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1
Holland, Kate E., and n/a. "Conformity and resistance: Discursive struggles in the Australian mental health field." University of Canberra. Communication, 2007. http://erl.canberra.edu.au./public/adt-AUC20081022.153830.
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This research explores areas of contention in the mental heath field in Australia through a
qualitative analysis of voices and practices that can broadly be seen as talking with and
talking back to psychiatry. The thesis is informed by key shifts in thinking that underpin
postpsychiatry and analyses a set of materials through an interpretive lens of reading
psychiatry against the grain (Bracken & Thomas, 2005; Lewis, 2006). In particular, it
examines a failed ethics application to conduct research with people diagnosed with a mental
illness, an anti-stigma campaign, the practices of some prominent mental health organisations
in Australia, a conversation with two members of an emerging consumer/survivor network in
Australia, and a television documentary and online discussion forum about an antidepressant
medication. The research draws from discourse analytic methods and concepts from social
movement framing research to identify factors shaping conformity and resistance to
psychiatric doxa in the Australian mental health field.
The research identifies the discursive repertoires that characterise the mental health field as a
"game" in which competing perspectives vie for recognition. In relation to research ethics
committees, the thesis argues that deference to clinical expertise is a potential barrier to
cultural studies of psychiatry and a more inclusive agenda in mental heath research and
practice. Some practices for ethics committees to consider when reviewing research that
involves people who may have been diagnosed with a mental illness are proposed. The
research also identifies problematic features of anti-stigma campaigns that direct their efforts
toward protecting and promoting the discourse of biomedical psychiatry. A critique of this
type of campaign is offered in relation to perspectives from postpsychiatry and social
constructionism. On the basis of this research, it is argued that organisations that champion
"mental health literacy" are limited in their ability to give voice to the goals and priorities of
those who are calling for a more open, reflexive and democratic debate in mental health. The
central argument of this thesis is that elevating first-person and postpsychiatry perspectives is
necessary in order to interrogate and address the dominance of the medical model in
psychiatry and its consequences.
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Weizman, Elian. "Hegemony, law, resistance : struggles against Zionism in the State of Israel." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2013. http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/17366/.
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In their struggles against Zionism, Israeli citizens, both Palestinians and Jews, paradoxically seek to challenge through the law the very laws that institutionalise the hegemony of the state's ideology. Law and resistance are seemingly two contradictory concepts: while the law is instrumental in producing and sustaining the hegemonic order, resistance aims to subvert that very order. Zionism - the formula that Israel is a 'Jewish and Democratic state' - is the structuring ideology of the State of Israel; it shapes and is grounded in Israeli laws, and the apparatus of the law underwrites and protects Zionism. Nevertheless, in resisting Zionism, groups and individuals have utilised the law in struggles to overturn it. This research project interrogates the paradoxical relationship between law and resistance and evaluates the efficacy of different strategies of resistance to Zionism by Israeli citizens, both Palestinians and Jews. It offers an in-depth analysis of the spectrum of resistance practices in Israel, from resistance inside the law using legislation and adjudication, parliamentary and extra-parliamentary work, to resistance that disregards the law. This thesis reveals that an ensemble of resistance that acts simultaneously both inside and outside the legal system, constructing and disrupting, building and dismantling, seems to be most strategically effective in countering hegemonic structures, exposing their weaknesses and internal contradictions and forcing hegemony to reveal its oppressive nature, thereby losing its legitimacy both internally and internationally. In Israel, it is a strategy that exposes the contradictions between the state's Jewish and democratic pretensions, showing its willingness to suspend the one to defend the other, thereby revealing its coercive side.
3
Jovais, Emily E. "Transnational Resistance Against Large Dams: States, Social Movements, and Struggles for Democracy." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2013. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/201.
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Understanding how these networks and opportunities formed and the effect of these relationships on social movements and global politics is crucial for the future of the dam resistance movement. I hypothesize that the formation of networks and the larger role of civil society in decision-making has altered institutional decision-making, thus allowing for the development of new counter-hegemonic ideas of development and methods of organizing. Through a broad analysis of the dam resistance movement and specific dam resistance campaigns, this thesis examines how and under what circumstances transnational networks provide new opportunities for participation and greater influence over national policy and multilateral institutions. I will seek to answer the questions - how do anti-dam advocacy networks affect national and international policy and under what conditions are these networks successful?
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Pustelnik, Pawel. "European struggles and American resistance : inclusion of aviation into the EU ETS." Thesis, Cardiff University, 2016. http://orca.cf.ac.uk/95771/.
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This research examines the process of inclusion of aviation into the European Union Emissions Trading System (EU ETS). The thesis investigates an environmentally-recalcitrant community (aviation industry) and its attempts to suspend the application of the EU ETS on the sector. It focuses on the decision-making processes at the European Union (EU) level and juxtaposes the European policy-making with the resistance to inclusion shown in the political system of the United States (US). More specifically, it seeks to understand the factors affecting the effectiveness of efforts to forge effective international environmental policy, especially those driven by the EU in the context of climate change. Theoretically, this research draws on three theories: Multi-level governance, Policy Network Analysis and Interpretive Policy Analysis. These theories are advanced by considering the meaning-making activities pursued by the stakeholders and discursive aspects of the process analysed. Empirically the thesis is informed by a series of semi-structured interviews conducted in Washington, DC in 2013 and in Brussels, Belgium in 2014, policy documents, and media content analysis. The thesis concludes that the climate ambitions of the (EU) may instigate international resistance leading to deterioration of relations with international partners. The thesis proves too that the conflict in the EU ETS case is related to the construction of interests both within the EU and vis à vis its international partners. The research contributes also to understanding the internal proceedings of the European Commission by showing discrepancies in decision-making between the Directorate Generals. It shows that the locus of policy making can be changed towards more non-material venues. Finally, the results show that aviation enjoys a particularly powerful position among other businesses both in the EU and in the US and is able to shape policy-making at the national and international level.
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Henderson, Thomas Paul. "Food sovereignty and the Via Campesina in Mexico and Ecuador : class dynamics, struggles for autonomy and the politics of resistance." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2015. http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/22778/.
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This thesis analyses the class dynamics, politics, and ideology of food sovereignty in Mexico and Ecuador. It argues that engagement with class dynamics within the Via Campesina, the world's preeminent transnational agrarian movement struggling for food sovereignty, is essential for the construction of 'unity in diversity' necessary to challenge the neoliberal food regime. It interrogates the claim made by the movement and its proponents of a 'unified people of the land' to show that the food sovereignty project currently underrepresents rural labour and producers of cash crops. It also shows that struggles of the landed peasantry for autonomy from and within the market can successfully resist the accelerated forces of proletarianisation, dispossession and immiseration that characterise much of the rural South in the neoliberal era. Autonomous struggles are the foundation of peasant production and reproduction strategies in Mexico and Ecuador today and are the basis from which food sovereignty's productive, political and ideological alternatives to neoliberalism must be developed. However, state-peasant movement relations are central to the construction of counter-hegemony. So too are peasant organisations' internal structures, their modes of representation between leaders and bases, and alliance building and conflict with other subaltern groups. These factors are critical in determining whether, and to what extent, the food sovereignty movement is able to transform neoliberal food and agricultural policies in favour of sustainable, small-scale peasant production guided by concerns for social and environmental justice rather than those of capital accumulation.
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Marcelino, Jonathan da Silva. "A força (dos) do Lugar: das lutas comunitárias ao comitê comunitário. A trajetória de R-existência do bairro Cidade de Deus na urbe Carioca." Universidade de São Paulo, 2013. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8136/tde-11042014-112017/.
