Journal articles: 'Resistance struggles'

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Lara, Oruno D. "Resistance and Struggles." Diogenes 45, no. 179 (September 1997): 187–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/039219219704517914.

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Chabot, Sean, and Stellan Vinthagen. "Decolonizing Civil Resistance*." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 20, no. 4 (December 1, 2015): 517–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/1086-671x-20-4-517.

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Western scholars dominating the field generally suggest that civil resistance struggles involve public contention with unjust states to expand political rights and civil liberties. We argue that this perspective is an example of Eurocentric universalism, which has three blind spots: it tends to ignore struggles seeking to subvert rather than join the liberal world system, as well as coloniality's effects on nonviolent action, and emerging subjugated knowledges. We propose going beyond these limitations by learning from social movements focusing on human dignity, material self-sufficiency, and local autonomy, especially in the Global South. Our essay examines two classic decolonizing thinkers (Gandhi and Fanon) and two contemporary decolonizing struggles (the Zapatistas in Mexico and the Abahlali in South Africa). Each emphasizes coloniality, constructive over contentious resistance, transformations in political subjectivity, and emancipatory visions that go beyond Western ideals. We call for further research on the many different stories of civil resistance across the worldwide coloniality line.

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Scandrett, Eurig, Mahmoud Soliman, and Penny Stone. "Cultural resistance in occupied Palestine and the use of creative international solidarity through song1." Journal of Arts & Communities 12, no. 1 (June 1, 2021): 41–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jaac_00022_1.

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Protest song has been an important component of grassroots political struggles, and the Palestinian resistance to Zionist settler-colonization is no exception. This article draws on original research with activists in the Palestinian popular resistance on the impact of song during the first intifada (1987 to 1993) and more recently in the opposition to the segregation wall and accelerated colonization of the West Bank. The significance of international solidarity to the Palestinian struggle is noted, and the role of protest song in international solidarity is explored. The activities of Edinburgh-based community choir San Ghanny in using song as an expression of solidarity with the Palestinian popular anti-colonial struggle is analysed. Protest song is a globally recognizable form, which can help to build connections with social movements in different parts of the world and in different periods of history, which is both rooted in individual places and struggles, and also transcends these at the level of global solidarity.

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Ahmed, Samim Bulbul. "The Weave of My Life: a Dissection of Dalit Existential Struggle and the Resistance through the Marxist Lens." JOELS: Journal of Election and Leadership 1, no. 2 (November 17, 2020): 76–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.31849/joels.v1i2.5209.

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Another name of life is existential struggle; so long man struggles either against adverse conditions or against their own selves for livelihood and common amenities to live on, so long they will survive. Continuous struggles—class struggle or struggle against nature or against social, religious, economic institutions-- bring radical changes in human life and usher in a revolutionary way of sustaining life. Dalit, working-people’s life is full of struggle and their ghetto is nasty, unhygienic, and under pressure of bourgeoisie and brahmanic dominance. In short, they are circumcised in respect of economic, social and religious perspectives and their hard-some struggle against all these, provide sustenance and life force to sustain their life in impervious backdrop. Marxism analyses the relationship of oppressed and oppressor from materialistic approach and tries to find out the real cause of suffering of the oppressed, proletariat people. Taking Marxism as tool of analysis, this research article tries to probe into deep the cause suffering of Dalit people and their struggle against oppressive institutions and mechanisms. At the same time, it delves into the very incipient point of being stigmatized as dalit, untouchable, low born, proletariat and speculates over the way of emancipation.

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Shetty, Priya. "H1N1 vaccination struggles against resistance and supply." Lancet Infectious Diseases 10, no. 1 (January 2010): 9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s1473-3099(09)70339-1.

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Santiago, Jose M., and Michael R. Berren. "Arizona: Struggles and resistance in implementing capitation." New Directions for Mental Health Services 1989, no. 43 (1989): 87–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/yd.23319894310.

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Pilapil, Renante D. "Disrespect and political resistance." Thesis Eleven 114, no. 1 (February 2013): 48–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0725513612454363.

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This article examines the critical potential of Honneth’s theory or ethics of recognition by raising two concerns as regards the success of such a project. Firstly, this article argues that Honneth’s ethical turn in critical theory might not be completely warranted and that there are good reasons to supplement his theory of recognition with an account of justificatory practices. Secondly, it argues that the complexity of the beginnings of political resistance proves that an explanative gap remains to be filled to account for the way in which personal experience of disrespect can be transformed into a collective struggle for recognition. By way of conclusion, this article posits that instead of rejecting the critical potential of Honneth’s theory, the concerns raised therein are invitations to specify his theory further, so that contemporary struggles for recognition can be understood more profoundly.

