Tehran, 1951-1979." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/36093.
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Thesis (S.M.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Architecture, 1998.Includes bibliographical references (p. 241-250).
This Master's thesis focuses on modem Iranian national/revival architecture under the Pahlavi royal dynasty, in particular the reigning period of Mohammad-Reza Shah. I analyze and interpret three specific monuments: the mausoleum of Reza Shah built in 1950, the Shahyad Aryamehr Monument built in 1971 on the occasion of 2500-year monarchy, and a prayer-house in Farah Park built in 1978. These monuments participated and contributed to the national narrative through revivalistic forms from the pre-Islamic architectural history, hence they underlay specific political agendas and were nationalistic in nature. The destiny of these structures after the fall of the Pahlavi dynasty, raises issues of monumentality, permanence, and the presence or absence of inherent meaning in architecture.
by Talin Der-Grigorian.
S.M.
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Tremblay, Jane. "Une analyse de l'ideologie de Moḥammad Rez̤ā Shāh Pahlavī /." Thesis, McGill University, 1992. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=56770.
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Ce memoire tentera de decrire ce que fut l'ideologie defendue par le Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi d'Iran (1919-1980). Malgre que le Shah n'ait pas lui-meme ecrit ses positions politiques, il adherara a ce systeme de pensee qui pourrait avoir toutes les caracteristiques d'une ideologie. Ce systeme, qui a domine la vie politique iranienne pendant pres de trente ans, est fonde sur trois principes, soit la tradition monarchique iranienne, la constitution de 1906 et la revolution blanche. Ces trois fondements devaient permettre le developpement accelere de l'Iran et qui se traduit par une modernisation de la societe ainsi que par une separation stricte entre l'eglise et de l'etat. L'autorite de l'Islam et du clerge shiite sera alors progressivement evince des affaires publiques durant le regne de Mohammad Reza Shah, laissant la place a une doctrine valorisant a la fois le modernisme, l'occidentalisation et les traditions royales issues de l'Iran ancien. Toutefois ce sera ces memes fondements--constitution, monarchie, revolution blanche--pourtant incompatibles entre eux, qui feront en sorte que ce systeme n'a pu, devenir une ideologie au sens propre du terme.
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Delfani, Mahmoud. "La formation d'une nouvelle élite iranienne en France : les étudiants iraniens envoyés en France sous Reza Shah Pahlavi [1921-1941]." Thesis, Paris 3, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009PA030178.
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La première moitié du 19ème siècle, a constitué le point de départ de la mise en place de la modernisation d’Iran. Aucun domaine n’a pu échapper au défi lancé par la modernisation et la formation d’une nouvelle élite iranienne à travers l’envoi d’étudiants iraniens en Europe a contribué au projet de modernisation du pays. En considérant les jeunes iraniens instruits en Europe comme autant de figures emblématiques de mutation de la société iranienne dans le processus de la modernisation, ces derniers ont été considérés comme une élite moderne. Les évolutions sociopolitiques et économiques de la société iranienne, au début du 20ème siècle, mettent en lumière l’existence d’une dynamique de renouvellement et d’un changement élitaire. Les étudiants en tant qu’acteurs principaux du processus de modernisation de l’Iran constituent un nouveau courant de pensée, une nouvelle manière d’envisager la société par l’émergence de courants politiques et de nouvelles littératures. Dans ce registre la formation de la nouvelle élite en Iran à l’époque Pahlavi est passé par la formation d’enseignants instruits en Europe chargés de former la nouvelle élite nationale à l’intérieur du pays. Autrement dit ces étudiants ont été envoyés en Europe pour devenir formateurs, instituteurs et professeurs au sein des établissements d’enseignement iraniens à leur retour en Iran. En dressant le tableau de la vie quotidienne et les difficultés que ces étudiants ont rencontré, nous avons essayé de mettre en cause les idées reçues sur l’élite moderne et le rôle de l’élite et des intellectuels dans le projet de la modernisation ; sujet resté pendant longtemps entre mythe et réalité historiqueThe first half of the 19th century was the starting point of the implementation of iranian modernization. No area has escaped the challenge posed by modernization and the formation of a new elite through the formation of Iranian students in Europe which has contributed to the modernization of Iran. Considering Iran's educated youth in Europe like so many emblematic figures of Iranian society’s transformation in the process of modernization, they have been regarded as a modern elite. The socio-political and economic developments of the Iranian society in the beginning of 20th century highlight the existence of a dynamic renewal and change of elite status. Students as major actors in the process of Iran’s modernization form a new school of thought, a new way of considering the society by the emergence of new political trend and literatures. In this context the formation of new elite in Iran in the Pahlavi era has gone through the training of teachers educated in Europe responsible for training the new national elite within the country. These students were sent to Europe to become at their return to Iran, trainers, teachers and professors in Iranian institutions. In drawing the picture of daily life and the difficulties that these students met, we tried to blame received ideas on the modern elite and its role in the project of modernization; a subject remained for a long time between myth and historical reality
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Sarabi, Saïd. "L'évolution du discours politique en Iran : de la prise de pouvoir du shah d'Iran à la révolution islamique, 1941-1979." Toulouse 1, 1994. http://www.theses.fr/1994TOU10004.