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A problemática urbana a qual nos debruçamos na presente pesquisa refere-se as estratégias de sobrevivência desenvolvida pelos homens lentos em uma metrópole repleta de escassez nos lugares. Temos como objetivo compreender o papel dos movimentos de bairro de resistência no espaço urbano. Atualmente a atuação desses grupos comunitários indicam novas possibilidades de formas-conteudos de organização popular a partir de experiências fundamentadas no espaço vivido. Nesse sentido, realizaremos um estudo sobre o bairro Cidade de Deus como recorte espacial integrante do espaço urbano Carioca, tentaremos compreender como a Cidade de Deus que é um bairro originário de um processo de exclusão, segregação ocorrido em meados da década de 1960 conseguiu constituir-se em um dos principais lugares de resistência da cidade do Rio de Janeiro. Considerando que os bairros são concebidos como espaços em que as vivências e práticas se conciliam na trama da vida dos indivíduos, optamos por estudar o bairro Cidade de Deus por compreendermos que grupos de pessoas em desvantagem social, que compartilham de um mesmo lugar na metrópole, elaboram estratégias de sobrevivência bem como de melhoria das suas condições concretas de existência.The urban problem analysed in this research refers to the survival strategies developed by slow men in a metropolis full of scarcity. The objective is to understand the role of neighborhood movements of resistance in the urban space. Nowadays, the performance of these community groups indicates new possibilities of popular organization based on experiences achieved in the lived space. With this in mind, we will carry out a study about the neighborhood Cidade de Deus, as an area that integrates the urban space Carioca, trying to understand how this neighborhood, originated from a process of exclusion and segregation, presented around 1960, could grow up in one of the main places of resistance in the city of Rio de Janeiro. Considering that neighborhoods are designed as spaces in which experiences and practices influence the individuals lifes, we chose to study the neighborhood Cidade de Deus, because we understand that groups of people in socially disadvantaged, who share the same place in the metropolis, develop strategies of survival, as well as the improvement of their conditions of existence.
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Ribera-Almandoz, Olatz. "Searching for autonomy and prefiguration: resisting the crisis of social reproduction through housing and health care struggles in Spain and the UK." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/668176.
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This doctoral thesis studies the ways in which resistance and self-organisation have emerged in the sphere of social reproduction in the post-2008 global financial crisis context. It argues that social reproduction and everyday politics are key arenas for contestation, and fields where alternatives to contemporary forms of financialised capitalism can be articulated. Following an abductive research design and using a critical comparative methodology, it analyses multiple anti-austerity struggles in defence of the right to adequate and affordable housing and the universal access to free at-the-point-of-use healthcare in Spain and the United Kingdom. The thesis examines how the use of prefigurative politics and the creation of autonomous spaces of solidarity, together with the adoption of complex strategies of institutional transformation across a range of scales, have been central in contemporary struggles over social reproduction for the development of processes of politicisation, the collective empowerment of vulnerable groups and the grassroots protection of basic social rights.Aquesta tesi doctoral estudia l’emergència de diverses formes de resistència i auto-organització en l’àmbit de la reproducció social en el context posterior a l’esclat de la crisi financera global l’any 2008. L’argument principal és que la reproducció social i la política quotidiana són escenaris clau per a la contestació, així com terrenys on es poden articular alternatives a les formes actuals de capitalisme financer. Seguint un disseny d’investigació abductiu i una metodologia comparativa crítica, aquesta recerca analitza diferents lluites anti-austeritat en defensa del dret a un habitatge digne i assequible i per l’accés a una atenció sanitària gratuïta i universal a Espanya i al Regne Unit. La tesi examina de quina manera l’ús d’una política prefigurativa i la creació d’espais autònoms de solidaritat, acompanyades de l’adopció d’estratègies complexes de transformació institucional a diverses escales, han estat elements centrals en les lluites actuals per la reproducció social per tal de desenvolupar processos de politització, d’empoderament col·lectiu de grups vulnerables i d’autodefensa de drets socials bàsics.
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Conlon, Katie L. ""Neither Men nor Completely Women:" The 1980 Armagh Dirty Protest and Republican Resistance in Northern Irish Prisons." Ohio University Honors Tutorial College / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ouhonors1461339256.
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Turner, Bethany, and n/a. "Strategic translations: the Zapatistas from silence to dignity." University of Canberra. Creative Communication, 2004. http://erl.canberra.edu.au./public/adt-AUC20051123.144212.
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This thesis demonstrates that the discursive strategies that characterise the political struggle of the Zapatista (EZLN) movement are produced in response to the political and economic realities of Mexico and the southeastern state of Chiapas. The EZLN�s intentionally ambiguous discourse of dignity epitomises these strategies. By deploying various incarnations of dignity to counter the Mexican Government�s strategic political manoeuvres, the EZLN destabilises the political, economic and social hegemonies of the nation. This destabilisation creates a space for the EZLN to suggest the possibility of an alternative political logic to the Mexican populace. However, the marginalised social location and ethnic diversity of the movement�s indigenous constituents impedes their ability to effect significant political change. This impediment is overcome when they coalesce around the politically advantageous subjectivity of indigenous Zapatistas and engage with the mestizo Subcomandante Marcos to produce the EZLN. The movement enacts a progressive coalitional politics that articulates radical political alternatives for Mexico through the strategic practice of translation. Thus, translation is posited as a powerful political practice for marginalised groups engaged in resistance struggles in the contemporary global conditions.
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Fjellheim, Eva Maria B. "- Marici Weu, Marici Weu, Marici Weu - We will win ten times over! : The Mapuce in Neuquén: Claiming spaces of resistance through complex and diverse struggles for indigenous citizenship rights." Thesis, Norges teknisk-naturvitenskapelige universitet, Geografisk institutt, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:no:ntnu:diva-17453.
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The broader context of this study constitutes the continuous pressure and strain the dominant society often put on the culture, livelihood and self-determination of indigenous peoples, but also on the increased international recognition and formalisation of indigenous rights emerging the last few decades. The Mapuce reality is no exception. This thesis focuses on the Mapuce right-claimers as possible change makers in a context of many constraints through exploring different processes of claiming spaces of resistance in a quest for realising indigenous citizenship rights. More specifically, this thesis aims to explore the challenges, strategies of resistance and possibilities for change in the course of a diverse and complex struggle for rights. The research is based on a two and a half month qualitative fieldwork in Neuquén, Argentina from June to August 2010. During this period, I established a close relationship with many of the research participants conducting in-depth interviews, innumerable informal conversations and participant observation. Based on the information acquired, I found that one of the most profound challenges facing the Mapuce is the discriminative social structure on which the Argentine state has been established. A lack of will prevents real implementation of the rights concerning indigenous peoples recognised in federal and provincial constitutions. The study furthermore shows that despite of these obstacles, the Mapuce right-claimers have found ways to wiggle around them. In the absence of effective participation in invited spaces, they practise a variety of strategies in order to claim their own spaces of resistance. Recuperation of land and large demonstration constitute parts of this political engagement, but more longterm strategies such as organisation, collaboration and capacity building is the crucial foundation on which their struggle depends. By combining individual and generational knowledgeabilities, in addition to drawing on those of others, I suggest that the Mapuce position themselves better in terms of their possibilities for acquiring change.
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Beck, Maurício. "Aurora mexicana processos de resistência-revolta-revolução em lutas populares da América Latina: o exemplo do discurso Zapatista." Universidade Federal de Santa Maria, 2010. http://repositorio.ufsm.br/handle/1/3965.