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Banerjee, Bobby, and Rajiv Maher. "Resistance is Fertile: Livelihood Struggles and Resistance Movements against Extractive Industries." Academy of Management Proceedings 2017, no. 1 (August 2017): 12881. http://dx.doi.org/10.5465/ambpp.2017.12881abstract.

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Martínez-Conde, Catalina Álvarez, Clara Elena Romero Boteman, Karina Fulladosa Leal, and Marisela Montenegro. "Memories of the struggles for the rights of immigrant women in Barcelona." Critical Social Policy 40, no. 2 (January 11, 2020): 215–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0261018319895499.

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This article is the result of an intentional articulation between the authors’ activist and academic positions as feminists and anti-racists in Barcelona. Using a narrative construction, we discuss memories of the struggles for the rights of immigrant women in the city. Firstly, the memories interact with other trajectories of struggle that go beyond ‘immigrant’ identity. Secondly, the memories give an account of activisms crossed by difference, in which difference operates as a linking category, from where dialogue and interpellation relationships are established. Thirdly, the memories help to construct the body and day-to-day life within spaces of resistance, serving as an instrument alongside gender in the struggles for rights. We close the article reflecting on memory and gender as intersectional processes that offer further perspectives on resistance and immigration.

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Montesinos Coleman, Lara. "Struggles, over rights: humanism, ethical dispossession and resistance." Third World Quarterly 36, no. 6 (June 3, 2015): 1060–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01436597.2015.1047193.

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Summy, Ralph. "Recovering nonviolent history: civil resistance in liberation struggles." Journal of Peace Education 12, no. 1 (January 2, 2015): 111–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17400201.2015.1004886.

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Ikelegbe, Augustine. "Civil society, oil and conflict in the Niger Delta region of Nigeria: ramifications of civil society for a regional resource struggle." Journal of Modern African Studies 39, no. 3 (September 2001): 437–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x01003676.

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Civil society has been associated with challenges and popular struggles for state and democratic reforms. Though these may relate to the articulation of substantive ethnic, regional and communal demands, few studies have addressed the dynamics and ramifications of their engagement in struggles other than democratisation. This study focuses on the ramifications of the entrance of civil society into a regional resource agitation in the Niger Delta region of Nigeria. The study finds that civil society has flowered, taken over and escalated the struggle and constructed itself into a solid formation of regional resistance. Civil groups have reconstructed the agitation into a broad, participatory, highly mobilised and coordinated struggle and redirected it into a struggle for self-determination, equity and civil and environmental rights. The study denotes the roles that civil society can play in the sociopolitical process and reveals the dynamics of their encounters with the state and multinational corporations.

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Van Laer, Koen, and Maddy Janssens. "Agency of ethnic minority employees: Struggles around identity, career and social change." Organization 24, no. 2 (September 20, 2016): 198–217. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1350508416664143.

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Going beyond recent studies emphasizing the ‘successful’ nature of ethnic minorities’ agency, this qualitative study offers an in-depth analysis of the tensions and contradictions inherent to ethnic minority employees’ agency. To conceptualize agency, we draw on the resistance literature and adopt the notion of struggle, which stresses the dynamic and often contradictory interplay between power and resistance in everyday experiences and actions. Based on 26 in-depth interviews with ethnic minority professionals, our study highlights three main agentic strategies individuals use in relation to discourses of ethnicity: rejecting, redefining and adopting discursively available subject positions. Yet, these strategies are characterized by inherent tensions and contradictions, as all three involve both resistance and compliance, simultaneously challenging and reproducing discourses of ethnicity and relations of power. Our study further suggests that the tensions and contradictions inherent to ethnic minority employees’ agency can be linked to individuals’ involvement in struggles on three interconnected plateaux: the plateaux of identity, career and social change. Tensions arise as struggles on these plateaux come into conflict, forcing individuals to make important trade-offs. Finally, our study contributes to the resistance literature, reinterpreting the current debate on the prevalence of ‘banal’ forms of resistance as linked to its tendency to study (ethnic) majority individuals who have the privilege of focusing their agentic strategies on the plateau of identity.

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Castle, Joyce B., Sharon Abbey, and Cecilia Reynolds. "Mothers, Daughters, and Education: Struggles between Conformity and Resistance." Canadian Journal of Education / Revue canadienne de l'éducation 23, no. 1 (1998): 63. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1585966.

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Manski, Ben, and Jackie Smith. "Introduction: The Dynamics and Terrains of Local Democracy and Corporate Power in the 21st Century." Journal of World-Systems Research 25, no. 1 (March 25, 2019): 6–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/jwsr.2019.919.

