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1
Derzhaliuk, M. "The Hungarian Revolution of 1956: Causes, Effects and Lessons (Part 1)." Problems of World History, no. 3 (May 16, 2017): 109–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2017-3-6.
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Objective and subjective, interior and international causes of the Hungarian Revolution of 1956, its drivers and consequences are highlighted in the article. The author pays attention to the fact that the major goal of the uprising was not to overthrow, but to improve the socialist order, turn down Matyas Rakosi’s personality cult, correct hard mistakes and bring perpetrators to justice. The article shows that democratic forces of Hungary gave rise to peaceful removal of Stalin’s state structure and to formation of the democratic socialism with national features. The author states that provocations and military interference of the USSR into home affairs of Hungary were the principal cause of mass uprising of civil population. He also underlines that the Revolution leaders took into account interests of the USSR, they were constantly holding talks with Soviet management, and avoided involving power structures (army, police, security forces), except some certain commanders and units into combat actions against occupation of Hungary. The author points out that not a single country in the world stood up to defend and support Hungary, and stresses that the Revolution ideas were put into practice in evolution way during 70-80s of the XX century.
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Derzhaliuk, M. "The Hungarian Revolution of 1956: Causes, Effects and Lessons (Part 2)." Problems of World History, no. 4 (June 8, 2017): 110–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2017-4-8.
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Objective and subjective, interior and international causes of the Hungarian Revolution of 1956, its drivers and consequences are highlighted in the article. The author pays attention to the fact that the major goal of the uprising was not to overthrow, but to improve the socialist order, turn down Matyas Rakosi’s personality cult, correct hard mistakes and bring perpetrators to justice. The article shows that democratic forces of Hungary gave rise to peaceful removal of Stalin’s state structure and to formation of the democratic socialism with national features. The author states that provocations and military interference of the USSR into home affairs of Hungary were the principal cause of mass uprising of civil population. He also underlines that the Revolution leaders took into account interests of the USSR, they were constantly holding talks with Soviet management, and avoided involving power structures (army, police, security forces), except some certain commanders and units into combat actions against occupation of Hungary. The author points out that not a single country in the world stood up to defend and support Hungary, and stresses that the Revolution ideas were put into practice in evolution way during 70-80s of the XX century.
3
Bykova, Elizaveta Aleksandrovna, and Anna Olegovna Gridneva. "The Yugoslav factor in the Hungarian Revolution of 1956 and its impact upon Yugoslav-Soviet relations." Конфликтология / nota bene, no. 1 (January 2021): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0617.2021.1.34784.
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This article is dedicated to the process of normalization of Yugoslav-Soviet relations, which took place on the background of the Hungarian Revolution of 1956. The goal consists in identification of causes for the absence of strong negative influence of the Yugoslav factor in the Hungarian events upon the relations between the Soviet Union and the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. Using the analysis of a wide array of sources and systematic consideration of the international situation that formed in 1956, the authors characterize the dynamics and vector of Yugoslav-Soviet relations during this period, determine the degree of impact of the Yugoslav factor in all its manifestations upon the development of Hungarian events, as well as trace the influence of the Hungarian Revolution upon Yugoslav-Soviet relations. The scientific novelty of this research consists in the analysis of direct and indirect participation of Yugoslavia in the conflict, which has been traditionally regarded as the conflict between the Soviet Union and Hungary alone. The conclusion is made that in 1956, the Soviet Union sought to unite the socialist countries on the background of tense foreign policy situation, trying to overcome the consequences of the conflict of 1948 and “attach” Yugoslavia to the bloc. Despite the fact that such intentions were jeopardized by the events of 1956 due to a range of controversial steps taken by Belgrade, Moscow did not immediately turn to public criticism of the Yugoslavs, as the mutual cooperation between the two countries was rather advantageous that the return to the situation of 1948 – 1953.
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RAINE, JÁNOS M. "Submerging or Clinging On Again? József Antall, Father and Son, in Hungary after 1956." Contemporary European History 14, no. 1 (February 2005): 65–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777304002152.
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The aim of this case study of the two Antalls, father and son (the latter became the first Hungarian prime minister after the free elections in 1990) is to present and analyse the period that coincided with the post-1956 development of the Kádár system. Its apparent success, efficiency and partial, surrogate, legitimacy has often been explained by the so-called ‘compromise’ of the Kádárist leadership with Hungarian society after 1956, particularly the ‘old intelligentsia’ or ‘old middle classes’. In fact, while there was an obvious continuity in institutions and ideology between the classic Stalinist regime and that of Kádár, the societal and political practice of the system gradually changed. The Antalls were representative of the inter-war upper middle class (the father) and the participants in the 1956 revolution (the son). Discrimination according to their social background, prevalent in the early 1950s, diminished at the turn of the 1960s, so that someone descended from the former Christian middle class, like the younger József Antall, could be recruited into the intelligentsia.
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Péteri, Lóránt. "National Icon and Cultural Ambassador: Zoltán Kodály in the Musical Life of State Socialist Hungary." Polski Rocznik Muzykologiczny 19, no. 1 (December 1, 2021): 147–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/prm-2021-0011.
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Abstract In my paper, I wish to raise questions pertinent to the changing position of the composer, ethnomusicologist and musical educationalist Zoltan Kodály in the musical and cultural life of the Stalinist and post-Stalinist periods of Hungarian state socialism. Owing to his folkloristic and conservative musical style, and also his identity as “an educator of the people,” Kodály established his status as a fellow traveller of statesocialism in the early 1950s. The easiest way in Hungarian composition to satisfy the expectations of the political power, as inspired by Zhdanov’s aesthetics, was to follow the style of Kodály. At the same time, Kodály sustained his reputation as a “genuine” national icon whose music was capable of expressing, even if in riddle form, anti-Stalinist sentiments in the eyes of various political and cultural circles, especially after 1953. In spite of the fact that Kodály did not take any active part in the political struggles in the revolution of 1956, he was named as a candidate for head of state by important revolutionary forces. Following the suppression of the revolution, the restored state socialist political power revised its practices in the field of art. The fact that the new cultural policy gave up the idea of a unified Hungarian art which is “national in form and socialist in content,” resulted in a temporary weakening of Kodály’s position. Kodály’s status was precarious, subjected to a challenge by avant-garde trends in composition and competing paradigms of musical education. From the early 1960s, however, when both the Western and Eastern political systems proposed strategies for long-term coexistence, Kodály gained a new function from the perspective of the political power. In Western cultural circles Kodály sustained a reputation as one of the great European humanists, and his music educational method generated a strong professional interest globally, and particularly in the usa. My paper also examines the cultural political impact of Kodály’s visit to Moscow in 1963. Kodály seems to have functioned as a mediator across the political divide. He had achieved great personal successes during his tours to the political West, and this reinforced his position in Hungary.