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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível SuperiorThe scope of this thesis is to contribute to the theoretical discussion about the emergence and the modes of operation of discourses overlapped by dominant or antagonist ideologies in Latin America. From the perspective of Discourse Analysis, initiated by the circle of intellectuals around Michel Pecheux in France in the decades of 1960-1970, a punctual analysis of the discourse of the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN) was undertaken. The EZLN is an armed movement which started in southern Mexico in 1994. However, it has been their announcements, letters, statements, the images of rebels wearing masks disseminated by the media which made it possible a national and international civil support and prevented the defeat of the Zapatistas by the counterinsurgency forces. The process of resistance-rebellion in the past sixteen years in the state of Chiapas allows the study of the modes of operation of antagonist discourses, dissymmetric in relation to the dominant ideology, in this early twenty-first century. The description and interpretation are focused on four issues that characterize the heterodoxy of the EZLN facing other counterhegemonic discourse in the last century: the Zapatista subject position in open rejection of individualization by the state; the images of the Zapatista in the media while anonymous celebrities; the laugher of the Zapatista as their eruption of humor in politics; the silence of the Zapatista as an act of refusing to have to say, with the effect of meanings and political effects that they cause. Based on these analyses, it was possible to reassess the concept of spectrum of the articulate unrealized to the process of historical reproduction/ transformation.
A presente tese tem como escopo contribuir para a discussão teórica acerca da emergência e dos modos de funcionamento de discursividades imbricadas a ideologias dominadas ou antagônicas no continente latino americano. Da perspectiva da Análise de Discurso, iniciada pelo círculo de intelectuais em torno de Michel Pêcheux na França entre as décadas de 1960-1970, empreendeu-se uma análise pontual do discurso do Exército Zapatista de Libertação Nacional (EZLN), movimento que se alçou em armas em janeiro de 1994 no sudeste mexicano. Entretanto, são os comunicados, as cartas, as declarações, as imagens de rebeldes mascarados, divulgadas pela mídia, que possibilitaram um amplo apoio civil nacional e internacional e evitaram a derrocada da luta zapatista pelas forças de contrainsurgência. O processo de resistência-revolta em curso nos últimos dezesseis anos no estado de Chiapas permite o estudo dos modos de funcionamento de discursividades antagônicas, dissimétricas em relação à ideologia dominante, neste início de século XXI. A descrição e a interpretação se focaram em quatro tópicos que caracterizam a heterodoxia do EZLN frente a outras discursividades da esquerda hegemônica do século passado: a posição-sujeito zapatista em franca recusa da individualização pelo Estado; a imagem midiatizada dos zapatistas enquanto celebridades anônimas; o riso zapatista enquanto irrupção de humor no político; o silenciar zapatista, enquanto prática de recusa em ter de dizer, com os efeitos de sentidos e os efeitos políticos que acarretam. Com base nesta análise foi possível retomar o conceito de espectro do irrealizado articulado ao processo de reprodução/transformação histórico.
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Guru, S. "Struggle and resistance : Punjabi women in Birmingham." Thesis, Keele University, 1987. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.382848.
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Hutchison, Peggy J. 1955. "Palestinian resistance poetry and the historical struggle for liberation." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/278065.
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Since the late nineteenth century, modern Palestinian resistance poetry has been an expression of the Palestinian peoples' national culture and their historical struggle for self-determination and a homeland. This study examines Palestinian resistance poetry written during the ten year period following the June War of 1967, which tripled the land area of the state of Israel. English translations of three prominent Palestinian poets: Fadw a T uq an, Mahm ud Darwish, and Samih al-Q asim, are preceded by commentaries on the history of Palestinian poetry prior to 1967, and on the post-1967 occupation of Palestine. The poetry is analyzed according to four themes: the identity theme, the wound theme, the freedom fighters, and woman's place. Through the study of Palestinian resistance poetry in its historical context, the reader may develop a deeper understanding of the relationship between Palestinian national culture and the struggle for a homeland.
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Duarte, Diana Ramírez. "A UTOPIA DA EMANCIPAÇÃO HUMANA NA COLÔMBIA: os sindicatos e os partidos de esquerda no período 2002-2010." Universidade Federal do Maranhão, 2014. http://tedebc.ufma.br:8080/jspui/handle/tede/870.
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Reflection on the left parties and the unions in Colombia and their conditions and concrete possibilities of contributing to the emancipatory process in that country; thought in their specificity in the period 2002-2010, under the government of Álvaro Uribe Veléz (2002 -2010), but in reference with the resistance struggles and the left governments' election in Latin America. Under the guidance of the historical and dialectical materialism method, it was made the study of primary sources such as: the program of the Polo Democrático Alternativo that incorporates the proposals of the Colombian Communist Party; statutes of the General Confederation of Workers and of the Unitary Central of Workers; accusations and protests presented through the press. It is analyzed the relation of the subject with the armed insurgency and the social struggles that took place in Colombia during this period. It is concluded that there was an unity of the social struggles with the worker s unions and the Polo Democrático Alternativo to create a force of a concrete opposition against the government; that, moreover, in the perspective of the emancipation, it points for the need of overcoming the political polarization and the internal armed conflict, besides of contributing to strengthen the unity of the broader social base articulated with left-wing governments in Latin America.
Reflexão sobre os partidos de esquerda e os sindicatos na Colômbia, em suas condições e possibilidades concretas de contribuir no processo emancipatório nesse país; pensado em sua especificidade no período 2002-2010, sob o governo de Álvaro Uribe Veléz (2002-2010), mas em relação com as lutas de resistência e a eleição de governos de esquerda na América Latina. Sob a orientação do método do materialismo histórico e dialético, fez-se estudo de fontes primárias como: programa do Polo Democrático Alternativo que incorpora as propostas do Partido Comunista Colombiano; estatutos da Confederação Geral de Trabalhadores e da Central Unitária de Trabalhadores; das denúncias e protestos apresentados através da imprensa. Analisou-se a relação dos sujeitos da pesquisa com a insurgência armada e as lutas sociais que ocorreram na Colômbia nesse período. Conclui-se que houve uma unidade das lutas sociais com as centrais operárias e o Polo Democrático Alternativo para criar uma força de oposição concreta frente ao governo; que, ademais, na perspectiva da emancipação, aponta para a necessidade de superar a polarização política e o conflito armado interno, além de contribuir para o fortalecimento da base social mais ampla articulada com os governos de esquerda na América Latina.
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Grimshaw, Trevor Alexander. "Discursive struggle in Chinese universities : English #linguistic imperialism', resistance and appropriation." Thesis, University of Kent, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.250334.
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Scholey, Pamela (Pamela Jean) Carleton University Dissertation Political Science. "Development as a mode of resistance: women and struggle in Palestine." Ottawa, 1994.
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Pinna, Ilaria. "Theatre and impegno : commitment, struggle and resistance on the Italian stage." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/22011.