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Particular to the struggles of today is a renewed and increasingly networked politics of local democracy in opposition to global corporate power. With the five urgent essays in this symposium we bring these politics into a world-systems space, considering specific community conflicts with corporations over water and petro-carbon as part of larger translocal struggles, and taking up broader strategies for asserting democratic control over economic life. The included essays feature two of four terrains of struggle —the translocalization of local resistance and contests over sovereignty – that we see as significant in the contemporary dynamics of local democracy and corporate power. We identify additional examples of contests on each these terrains of struggle, as well as those terrains involving contestation of the corporation itself and of alternative global constitutionalisms, in mapping the dimensions of the developing period of community-corporate struggle. Our purpose is to set in motion further collaborations between academic and community-based scholars, with the goal of equipping communities with knowledge useful in expanding and deepening democracy.

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Basu, Pratyusha. "SCALE, PLACE AND SOCIAL MOVEMENTS: STRATEGIES OF RESISTANCE ALONG INDIA’S NARMADA RIVER." REVISTA NERA, no. 16 (May 29, 2012): 96–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.47946/rnera.v0i16.1367.

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This paper focuses on the struggles being waged by the Narmada Bachao Andolan, a rural social movement opposing displacement due to dams along India’s Narmada River. Building a comparison between two major anti-dam struggles within the Andolan, around the Sardar Sarovar and Maheshwar dams, this study seeks to show that multi-sited social movements pursue a variety of scale and place-based strategies and this multiplicity is key to the possibilities for progressive change that they embody. The paper highlights three aspects of the Andolan. First, the Andolan has successfully combined environmental networks and agricultural identities across the space of its struggle. The Andolan became internationally celebrated when its resistance led to the World Bank withdrawing funding for the Sardar Sarovar dam in 1993. This victory was viewed as a consequence of the Andolan’s successful utilization of transnational environmental networks. However, the Andolan has also intervened in agrarian politics within India and this role of the Andolan emerges when the struggle against the Maheshwar dam is considered. Second, this paper examines the role played by the Andolan in building a national movement against displacement. Given that India’s Supreme Court gave permission for the continued construction of the Sardar Sarovar dam in 2000, the power of the state to push through destructive development projects cannot be underestimated. The national level thus remains an important scale for the Andolan’s struggle leading to the formation of social movement networks and the construction of collective identities around experiences of rural and urban displacement. Third, this paper reflects on how common access to the Narmada river also provides a material basis for the formation of a collective identity, one which can be used to address the class divisions that characterize the Andolan’s membership. Overall, the paper aims to contribute to the study of social movements by showing how attachments to multiple geographies ensure that a movement’s potential futures always exceed the nature of its present forms of resistance.

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Ferrer, Alicia Ferrndez, and Jessica Retis. "Ethnic minority media: Between hegemony and resistance." Journal of Alternative & Community Media 4, no. 3 (October 1, 2019): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/joacm_00054_1.

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Traditionally outside the mainstream, ethnic minorities have been active in developing their own media outlets throughout the world. Introducing ethnic minorities in the public sphere where social and political issues are articulated and negotiated, and struggles over hegemonic meanings take place these media have become empowering tools to struggle against cultural hegemony, exclusion and discrimination. In this regard, the potential of ethnic minority media as platforms for the expression, discussion and exchange of generally marginalised collectives must be recognised. However, a more thorough analysis of minority media compels us to be prudent, as also in this specific field there are tensions and contradictions arising from the multiple forces that influence media production, which can limit their counterhegemonic potential. This article invites scholars to analyse ethnic minority media in a critical way, highlighting both resistance to hegemonic discourses and the limits imposed by political and economic forces, as complexity is an inherent characteristic of the media field.

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Okafor, Obiora Chinedu. "Between Elite Interests and Pro-Poor Resistance: The Nigerian Courts and Labour-Led Anti-Fuel Price Hike Struggles (1999–2007)." Journal of African Law 54, no. 1 (March 4, 2010): 95–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021855309990180.

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AbstractBetween 1999 and 2007, a popular Labour-led movement led a pro-poor struggle to resist the fuel price hike policy of the Nigerian government. Waged in the context of the poverty in which nearly 70 per cent of Nigerians lived, the operation of powerful incentives to raise fuel prices, and Labour's extraordinary socio-political leverage, these struggles triggered much government frustration. One of the strategies adopted by the government to legitimize its attempt to repress the movement was to resort to the courts. This article analyses, from a socio-legal perspective, the key cases relating to the validity of the government's attempts to repress the struggles. The article concludes that, although both pro- and anti-movement trends can be observed in the jurisprudence, the anti-movement tendency having so far prevailed in terms of formal legal precedent, the pro-movement (ie pro-poor) decisions have, as a result of their massive popular legitimacy, actually functioned as the “living law.”

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Clarke, Simon. "Capitalist Competition and the Tendency to Overproduction: Comments on Brenner's ‘Uneven Development and the Long Downturn’." Historical Materialism 4, no. 1 (1999): 57–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920699100414409.