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Il s'est agi de retracer les étapes essentielles du discours politique des acteurs du pouvoir en Iran de 1941 à 1979. Tout d'abord en analysant la complexité des relations entre la nation et ses élites dépendantes des puissances étrangères ; puis, dans un second temps le renforcement sans précédent d'un appareil d'Etat autoritaire et de ses moyens, à partir du coup d'état militaire de 1953 qui a permis le rétablissement sur le trône de Mohammadreza Pahlavi. La dépendance de l'Etat par rapport à l'impérialisme est apparue comme un fait central. Le processus rapide de modernisation "mimétique" et d'occidentalisation par "le haut" a mis en danger la permanence identitaire. Dès lors, le processus autocratique, visant à étendre le contrôle de l'Etat sur les affaires économiques du pays avec la "révolution blanche" en 1963, a suscité un mouvement de résistance populaire où la contestation politique a été indissociable d'un refus de changement importe. La légitimité nationale de l'état Pahlavi étant contesté, la modernisation qu'il introduisit devint suspecte de servir l'étranger au détriment de l'intérêt national. L'articulation spécifique des facteurs économiques, socio-politiques ideologico-culturels a été à l'origine de l'insurrection populaire qui a conduit à l'avènement de la révolution islamique de 1979We have related the main steps of the political speech by governors in Iran from 1941 to 1979. Firstly by analysing the complexity of relationships between the nation and its elite depending on foreign powers; then the unprecedented reinforcement of an authoritarian state wachinery and of its means since the military coup in 1953 which allowed the re-establishment on the throne of Mohammad-Reza Pahlavi. The dependence of the state on imperialism appeared as a central fact. The quick process of mimetic modernization and of upper westernization endangered the keeping of one's identity. From then on, the autocratic process, aiming at extending state control over economic affairs of the country with the "white revolution" in 1963, has aroused a movement of popular resistance where political contesting could not be separated from a refusal of imported change. The national legitimacy of the Pahlavi state being contesting, the modernization he introduced cause to be suspected of serving foreign people to the detriment of national interest. The specific articulation of economic, socio-political and ideological-cultural factors has been at the origin of the popular insurrection which led to the coming of the 1979 Islamic revolution
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Steele, R. "The 2500th Anniversary Celebrations and cultural politics in Late Pahlavi Iran." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/35230.
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This thesis presents a thorough investigation of the 2500th Anniversary Celebrations of the Founding of the Persian Empire by Cyrus the Great, held in Persepolis by the Shah of Iran in 1971. Since the time of the Celebrations they have been routinely demonised by historians and critics of the Pahlavi regime, who present them as evidence of the delusion and megalomania of an Oriental despot. The purpose of this thesis is to provide a more sober, balanced account of the events of 1971 and the preparations leading up to them, in order to understand more fully the aims and motivations of the Shah and his entourage in organising such a nationalist spectacle. It will argue that Iran benefitted greatly from the international exposure the event generated, politically, economically and culturally. Most accounts of the Celebrations have focussed primarily on the sumptuous Pahlavi hospitality, enjoyed by the world’s elite over the course of a few days in purpose-built accommodation at Persepolis, the former ceremonial capital of the Achaemenid dynasty. In contrast, the premise of this thesis is that the ceremonies at Persepolis and Pasargadae were just a small, albeit highly visible, part of the programme for the Celebrations. From the time the Celebrations were conceived in the late 1950s, exhibitions were organised, publications commissioned and buildings constructed. All were intended to contribute to the development and modernisation of Iran, and all were conceived with the Anniversary Celebrations in mind. Internationally too, the Celebrations aroused great interest. Hundreds of books and articles were published in conjunction with the event, and museum exhibitions, academic conferences and other special cultural events were organised around the world, giving an important boost to the field of Persian studies worldwide. Meanwhile, the Shah’s Iran was presented as a significant regional and global power. This thesis will contribute, therefore, to our understanding of the Celebrations, and more broadly the material effects of the politicisation of culture in the late Pahlavi period.