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This thesis examines the development of Italian political theatre between 1968 and 2010. It analyses the relationship between political theatre during the 1970s and politically engaged practice in the following decades in terms of continuity rather than rupture, thereby challenging recent theatre historiography and criticism which interpreted the two periods as diametrically opposite: one characterised by profound political engagement and the other by a widespread retreat from the political (riflusso). The analysis of the case studies is grounded on a rigorous contextual approach which places theatre practice in relation to its social and cultural context. Chapter One reviews the current debate on theatre and politics, reassessing the terms of its discourse and evaluating their potential and shortcomings. Chapter Two introduces two examples of engagement before 1968, namely the birth of teatri stabili and the linguistic research of the theatrical neo-avant-garde. Chapters Three, Four, and Five are dedicated to the analysis of the case studies. They are structured as a comparative analysis of significant examples of politically engaged theatre practice between 1968 and 2010 and include the work of Dario Fo, Marco Baliani, Marco Paolini, Giuliano Scabia, Franca Rame, Laura Curino, and Compagnia della Fortezza. The analysis highlights how Italian practitioners moved beyond modernist forms of political performance and restructured their political and aesthetic strategies in response to changing political, economic, and cultural contexts. The findings point to an original approach to political engagement on stage which articulates itself around two main elements: on the one hand the interconnectedness of the ethical and the political, and on the other an understanding of political resistance no longer as the fight for a working-class cultural hegemony but rather at the creation of a post-hegemonic cultural landscape open to multiplicity and difference.
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SANTIAGO, VINÍCIUS WINGLER BORBA. "THE STRUGGLE OF THE MOTHERS IN THE SLUMS: MARGINS, STATE AND RESISTANCE." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2016. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=27796@1.
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PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIROCOORDENAÇÃO DE APERFEIÇOAMENTO DO PESSOAL DE ENSINO SUPERIOR
PROGRAMA DE SUPORTE À PÓS-GRADUAÇÃO DE INSTS. DE ENSINO
PROGRAMA DE EXCELENCIA ACADEMICA
Esta dissertação trata da luta das mães nas favelas do Rio de Janeiro em busca de justiça pelos seus filhos assassinados por policias militares e agentes do Estado. O enfrentamento entre as mães e o Estado brasileiro é atravessado por questões de classe, raça e gênero que nos permitem entender de que modo essas mães se relacionam com o Estado. Buscando compreender a luta dessas mulheres, analiso como a população negra, pobre e favelada tem sido historicamente marginalizada pelo Estado brasileiro através da construção de um imaginário da favela como um problema na cidade. Na medida em que as políticas de pacificação das favelas matam seus filhos, as mães saem de suas casas e vão para os espaços públicos trazendo em seus corpos a soberania de terem gerado a vida enquanto que o Estado brasileiro a tira. A luta das mães representa uma disputa por significado de soberania, de poder e saber, pois ao gritarem a dor da perda de seus filhos, elas questionam o caráter soberano do Estado-nação brasileiro. As vozes dessas mães em luta colocam em disputa a ideia de soberania estatal, questão central para as Relações Internacionais.
This dissertation deals with the mothers struggle in favelas of Rio de Janeiro in search of justice for their children murdered by military police and other State agents. The confrontations between mothers and the Brazilian State is crossed by issues of class, race and gender which allow us to understand in which way these mothers are related with the State. Trying to understand the struggle of these women I analyze how the black, poor and slum dwellers population has been historically marginalized by the Brazilian State through the construction of an imaginary of slum as a problem of the city. In as much as the politics of pacification of slums kill their children, the mothers get out of their homes and go to public spaces bringing in their bodies the sovereignty of having given the life meanwhile the Brazilian State take it away. The voices of these mothers in struggle put in dispute the idea of state sovereignty, main issue for International Relations.
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Neal, Thelma June. "The Struggle for Acceptance: Continued Resistance to Female Ministers in Rural Holston Conference." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2007. https://dc.etsu.edu/etd/2100.
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This study was conducted to determine if ordained women clergy experience resistance or lack of receptivity to their appointments. If so, does the resistance more readily occur with churches in a rural area? The focus of the study was women clergy of the Holston Conference of the United Methodist Church. My study reveals there are Methodist women clergy who continue to have churches outright refuse their projected appointments. My study also reveals that this problem is more often found with churches in rural areas where the culture is connected to long-standing scriptural interpretations and traditions that do not theologically and practically view woman as legitimate church leaders. Qualitative research methods were used in conducting this research. Six ordained women clergy women from the Holston Conference were interviewed. Statistical information was obtained from the 2005 Journal of the Holston Conference of the United Methodist Church. I also researched past germane studies.
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Gorga, Allison. "Conflict and resistance: the struggle for evidence-based practices in a women’s prison." Diss., University of Iowa, 2018. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/6115.
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In this project, I sought to understand how evidence-based practices are understood and implemented by individuals who work within the criminal justice system, with specific focus on the Iowa Correctional Institution for Women (ICIW). I collected interviews in the summer and fall of 2016 and observations at local criminal justice agencies from summer 2016 to summer 2017. Thirty-eight individuals agreed to be interviewed, including ICIW staff, Department of Corrections (DOC) staff, prison volunteers, and prisoner advocates. I found that how individuals understand “what works” in prison policy and practice is shaped by three main factors. First, their ideological standpoints on what purpose prison ought to serve influenced how they thought evidence should be used to inform policy, whether they believed it should achieve humanitarian goals of giving offenders second chances, utilitarian goals of keeping the community safe, or bureaucratic goals of ensuring that prisons are run efficiently and rationally. Second, their experiences with prisoners shaped their acceptance or skepticism of certain types of evidence, and respondents placed more value in experiential and anecdotal evidence in the case of women-centered policies. Third, the respondents’ stereotypes about who women are and what their place is in the larger correctional system contributed to more ready acceptance of women-centered practices, and more skepticism of statewide or uniform evidence-based practices. In turn, these different interpretations of evidence and the policies based upon it contributed to conflict and resistance to statewide DOC policy, as well as greater feelings of frustration and disenchantment among correctional stakeholders.
21
Moffatt, Caelum Robert Maguire. "Hizbullah's struggle for symbolic power : creating and reproducing the Islamic resistance in Lebanon." Thesis, Durham University, 2015. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/11295/.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis presents an alternative conceptual framework with which to examine the emergence and evolution of Hizbullah in Lebanon. The proliferation of Islamist movements in the Middle East has stimulated scholarly inquiry that seeks to identify and explain episodes of collective action in Muslim societies. Addressing the phenomenon of mobilisation from the respective perspectives of Islamic studies, Area studies or social movement theory (SMT), pre-existing literature remains predominantly characterised by intra-disciplinary dualisms and limited inter-disciplinary engagement. In this context, not only is there a deficiency of consistency concerning the relative influence of agency/structure and culture/ideology in collective action, but Hizbullah, arguably the most effective manifestation of movement mobilisation in the Middle East, is also conceptually under-explored. This research aims to transform these prevailing dichotomies into permanent dialectics by adopting the epistemological and methodological insights developed in Pierre Bourdieu’s ‘Theory of Practice’ as conceptual interlocutors to problematise conventional assumptions in traditional Islamic studies and SMT, to propose a revised Bourdieu-SMT approach for illustrating collective action and to prioritise the application of this holistic lens for assessing the multi-faceted dimensions of Hizbullah’s advancement in Lebanon. Equipped with these analytical tools, this thesis intends to initiate and contribute to an inter-disciplinary discussion on collective action by arguing that a Bourdieu-SMT conceptualisation can assist in explaining the mutually constituted process by which Hizbullah strategically inculcates dispositions and perceptions amongst agents within the parameters of specific fields in Lebanon while concurrently propagating cohesive discourses and practices with the objective of managing the harmonisation of its relational positions across fields that are inherently constituted by differentiated logics. Embedded within a system that internally mitigates against the exclusive exercise of symbolic power, Hizbullah is entrenched in a tautological struggle for opportunities that enable it to balance and enhance the legitimate status of the Islamic Resistance in Lebanon.
22
Ahmad, Malik Hammad. "The struggle for democracy in Pakistan : nonviolent resistance of military rule 1977-88." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2015. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/77074/.