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AbstractThe publication of Bob Brenner's long-awaited analysis of the development of post-war capitalism is to be welcomed. Brenner's systematic review of a mass of data on the development of the US, German and Japanese economies finally, and incontrovertibly, destroys the ‘profit squeeze’ explanation for the tendencies to stagnation and crisis which have afflicted global capitalism over the past thirty years. This once fashionable theory explained the crisis tendencies of capitalism in terms of the ability of workers to restrict profitability through their demands for higher wages and their resistance to the intensification of labour. It is manifestly the case that the struggles of workers over the past thirty years have been predominantly defensive struggles, attempting, at best, to limit the erosion of relative gains of previous years in the spheres of wages, job control and welfare provision. The resistance of workers to a further intensification of their exploitation may have presented a barrier to the resolution of the crisis on the basis of capital, but it is certainly not the struggle of workers that has provoked the crisis.

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Tirmizey, Kasim Ali. "Learning from and Translating Peasant Struggles as Anti-Colonial Praxis: The Ghadar Party in Punjab." Socialist Studies/Études Socialistes 13, no. 2 (October 18, 2018): 134. http://dx.doi.org/10.18740/ss27243.

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The Ghadar Party introduced a radical anticolonial praxis to Punjab, British India, in the early 1910s. Much of the literature on the Ghadar Party situates the birth of the movement among Punjabi peasants along the Pacific coast of North America who returned to their homeland intent on waging an anticolonial mutiny. One strand of argumentation locates the failure of the Ghadar Party in a problem of incompatibility between their migrant political consciousness and the conditions and experiences of their co-patriots in Punjab. I use Antonio Gramsci's concept of “translation,” a semi-metaphorical means to describe political practices that transform existing political struggles, to demonstrate how the Ghadar Party's work of political education was not unidirectional, but rather consisted of learning from peasant experiences and histories of struggle, as well as transforming extant forms of peasant resistance – such as, banditry – for building a radical anticolonial movement. Translation is an anticolonial practice that works on subaltern experiences and struggles. The Ghadar Party's praxis of translating subaltern struggles into anticolonialism is demonstrative of how movements learn from and transform existing movements.

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Abu-Shomar, Ayman. "Unreconciled Strivings of ‘Exilic Consciousness’: Critical Praxis of Resistance in Susan Abulhawa's Mornings in Jenin." Journal of Holy Land and Palestine Studies 18, no. 1 (May 2019): 101–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hlps.2019.0204.

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This article discusses how Susan Abulhawa's Mornings in Jenin, its thematic concerns and aesthetics, are developed in tandem with the discourse of diaspora and exilic consciousness leading to critical praxis. It traces the interactions between exilic consciousness and identity construction in the context of resistance literature. These interactions exhibit the author's ability to be inside and outside discourses of struggle producing a model in which exile challenges bigoted struggles, hence the evolution of critical praxis. In the context of the Arab-Israeli conflict, Abulhawa represents another humanistic voice that resists dominant political narratives by dismantling their hegemonic power structure.

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Tetreault, Darcy Victor. "Resistance to Canadian mining projects in Mexico: lessons from the lifecycle of the San Xavier Mine in San Luis Potosí." Journal of Political Ecology 26, no. 1 (January 4, 2019): 84. http://dx.doi.org/10.2458/v26i1.22947.

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This article analyses resistance movements to large-scale mining projects in Mexico, particularly the case of sustained organized resistance to the San Xavier Mine, in the central north state of San Luis Potosí. As one of the first struggles in Mexico against Canadian mining projects after the signing of the North American Free Trade Agreement, the leaders of this movement pioneered strategies of resistance on the legal front and were instrumental in building anti-mining alliances and networks on the national and international levels. Now that the excavation process has finished and the mine is closing down, this article seeks to draw on the case to illustrate the complementarity of three approaches for interpreting resistance to mining: class struggle, ecological distribution conflicts, and the clash of cultural valuations over territorial vocation. The argument is that these approaches are not mutually exclusive; they can be combined to explain the multiple dimensions of specific struggles, whose shifts in emphasis at different moments of the struggle are conditioned by – and condition – the phase of a mine's development. By contextualizing the case study in a broader analysis of social environmental conflicts around mining in Mexico and elsewhere in Latin America, the analysis seeks to illustrate the ways in which the struggle against the San Xavier Mine is representative of broader trends, as well as its peculiarities. On the local level, we find the struggle has more to do with defending conditions of social and cultural reproduction than protecting the means of production that sustain traditional livelihoods. This pertains, not just to a non-contaminated living environment and the availability of clean water for human consumption, but also to the conservation of natural and architectural patrimony with historic and cultural significance.Key words: Mining conflicts, Canadian imperialism, political class formation, ecological distribution, cultural valuations

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Magra, Christopher P. "Anti-Impressment Riots and the Origins of the Age of Revolution." International Review of Social History 58, S21 (September 6, 2013): 131–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859013000291.