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Alvandi, Roham. "Nixon, Kissinger and the Shah : US-Iran relations and the Cold War, 1969-1976." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:52d2d8e8-f8d1-4632-aee9-9734585ce9e9.
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This thesis examines the nature and dynamics of U.S.-Iran relations during the Cold War under the leadership of U.S. President Richard Nixon, his adviser Henry Kissinger, and Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi of Iran. This revisionist account critically examines the popular view of Mohammad Reza Shah as a mere instrument of American strategies of containment during the Cold War. Relying on recently declassified American documents, British government papers, and the diaries, memoirs and oral histories of Iranian actors, this thesis restores agency to the shah as an autonomous Cold War actor and suggests that Iran evolved from a client to a partner of the United States under the Nixon Doctrine. This partnership was forged during Nixon’s first term in office between 1969 and 1972, as the United States embraced a policy of Iranian primacy in the Persian Gulf region. Thanks to a long-standing friendship with the president, the shah was able to exercise extraordinary influence in the Nixon White House. This partnership reached its peak during Nixon’s second term as the United States supported Iran’s regional primacy against the challenge from Iraq. The shah drew Nixon and Kissinger into Iran’s secret war against Iraq in Kurdistan in 1972, by portraying Iran’s long-standing regional conflict with Iraq as a Cold War confrontation with the Soviet-backed Ba’th regime in Baghdad. When the shah unilaterally decided to abandon the Kurds in a deal with Iraq’s Saddam Hussein in 1975, Kissinger had little choice but to acquiesce, despite the personal embarrassment and domestic recriminations that followed. The U.S.-Iran partnership declined following Watergate and Nixon’s resignation in 1974. In spite of the best efforts of the shah and Kissinger, between 1974 and 1976 the United States and Iran were unable to reach an agreement on U.S. nuclear exports to Iran. President Gerald Ford tried to impose a discriminatory nuclear agreement on Iran that was rejected by the shah because it violated Iran’s national sovereignty. Under Ford, the United States reverted to treating Iran as a client rather a partner of the United States.
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Willcocks, Michael James. "Agent or client : who instigated the White Revolution of the Shah and the people in Iran, 1963?" Thesis, University of Manchester, 2016. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/agent-or-client-who-instigated-the-white-revolution-of-the-shah-and-the-people-in-iran-1963(f1bdd6c7-ed4c-42cc-bcaf-2a2f0cde5e60).html.
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The White Revolution was a set of six reform measures put to the Iranian people via referendum on 6 Bahman 1341 (26 January 1963), based on a plan for social justice linked with economic development, encased in the concept of a bloodless revolution from the top. This did not happen unexpectedly; it was the culmination of events spanning several years, which accelerated during the John F. Kennedy Presidency. Various plans and reforms paved the way for the White Revolution and certain events as well as political and economic developments encouraged reform. There were similarities between plans and some reforms influenced others, or were shaped to suit different agendas. All played a part in instigating the White Revolution. This included Prime Minister ʻAlī Amīnī’s 15-point plan, the Shah’s Royal Farmān, the Third Development Plan, and the six-points of the White Revolution itself. The question this thesis seeks to answer is to what extent the Kennedy administration was responsible for instigating the White Revolution by influencing the various steps that paved the way for the 6 Bahman referendum?The United States had at its disposal various means by which it might apply pressure and influence development. This included, economic aid, military assistance, numerous advisers, agencies on the ground, plus support for the Shah and other Iranians. Given the Kennedy administration’s association with modernisation and development, the existing historiography has portrayed this period in US-Iranian relations as one of increased pressure on the Shah to reform with the White Revolution being the result of such pressure. This thesis makes an original contribution to knowledge by challenging this portrayal by providing the first detailed, analysis of the period 1961-63, utilising a vast array of newly released documents. This is not the first study to conclude agency on the part of Iran for the White Revolution, but is the first to do so though a detailed, balanced approach, which doesn’t ignore the significance of the US-Iranian relationship. Thus, this thesis is at the forefront of revisionist accounts of US-Iranian relations during the Cold War critiquing the portrayal of the Shah and others as mere tools of the US and reaching the conclusion that contrary to widely held beliefs it was Iranians rather than Americans who instigated the White Revolution by initiating and directing reform.