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Antypova, Olena. "The 1956 Hungarian Revolution Echoes in Poland." Mìžnarodnì zv’âzki Ukraïni: naukovì pošuki ì znahìdki, no. 30 (November 1, 2021): 342–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/mzu2021.30.342.
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The article highlights the reaction of Polish society and government to the Hungarian Revolution of 1956. It is emphasized that the history of Poland and Hungary was closely intertwined in 1956 and reflected in the course of political events of that time. Poznan workers' uprising in June 1956 caused a great resonance in Hungary and the Hungarian authorities intended to use the events in Poznan as a pretext for resolving the political crisis in Hungary. Hungarian protesters, expressing solidarity with the Polish people and supporting change in Poland, demanded a "Hungarian path to socialism". The Hungarian revolution, which had a bloody and tragic character, had a lively response in Polish society. The activity of Polish information publications and the ways in which information about the Hungarian revolution reached Poland are described. It is emphasized that the speeches and publications of journalists had a significant impact on the attitude of Polish society to the Hungarian Revolution. The activity of the new Polish government in search of like-minded people and allies among the countries of "people's democracy" is analyzed. It is noted that the Polish leader V. Gomulka, proclaiming the "Polish road to socialism", took into account the analogies and similarities between the events and changes that took place in Poland and Hungary. The Polish authorities realised the catastrophe from which their country and the party, which managed to resolve the socio-political crisis in a bloodless way, escaped. Gomulka was convinced that only by resolving the Polish-Soviet problems it was possible to avoid a repeat of Poznan and Budapest. The process of providing humanitarian aid to Hungary by Poland is analyzed. It is noted that the greatest assistance to the Hungarians during the revolution was provided by Poland. The position of the radio station "Free Europe" and the editorial board of "Voice of Free Poland" is revealed. It is noted that the RWE editorial board felt responsible for the accuracy of the information provided, and deeply understood the impact of its broadcasts on the mood of Polish society. It is emphasized that the events of 1956 in Poland and Hungary marked the beginning of the collapse of pro-Soviet totalitarian regimes in Europe
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Albert, Zoltán Máté. "Short History of the so-called Kossuth Coat of Arms after 1956." Ephemeris Hungarologica 3, no. 2 (2023): 5–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.53644/eh.2023.2.5.
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The so-called Kossuth coat of arms (together with the national flag with a hole in the middle) became the symbol of the Hungarian Revolution and War of Independence of 1956. Although the Soviet Union repressed the Hungarian Revolution on 4 November 1956, the Kossuth coat of arms remained the symbol of the state from late 1956 to early 1957. Moreover, a peculiar version of it (the second field of the coat of arms changed from red to blue) appeared. At the time of the fall of communism in Hungary, an important question was which version of the historical forms of the Hungarian coat of arms would become the state symbol. For the Hungarians, the Kossuth coat of arms is the symbol of the revolution, while the coat of arms with the Holy Crown of Hungary symbolizes the thousand- year-old statehood. The proclamation of the Republic of Hungary was on 23 October 1989 (on the 33rd anniversary of the Revolution of 1956) and the Kossuth coat of arms was also very popular. Finally, the ‘full form’ of the Hungarian coat of arms (with the crown) became official, expressing that the Holy Crown is a symbol of the Hungarian statehood, regardless of the form of government.
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Tunç, Bilal, and Orsolya Falus. "Relations Between Turkey and Hungary in the Democratic Party Period (1950–1960)." Politics in Central Europe 17, no. 2 (July 27, 2021): 347–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pce-2021-0015.
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Abstract The decennium historical process in Turkish political history between 1950 and 1960 is called the Democratic Party (DP) era. During this period, important issues took place in Turkish foreign policy. Our aim is to reveal the political, commercial and social relations between Turkey and Hungary in the light of archive documents within the scope of important events in Turkish foreign policy. The aim of this article is to emphasise how the Hungarian Revolution of 1956 affected the relations between the two countries and to prove with documents that Turkey supported Hungary during the revolution. This study has been created by benefiting from archive documents, national newspapers and copyrights from both target countries. The study also commemorates the 1956 Hungarian Revolution, which erupted 65 years ago this year. Finally, this article entitled Relations between Turkey and Hungary during the Democratic Party Period (1950–1960) is a qualitative study prepared using the document analysis technique.
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Dreisziger, Nador F. "The Hungarian Revolution of 1956: The Legacy of the Refugees." Nationalities Papers 13, no. 2 (1985): 198–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905998508408022.
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The Hungarian Revolution of 1956 exerted a deep influence on the international communist movement and greatly affected the political and economic outlook in Hungary. A less well-known legacy of the uprising is what may be called the refugee experience, a momentous chapter in the history of human migration and resettlement. An examination of this experience reveals that the appearance of the Hungarian refugees in Western Europe and the New World greatly changed the development of Hungarian ethnic communities already in existence there, and that the refugees’ presence in the West continues to have lasting influence on relations between Hungary and the West.In the past, Hungary has been both a source of refugees and a refuge for them. Many times in her history has she offered refuge to persecuted minorities and fugitives driven out of their own countries by war or other calamities. She has also sent her own refugees to the four corners of the world, after such events as the Rákóczi Uprising of the early eighteenth century, the War of Independece of 1848-49, the revolutions of 1918-19, and the Second World War.
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Galambos, István. "Reflections on the Revolutionary Activities of László Iván Kovács." Ephemeris Hungarologica 2, no. 2 (2022): 59–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.53644/eh.2022.2.59.
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László Iván Kovács, commander of Corvin passage between 25th of October of 1956 and 1st of November and then second-in-command until 4th of November, was one of the legendary figures of the Hungarian revolution of 1956. He proved to be an able commander, who did not forget humanity even while fighting. He transferred wounded Soviet soldiers to the Soviet Headquarters. He forbade arbitrary punishment even against suspected of being members of the ÁVH.2 He wanted to preserve the purity of the revolution. He consistently stood up for the independence of Hungary, for a multiparty political system, for free elections and for the removal of Soviet troops he was willing to accept the government of Imre Nagy until the next elections. László Iván Kovács’s activities after the 4th of November were perhaps as significant during the revolution of 1956. During the revolution, he planned to rescue the Minister of Defence, Pál Maléter. László Iván Kovács founded the Turul party. He planned to establish a new revolutionary national army. He embraced the idea of Hungary as a democracy based on an independent and multi-party political system. These ideas weighed as heavily in the eyes of his interrogators and judges as his armed activities during the revolution. He set an example both during and after the struggle. His execution made him a martyr of the revolution.
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Matiash, Iryna. "Ukrainian Archival Sources on the History of the 1956 Hungarian Revolution." Mìžnarodnì zv’âzki Ukraïni: naukovì pošuki ì znahìdki, no. 26 (November 27, 2017): 465–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/mzu2017.26.465.