Full textAbstract:
Pakistan is regarded widely today as a country continuing turmoil, in which multiple centres of political and armed power compete with each other, using violence as much as due democratic processes to settle their differences. And yet, as this dissertation seeks to show, there is also a tradition of democracy that has been fought for and won in ongoing nonviolent movements For almost half its life since its creation in 1947, military dictators, of whom there have been four in all, have ruled Pakistan. Amongst these, General Zia-ul-Haq ruled the longest at more than eleven years from July 1977 to August 1988. He not only executed Zulfiquar Ali Bhutto, Pakistan former Prime Minister but he was also able to bring about fundamental changes in the legal, political, religious, social and cultural affairs of the country. His rule is often considered a ‘dark age’ in the history of Pakistan. Two movements – the campaign to save Bhutto 1977-1979 and the Movement for the Restoration of Democracy (MRD) 1981-1988 – were launched and led by political parties, of which the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) was leading member, against Zia’s rule. Historians have generally considered both these movements to have been a failure. In this dissertation, it is argued that although MRD took much longer than the originally-envisaged three months to achieve its aim, it did not in the end fail. It should, rather, be seen as a gradualist democratic movement, which eventually brought the country back to democracy in 1988. The process took longer than expected for several reasons, the most important of which were a lack of unity amongst the leaders of its constituent political parties, particularly the PPP, the absence of an operational corps, and Zia-ul-Haq’s ruthless response to the nonviolent resistance to his rule. Additionally, Zia’s regime was supported for many years by international powers of the Western bloc, due to the war against Soviet Union in Afghanistan.
23
Huxley, Steven Duncan. "Constitutionalist insurgency in Finland : Finnish "passive resistance" against Russification as a case of nonmilitary struggle in the European resistance tradition /." Helsinki : SHS, 1990. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb35710428z.
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Woods, Laura. "Beaufort County & the BASF Controversy: Reframing the Struggle Against Poverty as Environmental Resistance." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2018. https://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/1222.
Full textAbstract:
In 1969 a German company, Badishe Anilin und Sodafabrik (BASF), sited a petrochemical facility in Beaufort County, South Carolina. Protests broke out, largely led by Charles E. Fraser, a man well-known for developing Beaufort County's Hilton Head Island into a famous Southern resort community. However, Beaufort's black residents largely supported the construction of the facility, an act that has been traditionally reduced to their attempts to secure jobs. Given that the majority of Beaufort's black residents lived in such poor conditions that they suffered myriad diseases, this paper argues that black Americans were instead engaged in ecological struggles within the confines of their homes.
25
Hines, Lauren Elizabeth. "Moving out of the Shadows: Resistance and Representation in the Struggle for Migrant Rights." The Ohio State University, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1365589635.
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Mershani, Aisha Denise. "Palestinian civil resistance: a case study of the popular struggle against the wall 2002-2013." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Jaume I, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/669068.
Full textAbstract:
My dissertation explores the Israeli Apartheid Walls¿ violence through the theoretical
framework of Johan Galtung¿s triangle of violence. By highlighting the violence triangle, I
am able to interpret effective civil resistance strategies used in the popular struggle against
the Wall. Drawing upon Galtung¿s theory of violence and peace, I argue that all violence
must be equally resisted to achieve positive peace. In Palestine, to achieve peace civil
resistance must be employed against the violence triangle of the Wall, and the Israeli
occupation. By combating the triangle of violence with civil resistance, the cyclical existence
of violence can be transformed into a pathway of peace.
Using the case study of the Apartheid Wall highlights the violence triangle in an
extreme contemporary situation. I emphasize how civil resistance strategies were effectively
used to combat the violence of the occupation. For my research, I applied qualitative research
methods to obtain various types of data from 2002-2013. As a participant observer, I
immersed myself in the popular struggle as a solidarity activist from 2003-2005. From 2006-
2013, I conducted in-depth interviews with various Palestinian communities affected by the
Wall since its construction. During these ten years I photographed the violence of the Wall,
and the resistance movement, as part of a visual ethnography.
What this research revealed was grassroots resistance against the Wall was not
successful in ending the occupation; this was largely due to Israel¿s ability to increase
structural and direct violence and repress the civil resistance movement. The resistance
against the Wall was successful in combating Israel¿s cultural violence, which was achieved
by using unarmed methods, ultimately exposing Israel¿s violence triangle to the numerous
activists working in solidarity with the Palestinian people. The narrative was then shifted
from "Palestinian as terrorist perpetrating the violence", to one of "Palestinian as victim of
Israeli violence." My work highlights how Palestinian civil resistance has the ability to end
the occupation, and achieve positive peace, when used against the violence triangle.
27
Villota, Ivonne Maritza Cáceres. "Gênero, autonomia e resistência na construção das mulheres como atores sociais: o caso das experiências coletivas dos grupos de mulheres camponesas \"Sueños de Mujer\" e \"Aromas del Campo\" Tuluá - Colômbia." Universidade de São Paulo, 2014. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8132/tde-17042015-150843/.
Full textAbstract:
Este trabalho tem como objetivo reconstruir a experiência coletiva dos grupos de mulheres camponesas Aromas del Campo e Sueños de Mujer. A partir da perspectiva de gênero são analisadas suas práticas e ações na dimensão política, social e econômica no intuito de apreender os caminhos que as mulheres percorrem na sua construção como atores sociais. De igual forma são analisadas as situações do contexto político, social e econômico, nos quais emergiram os grupos; e os fatores socioculturais que influem no processo organizativo, em um cenário marcado pela pobreza rural e a violência do conflito social e armado. Os resultados apontam que no processo de construção dos grupos como atores sociais, as mulheres se defrontam com múltiplas tensões de ordem política, econômica, social e simbólica, tanto na esfera doméstica como na esfera pública, frente às quais os grupos criam diferentes estratégias de resistência no caminho de conquistar a autonomia econômica, política e social das mulheres camponesas.This research aims to reconstruct the collective experience of two groups of peasant women: \"Aromas del Campo\" and \"Sueños de Mujer.\" From a gender perspective, the practices and actions in the political, social and economic dimensions are analyzed in order to grasp the journeys that women undertook to construct themselves as social actors. In the same way, it will be analyzed the context in which these groups were originated, as well as the sociocultural factors that influences their agency process, in a stage marked by rural poverty and the violence of the social and armed conflict. The results indicate that the process of construction of these groups as social actors, women confront multiple tensions of political, economic, social and symbolic orders, in the private sphere as well as the public sphere. In order to address these tensions, the groups of peasant women create different resistance strategies to achieve social, economic and political autonomy.
28
Von, den Steinen Lynda. "Soldiers in the struggle : aspects of the experiences of Umkhonto we Siswe's rank and file soldiers - the Soweto generation and after." Thesis, University of Cape Town, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/26207.
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Scott, Conohar. "The photographer as environmental activist : politics, ethics and beauty in the struggle for environmental remediation." Thesis, Loughborough University, 2015. https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/19640.