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Shahidi, Moadab Shaban. "Les relations entre l’Iran et la France de 1969 à 1979." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Sorbonne université, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020SORUL042.
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L’Iran a toujours été un pays important pour de multiples raisons. Sa position géostratégique l’a placé au croisement de trois mondes, slave, turc et arabe, et ses ressources naturelles sont convoitées par les pays occidentaux. Entre 1969 et 1979, l’Iran est devenu une puissance régionale et la France une puissance moyenne mondiale. Les rapports entre Paris et Téhéran, pendant cette durée, évoluent progressivement. Le pétrole iranien s’échange avec la technologie nucléaire et les produits agroalimentaire français. À compter de 1969, la France entre en compétition avec ses partenaires européens, américains et japonais pour bénéficier du fleurissant marché de consommation iranien ; d’autre part, elle résiste à l’invasion culturelle anglo-saxonne pour conserver son influence culturelle et linguistique traditionnelle en Iran, par une coopération culturelle multifacette. L’Iran promeut sa présence culturelle dans les milieux universitaires et artistiques en France. Bien que les années 1969-1979 prolongent quatre siècles de contacts bilatéraux, celles-ci sont également marquées par l’accueil de l’opposant politique au Shah, l’Ayatollah Khomeiny. Ce dernier a très adroitement profité de la liberté d’expression en France afin de mobiliser les Iraniens et renverser le régime impérial de Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, avec lequel le président Valéry Giscard d’Estaing avait tissé les meilleures relations. Après 1979, les rapports bilatéraux sont devenus complexes pendant trois décenniesIran has always been an important country for many reasons. Its geostrategic position which has placed it at the crossroads of three worlds; Slavic, Turkish and Arab, and its natural resources, which covets the Western countries. During the period of our research Iran has become a regional power and France a world average power. Relations between Paris and Tehran over this period of time have been progressively evolving. Iranian oil traded with nuclear technology and French agrifood products. In the duration of our study, on the one hand France took offendive against its European, American and Japanese partners to benefit from the flourishing Iranian consumer market, on the other hand it had to resist in the face of Anglo-Saxon cultural invasions to maintain its traditional cultural and linguistic influence in Iran. It carried out the second task through a multi-faceted cultural cooperation. Iran, for its part, promoted its cultural presence in academic and artistic circles in France. Although the period from 1969 to 1979 was the extension of four centuries of bilateral contacts, it was a laps of time at the end of which France unwittingly welcomed the archi political opponent of the Shah of Iran ; Ayatollah Khomeini, who very cleverly took advantage of freedom of expression in France to mobilize the Iranians to overthrow the imperial regime of Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, with whome President V. Giscard d'Estaing had established the best relations. After the 1979 Revolution, the calm river of bilateral relations transformed into a tumultuous obscure river, dangerously navigable for the diplomats of the two countries, at least for three decades
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Therme, Clément. "Les relations entre Téhéran et Moscou depuis 1979." Paris, EHESS, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011EHES0150.
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La question des relations irano-russes a été un sujet largement étudié en ce qui concerne les périodes antérieures à la chute de l'Union soviétique. Généralement, ces travaux sont consacrés à l'analyse de la politique de Moscou à l'égard de l'Iran de manière strictement bilatérale, ou en prenant en compte le contexte international d'une époque, par exemple les rivalités impériales au XIXe siècle en Asie ou les rivalités Est-Ouest durant la guerre froide. Sans mettre en doute l'importance de ces travaux, cette thèse a pour objectif de prendre en compte les perspectives iraniennes. En raison des limitations idéologiques, imposées par la République islamique, il est indispensable de développer des recherches mettant en évidence un regard iranien sur les relations internationales sans a priori idéologique khomeyniste. Le choix d'un sujet portant sur les perspectives iraniennes des relations avec Moscou, depuis 1979, tire son originalité et sa force de notre effort de distanciation vis-à-vis du corpus idéologique khomeyniste. Ce dernier ne sert pas, ici, de cadre intellectuel à notre réflexion mais il est envisagé comme un objet d'étude. Cela nous permet de proposer une analyse alternative à celles développées en Iran, depuis la révolution islamique, en éclairant sous un angle novateur la dimension soviéto-russe de la politique étrangère de TéhéranRussian-Iranian relations before the fall of the Soviet Union have been widely studied. In general, these studies analyze the relationship between Tehran and Moscow from the Russian point of view or in the International context; for example, the imperial rivalries in Asia in the 19th century or the East-West rivalry of the Cold War. Without denying the interest and the pertinence of these studies, this thesis aims at focusing on the Iranian perspectives. Given the ideological guidelines imposed upon the Iranian academic community by the authorities of the Islamic Republic, a new perspective 'is required that focuses on the Iranian perspective on international relations without any khomeinist ideological a priori. This study provides this new perspective as it departs from the khomeinist ideological framework. This study does not use the khomeinist intellectual legacy on international relations as an intellectual reference for studying the relationship between Tehran and Moscow since 1979. Instead, this becomes the object of this study. This particular bias provides an original approach of the Soviet-Russian case in Iranian foreign policy since 1979
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Najmi, Fahimeh. "L'identite nationale et le théâtre en Iran (sous le règne des Pahlavi)." Thesis, Paris 3, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA030053.