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The article deals with the general analysis of documents on the history of the 1956 Hungarian Revolution, which are kept in the Central State Archive of Public Associations of Ukraine and in the Sectoral State Archive of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine. The author investigates the sources that reflect the public mood and reaction of the Ukrainian SSR’ citizens to the events in Hungary, and also cover the authorities’ actions aimed at the purposeful ideological influence on formation of the general public’s opinion on the 1956 Hungarian Revolution.
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Szabari, Vera. "The Reorganization of Hungarian Sociology after the 1956 Revolution." Acta Universitatis Sapientiae, Social Analysis 13, no. 1 (October 1, 2023): 98–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/aussoc-2023-0007.
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Abstract The history of Hungarian sociology in the state-socialist period can certainly be described in terms of a general Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) historical model, the most important feature of which is the undivided power of the Communist Party. Under such conditions, the Soviet Union and local political power holders had a direct influence on the institutionalization and functioning of sciences, including sociology. The study contributes to understanding the social impact of the 1956 revolution, particularly its crushing effect on the development of Hungarian sociology in relation to the general model. Firstly, the early development of sociology in the Soviet Union and most state-socialist countries in the 1950s was blocked in Hungary by the 1956 revolution. The trauma of the 1956 revolution made all groups of society, including the intelligentsia, realize that the system could not be changed in the long term. At the same time, it made it clear to the political authorities that the system could not be maintained in the long run with methods of the past. As a result, Kádár’s consolidation relied heavily on a compromising intelligentsia, needed for its expertise (in this case, modern sociological expertise) and legitimizing the system. Consequently, sociology in Hungary started developing and became institutionalized in the early 1960s. In this situation, sociology represented both a critical point of view opposing the system and, at the same time, a tool of its – covert or overt – legitimation.
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Vasile, Cristian. "The Impact of the 1956 Hungarian Revolution on Institutional Censorship in Communist Romania." Caietele Echinox 39 (December 1, 2020): 91–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/cechinox.2020.39.07.
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"The aim of this article is to tackle the evolution of the censorship mechanisms in communist Romania under the impact of the 1956 Hungarian revolution, mainly by examining documents issued by the institutional censorship (DGPT). It attempts to give an accurate picture of the Romanian-Hungarian cultural-political relations mainly after October-November 1956 by analyzing the exchange of publications between Romania and Hungary, the regulations that stipulated the import of books, the subscriptions to periodicals, the press, as well as the dynamics of the circulation of ideas between the two countries, especially between the intellectual milieus, preeminently around 1956."
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Pittaway, M. "Resistance, Rebellion and Revolution in Hungary and Central Europe: Commemorating 1956." English Historical Review CXXIV, no. 506 (February 1, 2009): 248–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cen399.
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Csipke, Zoltán. "The Changing Significance of the 1956 Revolution in Post-Communist Hungary." Europe-Asia Studies 63, no. 1 (January 2011): 99–128. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09668136.2011.534307.
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Brown, Karl. "The Spirit of Radio: Hungary 1956, Radio Free Europe, and the Shadow Public Sphere." Hungarian Cultural Studies 11 (August 6, 2018): 89–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/ahea.2018.324.
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This study explores popular responses to communist rule in Hungary and the role of Western media in the years leading up to the Hungarian Revolution of 1956. Most scholars to date have focused on the guiding role of the intelligentsia and the influence of Radio Free Europe. While these were indeed necessary ingredients in the revolutionary stew, Brown argues that the roots of the revolution are more complex. Hungarians from all social strata listened to many Western radio stations; as a result, many of them adopted critical and informed perspectives on the propaganda directed at them from both Moscow and Washington. As Hungarians listened in on the West, their discussion of news and politics generated a shadow public sphere, in which Radio Free Europe came to occupy a preeminent role despite its biased and propagandistic tone. The shadow public sphere incubated the postwar dream of an egalitarian and democratic Hungary until open political discourse became possible once more in October 1956.
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Likhtej, Ihor. "The Events of 1956 in Hungary and the UN Position." Mìžnarodnì zv’âzki Ukraïni: naukovì pošuki ì znahìdki, no. 26 (November 27, 2017): 486–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/mzu2017.26.486.
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This article covers the influence of the 1956 Hungarian Revolution on international relations, in particular on the official position of the United States, Great Britain and France. It analyses the process of discussing “the Hungarian question” at the UN Security Council and at the emergency General Assembly session. The author emphasizes the significance of the activities of the special commission for investigating events in Hungary established by the UN General Assembly in autumn 1956, as well as the great merit of the Danish diplomat Bang Jensen in investigating and formulating the text of commission’s report, which covered the struggle of the Hungarian people for freedom.
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Rozmiarek, Mateusz, and Adam Szabelski. "O węgierskiej krwi w wodzie, czyli konflikt Węgry – ZSRR a Letnie Igrzyska Olimpijskie w 1956 roku." Refleksje. Pismo naukowe studentów i doktorantów WNPiD UAM, no. 13 (October 31, 2018): 123–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/r.2016.1.9.
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In 1956, the Games of the XVI Olympiad in Melbourne coincided with the Hungarian Revolution, an attempt of the Hungarians to free themselves from the Soviet domination, eventually suppressed by an armed intervention of the Soviet Army. During the semi-final water polo match between USSR and Hungary the players came to blows. The Hungarian Ervin Zádor was punched by a Soviet team player and his blood coloured the water in the pool red. The match ultimately ended in a victory for Hungary. The main goal of the article is to describe the conflict between Hungary and the USSR which had its tragic final in a sport match at the Melbourne Olympic Games. The 1956 Olympic Games showed to what extent political conflicts are mirrored in sport. Hungarians wanted to show they were a free nation and that they would never accept the political sway of Moscow over their country.
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Némethy, Judith Kesserű. "Impact of the 1956 Hungarian Revolution in Argentina." Hungarian Cultural Studies 1 (January 1, 2008): 36–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/ahea.2008.9.
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The outbreak of the Hungarian revolution in 1956 brought forth solidarity movements fromHungarian émigrés all over the world. In Argentina, the response was overwhelming. Hungarianémigré organizations formed a "Comité de Ayuda pro Hungría Libre" (Aid Committee for a FreeHungary), coordinating the strategies and actions aimed at providing moral and material supportfor the revolution. Supplementing and aiding these actions were those of the Argentinegovernment and population at large. The government named a special commission for refugees;and there was a tremendous outpour of sympathy and material support for Hungarians amongArgentines, with major press coverage for months to come. Of special importance is the literaryand press output following the revolution. These actions provoked fear and rejection from theEmbassy of the People's Republic of Hungary, and it accused the Argentine government of openlysiding with the émigrés. Upon the Hungarian Foreign Ministry's instructions, the Embassystrongly intensified the espionage on the émigré institutions and its prominent members for years.Relations between émigré organizations and the Hungarian Government remained nonexistent orstrained until the lifting of the Iron Curtain in 1990.