Full textAbstract:
This practice-based research study examines two questions in an effort to determine how the photographer can play a role in the promulgation of environmental activism. Firstly, I ask if certain aesthetic approaches to the documentation of industrial pollution can be regarded as antithetical to the values of environmentalism; in particular, I examine the use of the sublime and the role that beauty plays in documenting scenes of environmental despoliation. In response to this question, I describe the problems associated with establishing a counter-aesthetic position in my artistic practice, which is commensurate with environmental ethics. Secondly, I ask how photography can be used as a means of conducting environmental protest by working in solidarity with environmental scientists and activists, in the struggle for environmental remediation. In a bid to answer this question, I argue that the production and dissemination of the photobook is one method of realising the dissensual capacity of art to bring about the conditions necessary for remediation to occur. Importantly, my practice proceeds through an understanding of debates ongoing in contemporary theory. In particular, I argue that Jacques Rancière s conceptions of dissensus (Rancière, 2010: 173) and the politics of aesthetics (Rancière, 2004: 25) can be interpreted as a means of understanding how aesthetics can be used to enact a form of political praxis. Using Rancière and Murray Bookchin s concept of social ecology as a basis for my artistic practice, I claim that photography can not only make the existent reality of pollution visible, it can also initiate a form of participatory democratic subjectivity, allowing the demands of the artist to become visible too. Moreover, in the design and dissemination of the three photobooks I have created, I make a case for a collaborative model of artistic practice, which extends beyond the medium specificity of photograph, and embraces multimodality and trans-disciplinarity, as a means of situating the photograph into a broader discursive field.
30
Press, Robert M. "Establishing a culture of resistance the struggle for human rights and democracy in authoritarian kenya 1987-2002 /." [Gainesville, Fla.] : University of Florida, 2004. http://purl.fcla.edu/fcla/etd/UFE0003820.
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Foss, Erica K. "An Evaluation of the Effects of Effort on Resistance to Change." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2016. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc955092/.
Full textAbstract:
Behavioral momentum theory (BMT) has become a prominent method of studying the effects of reinforcement on operant behavior. BMT represents a departure from the Skinnerian tradition in that it identifies the strength of responding with its resistance to change. Like in many other operant research paradigms, however, responses are considered to be momentary phenomena and so little attention has been paid to non-rate dimensions of responding. The current study takes up the question of whether or not the degree of effort defining a discriminated operant class has any meaningful effect on its resistance to change. Using a force transducer, rats responded on a two-component multiple VI 60-s VI 60-s schedule where each component was correlated with a different force requirement. Resistance to change was tested through prefeeding and extinction. Proportional declines in response rate were equal across components during all disruption tests. Differentiated response classes remained intact throughout. The negative result suggests several future research directions.
32
Plonski, Sharri. "Ordinary & extraordinary resistances : the struggle for land and space by the Palestinian citizens of Israel." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2015. http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/20385/.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis explores the dialectic relationship between 'power' and 'resistance' through the lens of the struggle for land and space, by the Palestinian citizens of Israel. Ever in contention, ever in conversation, dynamics of power and resistance dislodge, dislocate and displace one another, transformed through their intersections and interactions. Thus to understand Palestinian-citizen struggle is to see it in dialogue with the trajectories of the Israeli hegemonic order: in which the indigenous Palestinian is always othered, outside and absent; a threat to be removed and replaced, despite (or even because of) their inclusion in the political and spatial organisations of the state. There is no room for the indigenous Palestinian within the state's dual rationales of ethnic-nationalism and settler-colonialism. And yet, there is a never-ending encounter between the Zionist state and subaltern Palestinian-citizen, essential to the shape and journey of both. This encounter produces the particular story, the particular space, in which both are housed, the lines and boundaries of which are articulated and disrupted through unique spatial and social relations. The analysis stems from a three year exploration of three cases of community land-struggles: a popular movement for housing rights in Palestinian neighbourhoods of Jaffa-Tel Aviv; an enduring protest-movement against the Judaization project in the Galilee region; and the existential struggle for land rights of Bedouin communities in the Naqab desert. Their stories are a window into the unique reverberations of Zionist hegemony as it clashes with a real, contextualised, material history; with a Palestinian community surviving, resisting, antagonising and engaging the structures of power. Through investigating their moments of containment, contention and transgression, we unravel how resistance is entangled with the structures of power; and how the lines that determine this relationship are challenged, unveiled and disarticulated, and even transcended and transformed.
33
Almeida, Maria Inez de Lima. "AutoafirmaÃÃo das africanidades na Prainha do Canto Verde: tirando o vÃu da invisibilidade da negritude." Universidade Federal do CearÃ, 2014. http://www.teses.ufc.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=11519.
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CoordenaÃÃo de AperfeiÃoamento de Pessoal de NÃvel SuperiorEste trabalho à dirigido para a autoafirmaÃÃo afrodescendente da comunidade de Canto Verde, Reserva Extrativista no litoral do CearÃ. Visei contribuir com o tema da negritude, o ensino africano respaldado pela Lei 10.639/03. Comecei apresentando a comunidade, as questÃes e os objetivos. Em seguida, fiz uma descriÃÃo de como fui ganhando os conhecimentos de base africana que me respaldaram. Identifico na minha prÃpria histÃria de vida os valores e saberes negros achados na minha raiz ancestral familiar. Utilizei a tÃcnica da construÃÃo de Ãrvores para mostrar as raÃzes afrodescendentes das famÃlias da comunidade. Da mesma forma, os saberes que marcaram a minha trajetÃria de vida, e as raÃzes de minha famÃlia. Mostrei as minhas relaÃÃes de parentesco que tÃm estreita relaÃÃo com moradores da comunidade, pelo parentesco e pela vizinhanÃa. Construà um diÃlogo pela investigaÃÃo empÃrica atravÃs de entrevistas realizadas com lideranÃas, mulheres, pescadores, e pessoas idosas, alÃm de fotos e documentos. Dei Ãnfase aos saberes, costumes, culinÃria, arquitetura. Construà uma relaÃÃo das caracterÃsticas da luta social destacando os valores de resistÃncia com as caracterÃsticas afrodescendentes, patrimÃnio material e imaterial (CUNHA, 1999, 2010, 2011). De forma transversal, destaquei a educaÃÃo na escola e as relaÃÃes comunitÃrias como os espaÃos estratÃgicos que propiciam autonomia pela apropriaÃÃo da cultura local. Apresentei as visibilidades presentes nas histÃrias de vida como possibilidades pedagÃgicas capazes de impulsionar a desconstruÃÃo de discriminaÃÃes. A escrita narrativa destaca o processo de inserÃÃo dos sujeitos da comunidade nas lutas sociais e as estratÃgias metodolÃgicas seguiram a pesquisa-aÃÃo de (BARBIER, 2007). Referenciei a minha abordagem teÃrica na afrodescendÃncia (CUNHA, 1999, 2010, 2011) e na CosmovisÃo Africana (HAMPÃTà BÃ, 1982, 1987; CUNHA, 1999, 2010, 2011; PETIT, 2001; OLIVEIRA, 1988, 2006). AlÃm do enlace pedagÃgico com a Pretagogia (PETIT, SILVA, 2012), e com a EducaÃÃo Popular (FREIRE, 2011; BRANDÃO, 1984).
This work is directed to the self-affirmation of African descent Corner Green, Extractive Reserve on the coast of Cearà community. Viso contribute on the subject of blackness, African education backed by Law 10.639/03. Start presenting community issues and goals. I give a description of how I gained the knowledge base of African endorsed me. I identify in my own life story and values blacks knowledge found in my family ancestral roots. I use the technique of building trees to show the roots of African descent families in the community. Likewise the knowledge that marked my life path, and the roots of my family. Show my kinship that has close relationship with community residents, by kinship and the neighborhood. Build a dialogue by empirical research through interviews, photos and documents held with leaders, women, fishermen, and the elderly. I emphasize the knowledge, customs, cuisine, architecture. Build a relationship of the characteristics of social struggle highlighting the strength values with African descent characteristics, tangible and intangible heritage (WEDGE). Transversely emphasize education at the school and community relations as strategic spaces that promote autonomy by appropriating local culture. Visibilities present the gifts in life histories as a pedagogical possibilities that can boost the deconstruction of discrimination. The written narrative highlights the process of insertion of the subject community in social struggles and the methodological strategies follow the action research (BARBIER). I refer to my theoretical approach in afrodescendÃncia (CUNHA) and the African Worldview (BA, CUNHA, PETIT, OLIVEIRA). Beyond the educational link with Pretagogia (PETIT, SILVA), and Popular Education (FREIRE, BRANDÃO).