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AbstractThis essay details the relationship between anti-impressment collective actions, the American Revolution, and the age of revolution. Naval impressment represented the forcible coercion of laborers into extended periods of military service. Workers in North American coastal communities militantly, even violently, resisted British naval impressment. A combination of Leveller-inspired ideals and practical experience encouraged this resistance. In turn, resistance from below inspired colonial elites to resist British authority by contributing to the elaboration of a political discourse on legitimate authority, liberty, and freedom. Maritime laborers stood on the front lines in the struggle for freedom, and their radical collective actions helped give meaning to wider struggles around the Atlantic world.

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McKeown, Mick. "Love and resistance: Re‐inventing radical nurses in everyday struggles." Journal of Clinical Nursing 29, no. 7-8 (November 11, 2019): 1023–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/jocn.15084.

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Trujillo, Ester. "U.S. Central Americans: Reconstructing memories, struggles, and communities of resistance." Latino Studies 16, no. 2 (May 8, 2018): 271–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/s41276-018-0120-4.

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Toffoli, Erica. "US Central Americans: reconstructing memories, struggles, and communities of resistance." Canadian Journal of Latin American and Caribbean Studies / Revue canadienne des études latino-américaines et caraïbes 45, no. 2 (April 7, 2020): 267–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08263663.2020.1743107.

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Long, Sophie Alexandra. "Online loyalist resistance: struggles for recognition in contested Northern Ireland." Irish Political Studies 33, no. 1 (March 17, 2017): 43–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07907184.2017.1301433.

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Groeneveld, Elizabeth. "We Still Demand! Redefining Resistance in Sex and Gender Struggles." American Review of Canadian Studies 48, no. 3 (July 3, 2018): 344–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02722011.2018.1493797.

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Kapoor, Dip. "The State Of Resistance: Popular Struggles In The Global South." Development in Practice 19, no. 2 (April 2009): 269–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09614520802689642.

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Vera Delgado, Juana, and Margreet Zwarteveen. "Modernity, Exclusion and Resistance: Water and indigenous struggles in Peru." Development 51, no. 1 (March 2008): 114–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/palgrave.development.1100467.

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Glassman, Jonathon. "The Bondsman's New Clothes: The Contradictory Consciousness of Slave Resistance on the Swahili Coast." Journal of African History 32, no. 2 (July 1991): 277–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700025731.

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The most fruitful approaches to the study of slave resistance in the New World have involved examination of the slaves' struggles to create and control institutions of community and kinship in the face of planters' attempts to suppress local social reproduction altogether. Africanists who would attempt similar analysis of rebellious slave consciousness are hampered by the tradition of functionalist anthropology which dominates studies of African culture, especially Miers and Kopytoff's thesis of the integrative nature of African slavery. By contrast, more class-oriented approaches to studies of African slave resistance assume too stark a division between the consciousness of slaves and the consciousness of masters. It is suggested that Gramsci's concepts of hegemony and contradictory popular consciousness can be used to reconcile the cultural sensitivity of the first approach with the concern of the second for issues of domination and struggle. Thus a more nuanced view of slave consciousness might be reached.The case studied involves resistance to the rapid rise of sugar plantations on the northern Tanzania coast in the late nineteenth century. Miers and Kopytoff's model of the ‘reduction of marginality’ is modified to accommodate a process of conflict, as slaves struggled to gain access to institutions of Swahili prestige and citizenship and as their masters struggled to exclude them. Analysis of a large-scale slave rebellion in 1873 reveals that the consciousness of the rebels was couched in the local ‘traditional’ language of a moral economy of patrons and clients. Although this language was expressive of some of the hegemonic ideas of the emergent planter class, it was also openly rebellious. It expressed neither a slave class-consciousness nor simply the ideology of the dominant planter class but was instead a contradictory consciousness of the type that Gramsci discerned in other movements of agrarian rebellion.

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Cohen, Amy, and Elise Hjalmarson. "Quiet struggles: Migrant farmworkers, informal labor, and everyday resistance in Canada." International Journal of Comparative Sociology 61, no. 2-3 (December 5, 2018): 141–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020715218815543.