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A l’opposé des spectacles traditionnels iraniens qui sont un sujet exploré depuis des années par la recherche théâtrale notamment à l’extérieur des frontières iraniennes, l’étude du« théâtre en Iran » est encore à ses balbutiements. La présente étude se concentre sur une période cruciale de l’histoire contemporaine iranienne où dans un contexte très agité les efforts sincères de trois initiés : Mir Seyfeddin Kermanshahi, Abdolhossein Noushin et Shahin Sarkissian parviennent au lancement d’un théâtre qui se réclamant de l’art, dépasse le cadre du simple divertissement ou de la pure propagande et est capable de méditer sur les interrogations fondamentales du peuple iranien notamment la question de l’identité.Le facteur déterminant à prendre en considération dans leur parcours est sans doute leur formation on Occident, en Russie et en France, et leur rencontre avec le mouvement européen du Théâtre d’ArtWhile the traditional Iranian performances have been, in the late years, an object for theatre studies, notably outside of Iran, research on « Theatre in Iran » is still to be developed.This study zooms on a crucial period in contemporary Iranian history, when in a verycomplex context the earnest endeavours of three specialists, Mir Seyfeddin Kermanshahi, Abdolhossein Noushin and Shahin Sarkissian, succeeded in launching a theatre that, claiming the status of art, out passed the boundaries of plain entertainment or pure propaganda and wasable to consider the fundamental questionings of the Iranian people and notably the question of identity.The determining factor to be considered in their enterprise is doubtlessly their Occidental formation, in Russia and in France, and their confrontation with the European movement of Art Theatre
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Shahi, Hamid Reza Verfasser], Michael [Akademischer Betreuer] Schroeder, and Joachim [Akademischer Betreuer] [Mayer. "Multiphysik-Simulation der Transportprozesse in Sauerstoffpermeatoren mit ungeträgerten und geträgerten Hochtemperaturmembranen / Hamid Reza Shahi ; Michael Schroeder, Joachim Mayer." Aachen : Universitätsbibliothek der RWTH Aachen, 2018. http://d-nb.info/1170876234/34.
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Shahi, Hamid Reza [Verfasser], Michael Akademischer Betreuer] Schroeder, and Joachim [Akademischer Betreuer] [Mayer. "Multiphysik-Simulation der Transportprozesse in Sauerstoffpermeatoren mit ungeträgerten und geträgerten Hochtemperaturmembranen / Hamid Reza Shahi ; Michael Schroeder, Joachim Mayer." Aachen : Universitätsbibliothek der RWTH Aachen, 2018. http://d-nb.info/1170876234/34.
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Zolfaghari, Reza [Verfasser], Olaf [Akademischer Betreuer] Kolditz, Haibing [Akademischer Betreuer] Shao, and Amir [Akademischer Betreuer] Raoof. "Numerical Simulation of Reactive Transport Problems in Porous Media Using Global Implicit Approach / Reza Zolfaghari. Betreuer: Olaf Kolditz ; Haibing Shao. Gutachter: Olaf Kolditz ; Haibing Shao ; Amir Raoof." Dresden : Saechsische Landesbibliothek- Staats- und Universitaetsbibliothek Dresden, 2016. http://d-nb.info/1088185894/34.
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Yazdani, Delfani Marzieh. "La construction du nationalisme iranien basée sur l'archéologie et la gloire passée." Thesis, Paris 3, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010PA030044.