34
Ergin, Nezihe Basak. "Grassroots Resistance Against Urban Renewal: The Case Of Guzeltepe, Istanbul." Master's thesis, METU, 2007. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/3/12608049/index.pdf.
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The aim of this study is to contribute to the urban social movement literature of Turkey which is lacking particularly for &ldquogecekondu resistance&rdquo
and to reveal and study the gecekondu resistance as a grassroots movement against the demolition of gecekondus, in the name of urban renewal projects in Istanbul, especially since 2004. It also investigates the &ldquo
urban social movement&rdquo
concept whose meaning is under discussion in the literature due to its usage in different aspects of resistance in the urban area. The literature review focuses mainly on the production of space, focusing particularly on urban renewal, urban resistance and social movements especially reflecting on the theoretical perspectives of prominent scholars like Lefebvre and Castells. The research focuses on neighborhood resistance in gecekondu areas
however in an attempt to make a categorization of ways of urban resistance in Istanbul. This thesis is based upon the field study pursued in the period between January and October 2006, in Gü
zeltepe neighborhood, in Eyü
p, being a remarkable example of resistance for various reasons which will be elaborated in the thesis. Gü
zeltepe which is a part of the urban renewal project in Istanbul is investigated with participant observation and in-depth interviews comprising people both participating directly in the resistance and &ldquo
ordinary&rdquo
dwellers, who do not have political affiliations. The study is supported by a systematic analysis of representations of gecekondu resistance and its demolition in the Turkish press, from July 2005 until August 2006.
35
Tosun, Mehtap. "Flexible Labour Policy And The Crisis Of Trade Unionism: The Case Of Tekel Workers Resistance In Ankara." Master's thesis, METU, 2011. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12613093/index.pdf.
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The aim of this thesis is to examine the practices directed to the flexibilisation of the labor brought together with the means of neoliberal structuring and the trade union crisis appeared as an outcome of these in terms of the Tekel Workers&rsquoresistance in Ankara. The theoretical frame of this study is created in the content of the discussions that starting from the Marxist approach on trade unions and the critical view within this approach focus on the reasons of the crisis of the trade unions as a result of the applications of the neoliberal ideological structuring that appeared by the crisis of the accumulated capital during the mid-70&rsquo
s. Over this perspective, the analysis concentrates on the one hand employment models&rdquo
being multi-layered and insecure and on the other, the fragmentation of the class and therefore the representation crisis of the trade unions that are the outcomes of the commodification of the labor by the deregulation, privatization and flexibilisation policies applied in the process of neoliberal hegemony. In this context, the resistance of the Tekel workers that continued non-stop for 78 days is argued basing on the assumption that the process which forces the more flexible, insecure working conditions without any attachment to the trade unions via the application of the neoliberal political apparatuses becomes the common platform/destiny of all the parts of society constituted by different identity structures.
36
Fullard, Madeleine. "The state and political struggle: strategies of repression and resistance in the greater Cape Town area from 1985 to 1989." University of Western Cape, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/7392.
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Magister Artium (Development Studies) - MA(DVS)In the period 1985 to 1989 both the state and the liberation movements sought to implement strategies of repression and resistance inside South Africa. These unfolded in the different regions of the country in unique ways. In the absence of detailed regional studies of the encounter between the two, this study examines the experience of Cape Town.
37
Sousa, Denise Martins de. "Da luta pela terra à territorialização quilombola: o caso da comunidade Porto Velho, Iporanga/SP." Universidade de São Paulo, 2016. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8136/tde-29062016-134533/.
Full textAbstract:
As mudanças nas formas de apropriação do espaço na região do Vale do Ribeira têm proporcionado metamorfoses da territorialidade de populações camponesas. É nessa conjuntura que a luta pela terra de trabalho ganha nova expressão: resistência e permanência no território ancestral por meio da construção da identidade quilombola. Portanto, a territorialização da comunidade remanescente de quilombo Porto Velho é analisada frente aos desafios e estratégias de resistência para permanecer no território ancestral. O histórico de origem deste bairro rural identifica estes sujeitos sociais como descendentes dos escravos que habitavam estas terras desde 1860. Todavia, entre as décadas de 1950 e 1980, houve um período importante de submissão e relações de trabalho precárias a fazendeiros e terceiros. No final dos anos 1980, os camponeses enfrentaram ameaças que culminaram em expropriações e expulsões de boa parte dos quilombolas do território. No contexto marcado pela emergência do conflito, o grupo negro se organiza e inicia a luta pela terra com apoio da Pastoral da Terra, MOAB e EAACONE. A pesquisa sobre a população remanescente de quilombo Porto Velho, situada no município de Iporanga (SP), refletiu a perspectiva geográfica de como estes sujeitos sociais constroem suas relações no território quilombola, sua organização comunitária e sociabilidade, e as transformações no âmbito material e imaterial. Trata-se de um estudo cuja metodologia é constituída por trabalhos de campo, entrevistas, pesquisa bibliográfica e documental. O estudo realizado identificou a complexidade do processo de transformação deste território quilombola na busca por autonomia e liberdade. Os impactos de novas demandas, justapostas sobre o território e sobre a vida destes sujeitos sociais, trouxeram a necessidade de criar e recriar estratégias para a conservação de costumes e de luta pela terra e permanência no território que habitam há gerações. Entende-se que neste processo de conflitos por terra, a lógica imposta pelo capital não só provocou forte transformação no território ancestral, como ofereceu situação de risco social e cultural à própria sobrevivência da comunidade quilombola.The transformations in the forms of the space appropriation in the Vale do Ribeira region have led to metamorphoses of the peasant populations territoriality. At this conjuncture, the land dispute has acquired a new expression: resistance and permanence in the ancestral territory by the construction of the quilombo identity. Therefore, the process of territorialisation of the quilombola remaining community Porto Velho is analysed dealing with the challenges and strategies of resistance to remain in the ancestral land. The historical origin of this rural district identifies these social subjects as descendants of slaves who inhabited these lands since 1860. However, between the 1950s and 1980s, there was an important period of submission and precarious relations of labor to farmers and others. In the late 1980s, the traditional inhabitants faced threats culminating in expropriation and expulsion of most part of the quilombo territory. In the context marked by the emergence of the conflict, the quilombola group organized and began the struggle by the land with the support of Pastoral da Terra, MOAB and EAACONE. Research on the remaining population of the quilombo Porto Velho, which is situated in Iporanga, São Paulo, reflected the geographical perspective of how these social subjects established their relationships in the quilombo territory, their community and sociability organizations, and their transformations concerning the material and immaterial sphere. The methodology used in the current study is constituted by fieldwork, interviews, and bibliographical and documental research. This research identified the complexity of the transformation process of the aforementioned quilombo in the quest for autonomy and freedom. The consequences of new demands, juxtaposed over the territory and the lives of these social subjects, brought the need to create and recreate strategies for the conservation of traditions; and struggling for land and permanence on the territory, which they have inhabited for generations. In this process of land conflicts, the logic, which was imposed by the capital, not only caused major transformations in the ancestral territory, but also has endangered the cultural and social survival of the quilombola community.