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Utilizing James C. Scott’s germinal concept of everyday resistance, we examine the subtle, daily acts of resistance carried out by Mexican and Jamaican migrant farmworkers in the Okanagan Valley, British Columbia. We argue that despite finding themselves in situations of formidable constraint, migrant farmworkers utilize a variety of “weapons of the weak” that undermine the strict regulation of their employment by employers and state authorities. We also argue that everyday forms of resistance are important political acts and as such, they warrant inclusion in scholarly examinations. Indeed, by reading these methods neither as “real” resistance nor as political, we risk reproducing the same systems of power that de-legitimize the actions, agency, and political consciousness of subaltern and oppressed peoples. After a brief discussion on the concept of everyday resistance, we provide an overview of Canada’s Seasonal Agricultural Worker Program (SAWP), establishing the conditions that drive migrant workers to resist and drawing connections between the regulatory framework of the SAWP, the informality of the agricultural sector, and migrant labor. Finally, we examine specific instances of resistance that we documented over 3 recent years through ethnographic fieldwork and as community organizers with a grassroots migrant justice organization. We assert the importance of situating migrants’ everyday acts of resistance at the center of conceptualizations of the broader movement for migrant justice in Canada and worldwide.

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DUAN, RUODI. "Solidarity in Three Acts: Narrating US black freedom movements in China, 1961–66." Modern Asian Studies 53, no. 05 (May 14, 2019): 1351–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x1700052x.

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AbstractThe political campaigns and events that comprised the US civil rights movement, as well as the urban race riots that coloured the 1960s, garnered widespread public attention and press coverage within the People's Republic of China (PRC). In the years between the Sino-Soviet Split in 1961 and the beginning of the Cultural Revolution in 1966, China strove to substantiate its commitment to US black liberation in three key respects: consistent news reporting, sentimental receptions of visiting black activists, and local gatherings that publicized up-to-date information on US anti-racist struggles and featured ordinary citizens sharing notes of empathy. This multidimensional Chinese engagement of US black freedom struggles helped to cement both intra-national and international solidarities. The party state, its mouthpieces, and everyday students and workers echoed Mao Zedong's dictum that racial discrimination was a matter of class struggle. Embedded within their observations was a critical analysis of African American history and social movements in relationship to US capitalism. Their narrations of black resistance and Afro-Asian solidarity, while intimately bound up with nation-state interests, shed light on the intricate nexus of race, revolution, and international class struggle that defined the global Cold War.

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Koehler, Johann. "Penal (Ant)Agonism." Law & Social Inquiry 44, no. 03 (July 18, 2019): 799–805. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/lsi.2019.32.

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In Breaking the Pendulum, Goodman, Page, and Phelps (2017) advance an “agonistic” perspective that contends struggle drives penal change, and that it does so through perpetual conflict. Yet studying only manifest struggles, when an actor made their resistance to a penal status quo known, presents thorny problems in conceptualizing conflict. One such problem is that conflict among agonists advocating competing penal policies presupposes consensus between those who threaten penal order’s basic conditions. Understanding penal agonism’s corollary, penal antagonism, offers a more complete starting point from which to theorize penal history and penality.

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Silvestre, Helena. "From Point Zero to the Future." South Atlantic Quarterly 119, no. 3 (July 1, 2020): 646–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00382876-8601494.

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This text seeks to describe the territories of the favelas as a fertile ground for the birth of organizational forms that can strengthen struggles toward an emancipated society, in which life is free. It aims to trace the trajectory of resistance in those territories, the occupations, and evictions that shaped and continue shaping them. It highlights the feminized bodies in struggle against forced evictions of communities or carrying out occupations for housing: the conflictual recuperation of parts of the territory to construct commons that nourish our resistance. This effort is necessary because we cannot look at Indigenous women—in defense of forests—or Black women—defending immaterial ancestral territories—without recognizing that the women of the favelas are the daughters of those other women, continuing their resistance and resignifying it in places that are close to us and our everyday lives.

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Budd, Eric. "Maciej J. Bartkowski, Recovering Nonviolent History: Civil Resistance in Liberation Struggles." Peace Review 27, no. 2 (April 3, 2015): 259–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10402659.2015.1037669.

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Magnan, André. "Resistance Is Fertile: Canadian Struggles on the BioCommons by Wilhelm Peekhaus." Great Plains Research 25, no. 1 (2015): 88–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/gpr.2015.0012.

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Schock, Kurt. "Rightful Radical Resistance: Mass Mobilization and Land Struggles in India and Brazil*." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 20, no. 4 (December 1, 2015): 493–515. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/1086-671x-20-4-493.

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An examination of mass mobilizations to promote land rights of the landless and near-landless by Ekta Parishad in India and the Landless Rural Workers Movement (MST) in Brazil identifies a similar strategy of rightful radical resistance that incorporates key elements of rightful resistance but also transcends it. The comparable strategy is due to similarities in context: India and Brazil are semiperipheral countries with relatively high-capacity states and representative democratic political structures, but have inequitable distributions of agricultural land despite constitutional principles and laws that embody equitable land distributions. However, given the substantial variation across India and Brazil in culture, geography, and demography, the specific forms assumed by rightful radical resistance vary. This study contributes to the social movements and civil resistance literatures by explicating the strategic logic of the mass mobilizations, explaining similarities and differences across the two cases, and illustrating the potential of civil resistance for challenging the structural violence of land dispossession and inequality.