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Pour que les projets de modernisation puissent se réaliser, le nouveau Shah avait littéralement besoin de changer profondément la mentalité des Iraniens qui s’était formée pendant des siècles par les principes religieux et la tradition régionale. Sans un changement de mentalité préalable, la création d’une nouvelle identité nationale aurait eu du mal à s’imposer et sans la création de cette nouvelle identité, l’ensemble des principes du nationalisme n’aurait pas pu être assimilé. Ainsi le gouvernement Pahlavi était conscient de l’importance et de la nécessité du nationalisme pour assurer la réussite de ces projets. En effet pour atteindre ses objectifs, la nouvelle dynastie Pahlavi avait besoin d’une base solide et surtout des éléments unificateurs et communs acceptés par toute la population iranienne. Reza Shah a mené deux politiques en parallèles pour mettre en place le nationalisme. Tout d’abord le gouvernement essaya de constituer une base s’appuyant sur des éléments unificateurs tels que l’histoire, le passé glorieux préislamique, le patriotisme et l’indépendance du pays. C’est ainsi qu’avec la mise en place de nouvelles institutions culturelles et éducatives, le gouvernement Pahlavi a tenté de créer une nouvelle identité nationale. En effet le chemin menant à cette nouvelle identité passait par l’archéologie. Et contrairement aux autres pays de la région qui étaient également à la recherche du nationalisme, le rôle de l’archéologie en Iran ne s’est pas limité à effectuer des fouilles archéologiques, mais également à faire naître des idées permettant de mettre en place le nationalisme et une nouvelle identité sociale basés sur un passé millénaireIn order to implement modern projects, Reza Shah had need literally to change the mentality of Iranians who had trained for centuries by religious principles and the tradition. Without a prior change of mentality, the creation of the new national identity would have been difficult to prevail. And without the creation of this new identity, all the principles of nationalism could not be assimilated. Thus the Pahlavi government was aware of the importance and necessity of nationalism to ensure the success of these projects. Indeed, to achieve its objectives, the Pahlavi dynasty needed a solid and mostly common and unifying elements accepted by the entire Iranian population. Reza Shah has conducted two parallel policies to build nationalism. First the government tried to establish a fundation based on unifying elements such as history, the glorious pre-Islamic past, patriotism and independence. Thus, with the introduction of new cultural and educational institutions, the Pahlavi government has tried to create a new national identity. Indeed the path to this new identity was through archeology. And unlike other countries in the region who were also in search of nationalism, the role of archeology in Iran was not limited to conduct archaeological excavations, but also to develop ideas on how to implement the nationalism and a new social identity based on the millennium history of Iran
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Ritter, Daniel Philip. "Why the Iranian Revolution was nonviolent : internationalized social change and the iron cage of liberalism." 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/21097.
Full textAbstract:
From angry torch-swinging Parisians attacking the Bastille and Russian workers rising up against the Tsar to outraged Chinese peasants exacting revenge on their landlords and Cuban guerrillas battling Batista’s army, revolutions without violence have in the past been near inconceivable. But when unarmed Iranians after an extended popular struggle forced Muhammad Reza Pahlavi, the last king of Iran, to flee Tehran on January 16, 1979, they had gifted the world a new and seemingly paradoxical phenomenon: a nonviolent revolution. Far from a historical oddity, such revolutions have since occurred on almost every continent. Over the past thirty years the function of guerrilla tactics, military coups, and civil war has increasingly been replaced by demonstrations, boycotts, and strikes. How can social scientists account for this “evolution of revolution” that have so altered the appearance of the phenomenon that by Arendt’s definition events in places like Iran, the Philippines, Chile, Poland, East Germany, Czechoslovakia, Serbia, Georgia, and Ukraine may not even qualify as revolutions? Yet, the popular overthrows of authoritarian regimes in each and every one of those countries were nothing less than revolutionary.
The dissertation seeks to understand this recent development in the nature of revolutions by historically examining the phenomenon’s signal case, the Iranian Revolution. The core question asked is: what are the structural and historical forces that caused the Iranian Revolution to be the world’s first nonviolent revolution? The central argument is that both the emergence and success of the nonviolent Iranian Revolution can be explained by its internationalization. In other words, the Iranian Revolution turned out to be successfully nonviolent because, unlike previous revolutions, it was a global affair in which the revolutionaries intentionally and strategically sought to bring the world into their struggle against the state. Indirectly, the aim of this study is to generate the genesis of a theoretical framework that can explain more broadly the emergence and success of nonviolent revolutions in the late 1970s and beyond.text