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Nyyssönen, Heino. "Time, Political Analogies and the 1956 Hungarian Revolution." KronoScope 6, no. 1 (2006): 43–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852406777505237.
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AbstractThe paper focuses on one of the most debated events in Cold War Europe, the 1956 Hungarian Revolution, and how its memory has influenced Hungarian political thought. We follow the discussion until mid-1990s and study memory and analogy in politics. We examine analogy on the basis of the theory of new rhetoric and with the help of Reinhart Koselleck's writings. In new rhetoric, analogy is not an equality of two relations but belongs to associative strategies of argumentation. These strategies add together separate elements and construct arguments, which either increase of decrease the possibility of accepting the argument.For my approach I have separated two kinds of analogies: those, which contemporary political actors have made during the great moments of history, and those analogies found afterwards by different political actors. Finally, we discuss the temporal nature of the analogy itself. Although analogies depend on audiences, weak analogies also reveal a lack of political skills.The analogy of 1848 has been the most common in Hungary, but also other years, like 1919 and 1945, have been used in political argumentation. There is evidence, for example, of how Communists compared 1956 to 1919 to legitimize their political actions.
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Somogyvári, Lajos. "Violence in the Education: The Post-Revolutionary Situation in Hungary (1956-1957)." F1000Research 12 (September 28, 2023): 1244. http://dx.doi.org/10.12688/f1000research.140928.1.
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Background: The author attempts to introduce an unusual approach towards schools, universities, and dormitories, including their users (professors, teachers, parents, and students): How can the educational issues be seen through the lenses of special police forces in a specific historical moment? After the 1956 Hungarian revolution, a brutal pacification process took place all over the country, supported by the Soviet troops and special armed forces, police battalions of the restarting communist power. Methods: In this historical study, I used mainly military archive documents to show the perspective of the communist restauration and confront their viewpoints with party reports and some oral histories by eyewitnesses, who suffered several injuries during the repression. The paper is based on narrative analysis, as the official explanation presented various stories to justify their actions, while the reality in the background might be very different from this. Results: Between November 1956 and May 1957, these soldiers or officers became a familiar image in educational institutions. They blamed teachers and professors for misleading their students and thus creating a narrative of the counter-revolution of October 1956, while they identified themselves as parents or teachers (instead of the real ones, who lost their rights to do this, due to the participation in the revolution). Conversely, physical and verbal aggression was a widespread routine of the army officers. Conclusions: In extraordinary situations, during historical crises violence became suddenly real, allowed, and/or supported by many political actors to achieve their goals. After the consolidation of power, these special army and police forces were released and their activities were stopped by the authorities of the Ministry of National Defence because their presence was realized as an uncomfortable situation for the politicians. Such studies may give lessons us to learn, about how these scenes escalate into a point of no return.
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Glant, Tibor. "56/50 - American Documentaries of the Hungarian Revolution and War of Independence of 1956." Teaching History: A Journal of Methods 36, no. 1 (April 1, 2011): 39–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.33043/th.36.1.39-43.
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The fiftieth anniversary of the Hungarian Revolution received worldwide attention: Over 100 conferences were held and more than two dozen scholarly publications appeared in English. In the modern world of digital media, it is hardly surprising that documentaries were also made, but it was a pleasant surprise to see four of those coming from North American filmmakers. The 1956 Revolution is one of the formative events of both Hungarian and world history, and it has been the subject of earlier American documentaries. Revolt in Hungary and Hungary in Flames both aired in 1958, and both were compiled from archival footage smuggled out of Hungary in November and December 1956. Between 1958 and 1986, four additional programs were made for American television.1 Yet, what we saw on the fiftieth anniversary is something quite different. The period since the end of the cold war has seen a revolution in filmmaking and distribution. With the development of HD and computer technology, it has become easier to shoot and produce films, and the collapse of the Iron Curtain has made hitherto unavailable information (and people) more easily accessible to American filmmakers. The Internet serves as a medium for both advertising and distributing films, sometimes even illegally. The measure for success is now performance at film festivals, although more and more documentaries hit the movie screens as well. The four films under review here represent four different approaches towards filmmaking, advertising, and distribution. What they do have in common is reliable storytelling and wide appeal, which reaches, or should reach, into American classrooms.
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Baráth, Magdolna. "János Kádár’s Government and the Refugees of the Hungarian Revolution of 1956." Exile History Review, no. 1 (November 15, 2022): 11–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/ehr.14613.
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During and following the Hungarian Revolution of 1956, approximately 200,000 people fled the country, the majority of them to Austria and others to Yugoslavia. After the suppression of the Revolution, the Hungarian authorities targeted the refugees with two simultaneous measures: on the one hand, they sought to persuade those who were willing and those whom the official propaganda considered as “misguided” to repatriate; and on the other hand, the said authorities did everything in their power to compromise “hostile” emigrant circles and persons, thereby weakening their influence among the refugees. In order to encourage and facilitate the repatriation, Hungary proclaimed amnesty and established a Hungarian–Yugoslav joint committee as well as a repatriation office in Vienna; however, the widespread repatriation propaganda of the Hungarian government was largely unsuccessful. Moreover, those returning after 31 March 1957 were meticulously screened and many repatriation requests were rejected, mostly for fear that Western intelligence might have planted spies among the applicants and repatriates. Initially, Hungarian leaders regarded the emigration of 1956 as a threat for fear that Western propaganda might use the migrants to influence Western public opinion and the foreign policy of other governments towards Hungary; they only changed their stance in the summer of 1958, when the Political Committee of the Central Committee of the Hungarian Socialist Workers’ Party established a commission in charge of emigration affairs, which was to pay particular attention to financially supporting the repatriation of certain categories of 1956 emigrants. In 1960, “consular passports” were introduced to enable the relatives of “dissidents” to go abroad for family visits, and under certain conditions, “dissidents” were also allowed to visit Hungary. In 1963, the Hungarian repatriation policy reached a turning point with János Kádár’s proclamation of a general amnesty. From that period onward, maintaining relations with Hungarian emigration became an integral part of government policy, and the political system made concessions with regard to the perception and treatment of emigration circles, which were also showing signs of division.
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Mitulescu, Sorin. "SOCIAL ANALYSIS, VOLUME 13, 2023, SCIENTIFIC JOURNAL OF SAPIENTIA HUNGARIAN UNIVERSITY OF TRANSYLVANIA." Sociologie Romaneasca 22, no. 1 (June 15, 2024): 187–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.33788/sr.22.1.11.