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Dondi, Mirco. "Division and Conflict in the Partisan Resistance." Modern Italy 12, no. 2 (June 2007): 225–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940701362748.

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The article sheds light on the power struggles at the heart of the Italian Resistance movement. From June 1944, as the movement grew rapidly, the leadership positions, both at national and local level, became ever more important and contested. The most significant roles in the Resistance, such as the national and regional leadership, but also the provincial commands, depended on the military strength of the various formations and on the power of the anti-Fascist parties. The re-formed political parties attempted to occupy important positions in the Resistance movement, hoping that these roles would help them out in any future settlement. In fact the rules of the game turned out to be far more complex and the political role played by any particular party did not determine its future success. The Anglo-Americans' influence over the power balance within the Resistance movement was to be decisive. The Allies managed to orchestrate the appointment of Raffaele Cadorna, who was not looked on favourably by the parties of the left and the Action Party, as military commander. In this way the Allies fostered the growth of moderate military formations frequently linked to Christian Democracy. In order to understand the Resistance in all its complexity, it is therefore necessary to return to the concept of internal conflict. The power struggles were better managed at national rather than local level, where they frequently led to violence.

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Englert, Sai, Jamie Woodcock, and Callum Cant. "Digital Workerism: Technology, Platforms, and the Circulation of Workers’ Struggles." tripleC: Communication, Capitalism & Critique. Open Access Journal for a Global Sustainable Information Society 18, no. 1 (January 13, 2020): 132–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.31269/triplec.v18i1.1133.

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The use of digital technology has become a key part of contemporary debates on how work is changing, the future of work/ers, resistance, and organising. Workerism took up many of these questions in the context of the factory – particularly through the Italian Operaismo – connecting the experience of the workplace with a broader struggle against capitalism. However, there are many differences between those factories and the new digital workplaces in which many workers find themselves today. The methods of workers’ inquiry and the theories of class composition are a useful legacy from Operaismo, providing tools and a framework to make sense of and intervene within workers’ struggles today. However, these require sharpening and updating in a digital context. In this article, we discuss the challenges and opportunities for a “digital workerism”, understood as both a research and organising method. We use the case study of Uber to discuss how technology can be used against workers, as well as repurposed by them in various ways. By developing an analysis of the technical, social, and political re-composition taking place on the platform, we move beyond determinist readings of technology, to place different technologies within the social relations that are emerging. In particular, we draw attention to the new forms through which workers’ struggles can be circulated. Through this, we argue for a “digital workerism” that develops a critical understanding of how the workplace can become a key site for the struggles of digital/communicative socialism.

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Smith, Jackie. "Globalizing Resistance: The Battle of Seattle and the Future of Social Movements." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 6, no. 1 (March 1, 2001): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.6.1.y63133434t8vq608.

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The massive protests at the Third Ministerial Meeting of the World Trade Organization in November 1999 resulted from broad and accelerating changes in global social and political relations. Many protesting groups had been involved in previous struggles for global economic justice that shaped their identities and strategies in Seattle. This study examines the participants, activities, and political context of the "Battle of Seattle." It explores the transnational activist linkages and suggests that a division of labor was present whereby groups with local and national ties took on mobilization roles while groups with routinized transnational ties provided information and frames for the struggle. An examination of the tactics used in Seattle suggests that national protest "repertoires" have been adapted for use in global political arenas. There is also some evidence of protest innovation in response to global political integration and technology. While this study encompasses only a single protest episode, it suggests that increasing globalization and transnational protests have enduring effects on the organization and character of social movements.

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Cummings, William. "The Dynamics of Resistance and Emulation in Makassarese History." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 32, no. 3 (October 2001): 423–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463401000236.

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This article situates historical struggles for supremacy in early modern Makassar within a framework of intrafamily rivalry in which cooperation and competition coexisted. Through a reading of two texts, it examines the connections between resistance and emulation in a society that viewed social and political relationships within the structuring context of kinship. These contradictory impulses produced tensions fostering cycles of alliance and rivalry characteristic of centre–periphery dynamics in South Sulawesi.

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Bakke, Kristin M. "Help Wanted? The Mixed Record of Foreign Fighters in Domestic Insurgencies." International Security 38, no. 4 (April 2014): 150–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00156.