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Volume 13 of 2023 of the journal Social Analysis contains several contributions on sociology in Romania and Hungary at different moments of evolution during the twentieth century. The first four articles deal with aspects of the activity of the Bucharest Sociological School, while four other contributions concern sociology in Hungary. In several articles there are comparisons between the two sociological movements or references to broader developments in Central and Eastern Europe. If about Romanian sociology we receive only information related to the Monographic School, regarding Hungary the articles have a much wider area: from nationalist sociological concerns at the beginning of the twentieth century, to the reorganization of sociology after the Revolution of 1956 and reaching biopolitical approaches with echoes in contemporary Hungary.
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Deli, Peter. "Esprit and the Soviet Invasions of Hungary and Czechoslovakia." Contemporary European History 9, no. 1 (March 2000): 39–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777300001028.
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There has been extensive debate on changing attitudes within the French left-wing intelligentsia in the decades following the Second World War and more specifically on why so many intellectuals became fellow travellers and were attracted to Stalinism in the period between 1945 and 1953. Esprit's reactions to de-Stalinisation from the time of the Russian invasion of Hungary in 1956 to the Soviet suppression of the Czech attempt to reform communism from within in 1968 are of interest, since Esprit was the most prominent Catholic left-wing but non-Marxist journal in France. In view of Esprit's very strong reaction to the Hungarian Revolution, its relative silence in 1968 on the drama that was being played out in Czechoslovakia requires explanation. Finally, because Esprit broke with communism in late 1956, intellectuals writing for that journal experienced little difficulty in adjusting to the new French intellectual climate of the mid-1970s.
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Karetnikov, Ihor. "The Response of Donbas Population to the Events of the 1956 Hungarian Revolution." Mìžnarodnì zv’âzki Ukraïni: naukovì pošuki ì znahìdki, no. 26 (November 27, 2017): 525–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/mzu2017.26.525.
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The article deals with the response of residents of Voroshylovhrad and Stalin (modern — Luhans’k and Donets’k) regions to the uprising against the communist regime in Hungary in autumn 1956. The author notes that the Hungarian Revolution was a factor behind the growth of public dissent in the Donbass, provoking a rise of critical sentiments related to the internal problems of Soviet society.
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Borhi, László. "Rollback, Liberation, Containment, or Inaction? U.S. Policy and Eastern Europe in the 1950s." Journal of Cold War Studies 1, no. 3 (September 1999): 67–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/152039799316976814.
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This article discusses the Eisenhower administration's policy toward Eastern Europe in the years leading up to the 1956 Hungarian revolution. The article first considers the broader context of U.S. Cold War strategy in Eastern Europe, including policies of “economic warfare” and “psychological warfare,” as well as covert operations and military supplies. It then examines U.S. policy toward Hungary, particularly during the events of October-November 1956, when the Eisenhower administration had to decide how to respond to the uprising. The article brings to light the Eisenhower administration's dual policy toward Hungary—a policy that attempted, on the one hand, to strike a negotiated settlement with the Soviet Union, and, on the other hand, to promote instability within the Soviet bloc. An analysis of these contradictory approaches sheds broader light on the dynamics of U.S. foreign policy in the 1950s.
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Niessen, James P. "Hungarian Refugees of 1956: From the Border to Austria, Camp Kilmer, and Elsewhere." Hungarian Cultural Studies 9 (October 11, 2016): 122–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/ahea.2016.261.
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Camp Kilmer dominates the story of flight from Hungary in 1956-1957 for many Hungarian Americans who experienced the Revolution, and with good reason: roughly four-fifths of them came through the camp, and their subsequent integration into American life was largely successful. But it is less well known that many fifty-sixers did not share this experience: as many may have returned to Hungary as came to the US, and by far most of the refugees ended up in other countries. US restrictions on entry steered many refugees to other countries, but the US provided most of the funding for the international relief effort. This article seeks to relativize the myth of Camp Kilmer by examining the refugees’ motives for leaving Hungary, their experience in Austria, and why so many ended up in the US, in other countries, or back in their homeland.
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Mellis, Johanna. "From Defectors to Cooperators: The Impact of 1956 on Athletes, Sport Leaders and Sport Policy in Socialist Hungary." Contemporary European History 29, no. 1 (November 12, 2019): 60–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777319000183.
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AbstractThis article examines three case studies between 1951 and 1960 to illustrate how the 1956 Revolution and mass defection of Hungarian Olympic athletes following the Melbourne Games impacted the relations between Hungarian sport leaders and athletes. While sport leaders recognised the need to soften their policies towards athletes, athletes learned that socialist Hungary, and not the capitalist West, oftentimes offered them the best opportunities for their sport career and desired lifestyle. These changes shaped the emerging politics of cooperation in the post-1956 Hungarian sport community, in which cooperative members of both groups could achieve their respective diplomatic, career and lifestyle goals.
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Varga, Zsuzsanna. "Agricultural Economics and the Agrarian Lobby in Hungary under State Socialism." East Central Europe 44, no. 2-3 (December 11, 2017): 284–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763308-04402003.
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Following the revolution in 1956, Hungary’s agrarian policy went through changes and reforms unprecedented within the socialist block. The most important reform was the abolition of the system of compulsory delivery. This article aims to outline how the political change affected agrarian economics and also highlights the significant role played by some scholars, with their latent presence and their policy suggestions, which the Kádár Government had the courage to support in November 1956. With the emergence of the so-called Agrarian Lobby, of the intertwining networks of politicians, administrators, and scientists of the agrarian sector, the personal and intellectual preconditions had already been in place before 1956. Institutionalization, however, could only come about after the partial rehabilitation of market economy. The post-1956 political leadership could only meet the challenge of re-defining the relationship of the state and the agricultural cooperatives with the contribution of professionals. At the same time, the shape and nature of Kádár era agrarian economic research were also affected by the alliance between the practitioners of the field and the emerging network of agro-politicians and administrators, the Agrarian Lobby. Two key figures, Ferenc Erdei and Lajos Fehér, shared the responsibility for the better performance of agriculture. This paper also pays attention to the way their cooperation on this reform policy-oriented research was realized and the key role it played in the Hungarian agricultural cooperatives’ emancipation from the bonds of the kolkhoz model in the 1960s.
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VARADI, Natalia. "THE HUNGARIAN REVOLUTION OF 1956 IN THE KGB DOCUMENTS: THE CASE OF TWO ARCHIVES." Contemporary era 10 (2022): 170–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/nd.2022-10-170-184.
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The article deals with the general analysis of documents on the history of the 1956 Hungarian Revolution, which are in the Sectoral State Archive of the Security Service of Ukraine and the State Archive of Transcarpathian Oblast. It is the first attempt to show the documents about the deportation of Hungarian citizens to the Soviet Union and to present the reactions of the local Transcarpathian Hungarian nation to the events of the 1956 Hungarian Revolution, and it also highlights the actions of the authorities that were aimed at the purposeful total ideological control and thus influenced the formation of the general public’s opinion about the surrounding events. The main aim of the study is to show the deportations of the Hungarian revolutionists to the Soviet Union in 1956 through archival documents and to introduce the political leaflet distributor groups in Transcarpathia, which were formed during the Hungarian war of independence in 1956. There are archival documents containing different data about the behavior of the Hungarian population in Transcarpathia related to the Hungarian events. The documents also provide information about the punishments that concerned the Hungarian groups engaged in politics. These documents reveal that the political general headquarters in Uzhhorod had been operating for a long time after Hungary was invaded by the command of Moscow. It is possible to argue that the process of exploring the sources relating to the retaliation after the revolution of 1956 has not been finished yet, there are still hundreds of archival documents, mainly in Ukraine and in the former Soviet Union Archives, which still need to be explored. However, besides getting to know the real facts of the history of the Revolution in 1956, it is important to perceive that, despite the oppression, there were people in Transcarpathia too, who dared to be brave, to believe, and protest. And there were ones who paid with their lives for justice. Because of participating in the revolution, many people were arrested, sentenced, imprisoned, deported, and executed. Their truth and role should be clarified.
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Ripp, Zoltán. "Hungary's Part in the Soviet–Yugoslav Conflict, 1956–58." Contemporary European History 7, no. 2 (July 1998): 197–225. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777300004872.
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Hungary, after the 1956 revolution, played a special part in the dispute that broke out between the Soviet Union and Yugoslavia and continued with varying intensity for several years. This eventful story was an important part of the process that decided the fate of the East-Central European region. The immediate cause of political contention between Belgrade and Moscow was their differences over the Hungarian question, especially the fate of Imre Nagy, who had been prime minister during the revolution. The intrinsic conflicts lay deeper, however. Although the Nagy affair remained an important factor in the disagreements throughout – from his kidnapping to the ‘war of the protest notes’ that followed his execution – it acted mainly as a catalyst. The Nagy affair was an insurmountable problem for all the players concerned. It provided ample fuel for the debates, and each side found that it could be used to put pressure on the other. Due to the system of relations between the three communist countries, the Hungarian side played the least active part. János Kádár, having come to power through the crushing of the uprising of October 1956, was left in no doubt that Hungary had to follow faithfully the Kremlin's foreign-policy line and accommodate itself to Soviet regional policy requirements. Nonetheless, the story remains interesting from Hungary's point of view as well, because it reveals more than the constraints on a small, exposed country. It also shows how Kádár, as he zigzagged between the conflicting demands of Tito and Khrushchev, trying to keep on good terms with both, was gathering experience that would be useful in his later foreign policy.
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Stykalin, Alexander. "The discussion of the “Hungarian Question” in the UN and the problem of Hungary’s Exit from the political isolation, 1957–1963." Slavic Almanac 2023, no. 1-2 (2023): 100–131. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2073-5731.2023.1-2.1.06.
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The most powerful uprising in Budapest on October 23, 1956, which immediately threatened the existence of the communist regime in Hungary, and the entry of Soviet troops in order to suppress it caused a wide international resonance, which on October 28 led to the discussions on the Hungarian question at the UN Security Council, and later, in November, at the UN General Assembly. In November, as tensions in the Middle East following the British, French, and Israeli attacks on Egypt, which had nationalized the Suez Canal, eased, discussions of the situation in Hungary came to the fore at the UN. Facing the opposition from the USSR, the adoption by the UN General Assembly in November-December 1956 of numerous resolutions on Hungary did not bring any real effect, with the exception of those that made it possible to improve the situation of 200,000 Hungarian refugees who rushed to Austria and Yugoslavia after the suppression of the revolution. In 1957, the General Assembly discussed the report of the special UN committee on Hungary, formed to study the situation in the country that had developed as a result of the Soviet military intervention. In the subsequent years, the United States and their allies used the discussion of the “Hungarian question” in the UN for propaganda purposes, in an effort to weaken the Soviet influence on the countries of the awakening “Third World”. At the same time, it occupied an increasingly peripheral position every year. Its subsequent fate was directly dependent on the further evolution of the János Kádár regime. The removal of this issue from the UN agenda in 1963 was a response to the announced general amnesty for the convicted participants of the 1956’s uprising. It finally brought Kádár’s Hungary out of the diplomatic isolation, in which the country found itself after the illegal change of power with the direct Soviet military support in November 1956.
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Pastor, Peter. "The American Reception and Settlement of Hungarian Refugees in 1956–1957." Hungarian Cultural Studies 9 (October 11, 2016): 197–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/ahea.2016.255.
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In the wake of the Hungarian Revolution of 1956, close to two hundred thousand Hungarians crossed into Austria. About thirty thousand of these refugees were allowed to enter the United States. Their common experience of living under totalitarian communism and participating or being a witness to the exhilarating thirteen days of the revolution and their sudden, previously unplanned, departure from the homeland gave them a collective identity that was different from the one shared by the people of previous waves of Hungarian influx to the United States. The high educational level of the refugees attained before and after their arrival made their absorption into the mainstream relatively easy. The integration process was facilitated by the shaping of a positive image of the 1956 refugees by the US government and the media. The reestablishment of the communist system in post-1956 Hungary contributed to the perception that, for the refugees in the United States, there was no hope for return to the homeland. This assumption strengthened the attitudes of those who wished to embrace the American melting pot model. Many of the 1956-ers in the United Sates, however, were also comfortable with the notion of ethnic pride and believed in the shaping of a dual national identity.
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Neimarević, Vukašin. "ENDING THE NAGY AFFAIR: YUGOSLAVIA, SOVIET UNION AND THE TERMINATION OF HUNGARIAN REVOLUTION REVISITED." Istorija 20. veka 41, no. 1/2023 (February 1, 2023): 139–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.29362/ist20veka.2023.1.nei.139-158.
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This paper analyzes the diplomatic relations between Hungary, Yugoslavia, and the Soviet Union during the Soviet intervention in Hungary in 1956, with a primary focus on the case of Imre Nagy’s capture. The crisis that arose during Nagy’s hiding in the Yugoslav embassy reveals the background of these countries’ relations, in which Yugoslavs showed ambiguousness to maintain the achieved status of a free socialist country on the one hand, and on the other, to keep good relations with the Soviet Union. Furthermore, the author attempts to provide answers on Yugoslav role in Nagy’s arrest after he left his hideout within the Yugoslav embassy. The author argues that Yugoslavs were not aware of any Soviet plans to capture Nagy after he left the embassy, even though there are other claims present in this paper that suggests the opposite.