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One of the major policy concerns surrounding violent conflicts in Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, Mali, Pakistan, Russia's North Caucasus region, Somalia, and Syria has been that these struggles may both attract and breed transnational insurgents, or foreign fighters. Yet despite this growing worry, relatively little is known about the ways in which transnational insurgents influence the domestic struggles they join. Existing scholarship assumes that such “outsiders” strengthen domestic opposition movements by bringing with them fighters, weapons, know-how, and access to financial resources. Indeed, access to such assets explains why domestic resistance leaders may initially welcome transnational insurgents. Foreign fighters, however, can also weaken domestic insurgencies by introducing new ideas regarding their objectives and how these struggles should be waged. The introduction of new goals and tactics can not only create divisions with opposition movements, but can also complicate the ability of local leaders to attract and maintain vital public support. Domestic resistance leaders' willingness and ability to adapt the ideas of transnational insurgents to local conditions is key to determining whether and how foreign fighters strengthen homegrown insurgencies.

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STEPHEN, MATTHEW. "Globalisation and resistance: struggles over common sense in the global political economy." Review of International Studies 37, no. 1 (October 12, 2010): 209–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210510001142.

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AbstractThis article develops and applies the role of ‘common sense’ in a Gramscian theory of transnational counter-hegemony. Building on recent interpretative literature on the alter-globalisation movement, it applies this framework to then evaluate empirically the impact of the alter-globalisation movement on the realm of global ‘common sense’ understandings of the world in the period 2002 to 2007. It shows that there is little empirical support for the notion that the alter-globalisation movement effected a legitimation crisis for neo-liberalism as a hegemonic project on a global scale. Instead, a more ambivalent and potentially reactionary situation amongst collectively held norms is revealed. This indicates the shortcomings of the alter-globalisation movement as a coalition of social forces capable of mounting an ideological attack on neo-liberalism and forging a new intellectual-moral bloc.

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Arrigo, Bruce A. "De/reconstructing critical psychological jurisprudence: strategies of resistance and struggles for justice." International Journal of Law in Context 6, no. 4 (October 27, 2010): 363–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1744552310000285.

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AbstractThe development of an integrated critical psychological jurisprudence (PJ) continues to elude researchers in theoretical and applied contexts. Indeed, the radical potential of a synthetic PJ that furthers the political aims of social change, collective good and citizen justice has yet to be sufficiently problematised or systematically reviewed in the extant literature. This article begins to address this deficiency. First, the social philosophy that informs and underscores radicalised PJ is described. This includes commentary on its underlying symbolic, linguistic, material and cultural footing. Second, several well-rehearsed theoretical strains of critical PJ are summarily presented. These strains consist of anarchism, critical legal studies, feminist jurisprudence and complex systems science. Third, a conceptual integration is undertaken that links radicalised PJ’s grounding in social philosophy with its established theoretical variants. This synthesis demonstrates the probing political project of critical PJ, especially as a humanising strategy of resistance and an evolving struggle for justice. This is a political project that seeks to de/reconstruct the images (aesthetic), narratives (epistemology), embodiments (ethic) and reproductions (ontology) at the core of its nascent critique.

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Erkama, Niina. "Power and resistance in a multinational organization: Discursive struggles over organizational restructuring." Scandinavian Journal of Management 26, no. 2 (June 2010): 151–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.scaman.2010.02.002.

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Israel, Mark, Tanya Lyons, and Christine Mason. "Women, Resistance and Africa: Armed Struggles in Zimbabwe, South Africa and Eritrea." Humanity & Society 26, no. 3 (August 2002): 196–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/016059760202600302.

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Armiero, Marco, and Giacomo D'Alisa. "Rights of Resistance: The Garbage Struggles for Environmental Justice in Campania, Italy." Capitalism Nature Socialism 23, no. 4 (December 2012): 52–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10455752.2012.724200.

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Trimikliniotis, Nicos, Dimitris Parsanoglou, and Vassilis S. Tsianos. "Mobile Commons and/in Precarious Spaces: Mapping Migrant Struggles and Social Resistance." Critical Sociology 42, no. 7-8 (July 28, 2016): 1035–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0896920515614983.

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Diepart, Jean-Christophe, Chanrith Ngin, and Il Oeur. "Struggles for Life: Smallholder Farmers’ Resistance and State Land Relations in Contemporary Cambodia." Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 38, no. 1 (April 2019): 10–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1868103419845520.

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Struggles revolving around questions of land access and control occupy a central place in the political and social life of contemporary Cambodia. In this study, we examine three cases of struggles against economic [State] land concessions. In a context of unequal power distribution among the actors involved, we elicit the place of the peasantry and its agency to resist and engage in negotiations with multi-level State authorities and market actors. We show how conflict management occurs through hybrid institutions to produce contingent rules that are specific outcomes of the negotiation between actors. Despite the shrinking space of contestation in Cambodia, these contingent rules reveal that opportunities for negotiation can be created for smallholder farmers to protect their land resources. Beyond the specificities of each particular conflict transformation trajectory, we also argue that State land management is a dynamic process that combines a calculus by authorities to retain social legitimacy and reproduce their sovereign power in respect of land.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Resistance struggles'

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