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Mark, James. "Antifascism, the 1956 Revolution and the politics of communist autobiographies in Hungary 1944 – 2000." Europe-Asia Studies 58, no. 8 (December 2006): 1209–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09668130600995764.
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Nagy, András. "Shattered Hopes amid Violent Repression: The Hungarian Revolution and the United Nations (Part 1)." Journal of Cold War Studies 19, no. 4 (December 2017): 42–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00764.
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Few historical events since 1945 have had the same impact and reverberations as the 1956 Hungarian revolution both inside and outside the country. This article, based on recently declassified and other archival documents, focuses on an important aspect of the international response to the revolution: the response (or lack thereof) of the United Nations (UN) to the revolution and then to the tragic consequences, including trials, imprisonments, and executions that continued for years afterward. The trust placed by some Hungarians in the UN may have done more harm than good. Many Hungarians came to believe that UN officials were concerned less with responding to the ongoing tragic events in Hungary and more with jeopardizing the organization's future ability to prevent or respond to disputes between the Cold War superpowers.
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Wagner, Jeffrey Charles. "A Hungarian Musician’s Memoir of Suffering, Survival, and Fate." Hungarian Cultural Studies 16 (September 6, 2023): 224–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/ahea.2023.501.
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Finding an aging manuscript written by a beloved teacher and musician, George Bánhalmi (1926–1935), led the author to investigate Bánhalmi’s detainment, as a Jew, in forced labor in Hungary during World War II, which was the focus of the manuscript. The author’s narrative in this article touches also on some of Bánhalmi’s accomplishments in life after surviving his time of forced labor: graduating with honors from Budapest’s famed Franz Liszt Academy; winning a top prize in the piano category in the 1956 Queen Elisabeth [of Belgium] Competition; concertizing in Eastern Europe and the United States; composing numerous musical works; and, and after settling in the United States in the wake of the Hungarian Revolution of 1956, teaching several generations of young people, including the author. jeffwagner@aol.com
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Baráth, Magdolna. "Reorganisation of the Political Police in Hungary after the Suppression of the Revolution of 1956." Historia provinciae – the journal of regional history 3, no. 1 (2019): 438–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.23859/2587-8344-2019-3-1-8.
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Biro, Ruth G. "Review Article: "A Hungarian Refugee in England and Holland." Pogany, George. 2012. When Even the Poets Were Silent: The Life of a Jewish Hungarian Holocaust Survivor under Nazism and Communism. Afterword by Istvan Pogany. Kenilworth, UK: Brandram, Imprint of Takaway Publishing. 263 pp.; Pogany, George. 2014. Where Is My Home? A Hungarian Refugee in England and Holland. Lexington KY: CreateSpace. 209 pp. Illus." Hungarian Cultural Studies 9 (October 11, 2016): 220–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/ahea.2016.257.
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The personal experiences of individuals who lived through the catastrophes of World War II, the Holocaust and the 1956 Hungarian Revolution have been told in many recent memoirs, greatly expanding our understanding of these historical events. In addition to the experiences of the narrators, the fate of their family members, friends, colleagues and entire communities who were all impacted by these events are also illuminated in these accounts. The two memoirs by George Pogany (b. 1928) cover his life since the early 1930s in Hungary, the Holocaust, communism, his escape to the West in 1956, his settlement in England, resettlement in Holland and his years as an international management consultant in several countries. Few memoirs transmit so vigorously the sweep, resiliency, and duration of the author's life and reflections as in Pogany's exceptionally detailed and insightful twofold memoir.
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Glant, Tibor. "US-Hungarian Relations Ten Years After 1956." Hungarian Cultural Studies 9 (October 11, 2016): 184–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/ahea.2016.262.
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1966, the tenth anniversary of the 1956 Revolution, was a key year in US–Hungarian relations. Diplomatic relations were raised from the lowest to the highest level, but suspicion and tension remained. Neither side knew what to expect from the other on account of the anniversary, the Vietnam War, economic and cultural negotiations, and the fate of Cardinal Mindszenty. A traditional diplomatic historical approach is supplemented here with cultural materials to present the full scale of contacts ranging from high political issues to the visit of Hollywood movie star Kirk Douglas in Budapest. First Secretary of the Legation for Press and Cultural Affairs Edward Alexander receives special attention, because he played a crucial role in the events of 1966. As press secretary, he helped calm Hungarian fears over what American journalists might report about the anniversary, while as cultural affairs officer he worked on documenting and expanding American cultural presence in Hungary. In the latter capacity, he opened the USIA Library at the Legation, fraternized with blacklisted painters of the Zuglói Kör [‘Zugló Circle’], monitored the Hungarian stage production of My Fair Lady, and reported on the publication of American literature in Hungarian.
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Péteri, György. "Purge and Patronage: Kádár's Counter-revolution and the Field of Economic Research in Hungary, 1957–1958." Contemporary European History 11, no. 1 (February 2002): 125–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777302001078.
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The article attempts a detailed analysis of the post-1956 purges in the field of economic research. It tries to identify and assess the role of patronage in protecting the field from lasting damage. Such damage was threatening in the form of both losing several young talents from the field as well as weakening the position of the empiricist research programme successfully launched in the immediate post-Stalin years of 1954–6. The analysis devotes great attention to the dialectical relationship between purge and patronage, that is, to the inevitability of certain senior communist patrons administering purges in order to be able to act as patrons.
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Gosselin, Guy. "Berecz, Janos, 1956 Counter-Revolution in Hungary. Words and Weapons. Budapest, Akaémiai Kiado, 1986, 224 p." Études internationales 20, no. 1 (1989): 240. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/702486ar.
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Joyce, Davis. "Glant, Remember Hungary 1956 - Essays On The Hungarian Revolution And War On Independance In American Memory." Teaching History: A Journal of Methods 33, no. 2 (September 1, 2008): 108–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.33043/th.33.2.108-109.
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Howard Zinn taught me long ago that objectivity is a myth, neither possible nor desirable, and that the best we can do in writing history is to be honest and open and up front about our biases and then proceed to write the best history we can. Assuming the same principle applies to book reviewing, I should note that Tibor Giant is my friend. We were colleagues for two years, 1994-96, at Kossuth University, in Debrecen, Hungary. I was the Soros Professor of American Studies; Giant and I coauthored a textbook during that time, and we have continued our relationship over the years. He is now Chair of the North American Department of the Institute of English and American Studies of the university, now known as the University of Debrecen.
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Luschaj, Volodymyr. "Geopolitical Imperial Interests of Russia as the Threat to Independence and State Sovereignty of Eastern Europe’s Peoples and Countries (on the Example of Hungary and Ukraine)." Mìžnarodnì zv’âzki Ukraïni: naukovì pošuki ì znahìdki, no. 26 (November 27, 2017): 529–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/mzu2017.26.529.
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The article carries out a comparative analysis of events of the 1956 Hungarian Revolution, on the one hand, and the Revolution of Dignity, the annexation of the Crimea, the war of occupation being waged by the Russian Federation in the east of modern Ukraine, on the other hand. The author stresses that in both cases the imperial states, in the mid-twentieth century - USSR, in the early twenty-first century - The Russian Federation, demonstrate an example of interfering in the internal governance of the other State, with the broad involvement of secret services and military units.
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Skyba, Ivanna. "The state and Protestant Churches in Hungary in 1948 – 1989." Scientific Herald of Uzhhorod University. Series: History, no. 2 (45) (December 25, 2021): 103–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2523-4498.2(45).2021.247275.
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The purpose of the article is to characterize the activities of the largest and most influential Protestant churches in Hungary: Reformed (Calvinist) and Lutheran (Evangelical). These religious denominations along with the Catholic denomination belong to the so-called historical churches of Hungary. The chronological framework is the following: 1948 – the year of the communist regime’s rapid attack on the political, economic, educational activities of the Reformed and Lutheran churches and the signing of a compromise cooperation agreement with them, which lasted until 1990. 1989 – the liquidation of the State Administration for Churches, socio-political transformation in Hungary, which resulted in gaining absolute freedom. Based on Hungarian historiography, the relations between the Protestant churches and the state during the reign of Janos Kadar (1956 – 1988), called by Hungarian researchers the Kadar era, and are analyzed. It was Janos Kadar, the leader of the “soft dictatorship”, who managed to turn the Hungarian People’s Republic into “the funniest barracks in the socialist camp”. The background for the successful policy of the Hungarian government after the revolutionary events of 1956 was the achievement of social harmony, including through great tolerance and flexibility in the religious sphere. The article notes that representatives of the Reformed and Lutheran churches did not take an active part in the preparations for the events of 1956, but pastors and congregations supported the revolution. It is stressed that the relations with the Protestant denominations were settled specifically during the 50s of the twentieth century; the authorities managed to turn part of the clergy into their allies. Based on the analysis of the scientific literature, it is identified that relations were compromise in the 60s and 70s of the twentieth century, as the leadership of the Reformed and Lutheran churches helped the government to pursue the policy of the Popular Front in the struggle for socialism. Owing to it, no one was persecuted for their religious beliefs. In the 1980s, the state’s influence on historical churches gradually weakened, and processes leading to socio-political transformation in the late 1980s started, and as a result, churches in Hungary gained absolute freedom.
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Varadi, Natalia. "Soviet Forces and the Hungarian Revolution of 1956 in Educational Publications for Ukrainian Universities." Kyiv Historical Studies 12, no. 1 (2021): 37–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.28925/2524-0757.2021.15.
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Educational publications are an integral part of the historiographical process. Their content is affected by academic traditions. Textbooks are also a multilayer cultural product and form of expression of critical thinking of historians. They also influence the choice of learning strategy. The educational text contents cognitive, regulatory and reflexive information. Thus, it is important as the contradictory phenomena and events of the past, such as the actions of Soviet forces in Hungary of 1956, are conveyed in publications of this kind. To consider how these actions are presented in textbooks for high schools is important for a theoretical understanding of the level of these educational publications and to outline the prospects for their improvement. The subject of the study is the interpretation of the role of Soviet forces during the Hungarian Revolution of 1956 in textbooks and manuals for universities published in the independent Ukraine. The article is based on the principles of historicism and objectivity; analysis, synthesis, comparative historical method. The main features of the research are the location and interrogation of all the appropriate educational publications to dissolve a problem. The participation of Soviet troops in the Hungarian Revolution of 1956 is covered in a similar way in the analysed textbooks and manuals except at first the losses of the Soviets. The story is slightly misrepresented in two manuals. O. Ivanytska covered the topic in the most balanced way. Emotional expressions do not interfere with the achievement of the main educational goal of the textbooks and manuals. There are no relations between their content and timing. In general, it is desirable for students to study all the analysed educational publications at the same time.
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Granville, Johanna. "“Ask for Bread, not Peace”." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 24, no. 4 (July 30, 2010): 543–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325410376790.
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In contrast to restless students in Bucharest, Cluj, Iasi, Timiş oara, and other cities, who tried to organize rallies calling for government reforms in the fall of 1956 but failed, Romanian workers and peasants expressed their feelings about the revolution in nearby Hungary by going on feverish shopping sprees; stockpiling food staples; writing anonymous leaflets and graffiti; spreading rumors; and engaging in arson, vandalism, and physical brawls. The Hungarian crisis aroused in some citizens fears of a World War III, for others a war over Transylvania, and for still others a Hungarian-style revolt in Romania. A survey of published Securitate reports written between 26 October and 23 November 1956 shows that the three most frequent oral comments recorded were those complaining about the economy, those predicting that “what happened in Hungary will happen in Romania,” and those asking “why was the Soviet intervention necessary?” The economic complaints outnumbered the other two types of comments. Political messages, oral and written, spanned the spectrum, from fascist, Iron Guard songs, monarchist comments, to procapitalist slogans. Although most irredentist comments, oral and written, originated from cities in Transylvania, more than half of the incidents of physical aggression, including arson and other acts of sabotage, occurred in non-Transylvanian regions. Although the Securitate sometimes exploited ethnic tensions to gain recruits, Romanian citizens expressed more rage toward the communist dictatorship than against ethnic Hungarians.
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Ablovatski, Eliza. "Erich Lessing. Revolution in Hungary: The 1956 Budapest Uprising. London: Thames & Hudson, 2006. Pp. 249, illus." Austrian History Yearbook 39 (April 2008): 226–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0667237808001363.
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Hajnáczky, Tamás. "Execution of Forced “Gypsy” Assimilation Policy in Hungary during the Socialist Era." Treatises and Documents, Journal of Ethnic Studies / Razprave in Gradivo, Revija za narodnostna vprašanja 89, no. 89 (December 1, 2022): 129–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.36144/rig89.dec22.129-153.
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Abstract Following World War II, Hungary fell under the influence and surveillance of the Soviet Union. This resulted in the Hungarian Workers’ Party assuming complete control over the nation. After the defeat of the 1956 Revolution, the ruling party re-formed as the Hungarian Socialist Workers’ Party, and after a few years of preparatory work, it composed its Roma policy of forced assimilation. This study presents the Roma policy of the single party state as carried out in the county of Borsod-Abauj-Zemplen. This county had the largest Roma population and was simultaneously designated for major socialist industrialisation and social engineering. Following the transition to democracy in 1989/90, numerous sociological and anthropological studies were conducted in the region, and this location remains highly emphasised in Hungarian social sciences. In presenting the nationwide Roma policy, I have used my source publication, while in examining policy execution in Borsod-Abauj-Zemplen county, I have relied on the county archives.