38
Rodriguez, Miguel. "Confrontational Christianity: Contextual Theology and Its Radicalization of the South African Anti-Apartheid Church Struggle." Master's thesis, University of Central Florida, 2012. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/5466.
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This paper is intended to analyze the contributions of Contextual Theology and Contextual theologians to dismantling the South African apartheid system. It is intended to demonstrate that the South African churches failed to effectively politicize and radicalize to confront the government until the advent of Contextual Theology in South Africa. Contextual Theology provided the Christian clergy the theological justification to unite with anti-apartheid organizations. Its very concept of working with the poor and oppressed helped the churches gain favor with the black masses that were mostly Christian. Its borrowing from Marxist philosophy appealed to anti-apartheid organizations. Additionally, Contextual theologians, who were primarily black, began filling prominent leadership roles in their churches and within the ecumenical organizations. They were mainly responsible for radicalizing the churches and the ecumenical organizations. They also filled an important anti-apartheid political leadership vacuum when most political leaders were banned, jailed, or killed.ID: 031001426; System requirements: World Wide Web browser and PDF reader.; Mode of access: World Wide Web.; Adviser: Ezekiel Walker.; Title from PDF title page (viewed June 19, 2013).; Thesis (M.A.)--University of Central Florida, 2012.; Includes bibliographical references (p. 142-149).
M.A.
Masters
History
Arts and Humanities
History
39
Kanold, Erica. "Life is unfair – but not without reason : A field study of Sri Lankan women’s struggle for equal political representation and influence." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-412805.
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This study investigates resistance against female local government politicians in Sri Lanka during their first year and a half as members of local government councils, as a result of the 25 % gender quota introduced in 2018. Further, the study investigates these newly elected female politicians’ perceived ability to influence local government politics; experienced substantive representation. Through a minor field study, in-depth interviews were conducted to examine forms of resistance and perceived political influence of these newly appointed women. Several types of resistance were found and divided into three categories; Patronizing Behavior from Male Politicians; the Dispute Between Elected and Appointed Women; Public Distrust. Some evidence of the mandate effect and the label effect were detected, further hampering substantive representation. The study concludes that despite a significant increase in descriptive representation, substantive representation was not necessarily experienced by the interview subjects. Further studies are encouraged to deepen the understanding of the resistance towards appointed female politicians in Sri Lanka, and moreover the problematic effects of the implementation of gender quotas in highly unequal states.
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Hansson, Alice. "“Our Bodies Are Territories Of Battle” - Experiences of Power and Resistance and the Role of The Body in The Struggle for Legalization of Abortion in Argentina." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-21976.
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The denial of the access to abortion has been addressed as a human rights issue. This thesis is based on a MFS- study with the aim to investigate women’s experiences of power and resistance in the movement for legalization of abortion in Argentina. The material for this thesis has been gathered by conducting semi-structured interviews with Argentinian women advocating for the right to abortion. Embodiment theory, Butler’s performative theory on assembly and theories on resistance are used in order to elicit the body’s role in the experiences of power and resistance. It is concluded that the body is not only seen as an object of submission but also understood as a tool for resistance. Power is understood as exercised over women’s bodies. However, when developing collective consciousness on patriarchal norms and structures, women gain power and are able to decide over their own bodies.
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Vargas, Rejane Maria Arce. "PONTE PARA O DEVIR: UM TRAJETO POR ENTRE SABERES DISCURSIVOS." Universidade Federal de Santa Maria, 2008. http://repositorio.ufsm.br/handle/1/9775.
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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível SuperiorIn our research, we propose a reflection about subjectivation process in what it concerns the notion of resistance related to discourse in the Nova Santa Marta community, in Santa Maria, RS, a farm occupied in 1991 by a group of families organized by Movimento Nacional de Luta pela Moradia. The corpus comprises texts of students of Escola Marista Santa Marta, the first educational institution to be set in the occupancy; pictures of the community taken by the students; interviews with the local leader of the social movement and an institutional video of the school. These texts, organized around the discourse of social mobilization, were analyzed in order to bring to light the historicity of this discourse by observing its functioning and the way it circulates. Our focus is the designation bridge , recurrence strongly highlighted in a group of texts, analyzed as a symptom of something else . Above all, our interest was the way of thinking about the language according to the political implications which are present on the linguistic materiality, bringing key concepts of Discourse Analysis of French-Brazilian orientation, which are linked to the movements of the subjects and discourses in face of social urgencies. Thus, the analytical hearing we have done permitted us to (re)think the concepts of discursive formation, class struggle and resistance, in the emergency of fluid identities face to weakness of the State as a totalitarian center, showing that the resistance is not a vector of the discourse which can happen to instate singularities in a speedy time and space, but which claims for a significant intervention of linked metaphors in behalf of new subjective strategies.
Neste trabalho, buscamos refletir acerca do processo de subjetivação respeitante à noção de resistência com referência à constituição do discurso formulado na comunidade Nova Santa Marta, em Santa Maria (RS), antiga fazenda ocupada em 1991, por um grupo de famílias organizadas pelo Movimento Nacional de Luta pela Moradia MNLM. O corpus é compreendido por: produções textuais de alunos da Escola Marista Santa Marta, primeira instituição escolar a se estabelecer na ocupação; fotos da comunidade feitas pelos alunos; entrevistas com líder local do MNLM e vídeo institucional da Escola e Centro Social Marista. Essas textualidades, organizadas em torno do discurso de mobilização social, são analisadas com o objetivo de trazer à tona a historicidade desse discurso, observando-se seu funcionamento e modo de circular. Nossa atenção se volta mais detidamente sobre a designação ponte , recorrência fortemente marcada em um grupo de textos, a qual analisamos como sintoma de algo de outra ordem . Sobretudo, nosso interesse é o de pensar a língua em consonância ao político que incide na materialidade lingüística, fazendo intervir conceitos-chave da Análise de Discurso de orientaçãofranco- brasileira que estão atrelados aos movimentos dos sujeitos e dos discursos face às urgências sociais. Desse modo, a escuta analítica empreendida permitiu que (re)pensássemos os conceitos de formação discursiva, luta de classes e resistência, na emergência de identidades fluidas mediante ao esvanecimento do Estado como centro totalizante, apontando que a resistência desvinculante não é vetor de um discurso que possa vir a instaurar singularidades frente a um tempo e espaço de velocidade, mas reclama por uma intervenção significante de metáforas vinculantes em benefício de novas estratégias subjetivas.
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Oliveira, Aparecido Batista de. "Negociação coletiva trabalhista e luta de classes no Brasil." Universidade de São Paulo, 2017. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/2/2138/tde-19032018-143058/.
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A presente pesquisa teve por objetivo estudar a negociação coletiva trabalhista, contextualizada pela dinâmica da luta de classes inerente ao sistema capitalista de produção, a fim de verificar o seu processo de transformação, de mecanismo de discussão e elaboração de direitos benéficos aos trabalhadores em instrumento de retirada de tais direitos e de obtenção pelo poder econômico do consentimento para a exploração nas relações de trabalho. Foram analisados de maneira crítica os pressupostos clássicos da negociação coletiva, como a autonomia privada coletiva e a equivalência dos sujeitos coletivos, além de apresentados a dinâmica da pluralidade normativa do direito do trabalho e elementos de harmonização das fontes, notadamente à luz de princípios com o da imperatividade das normas estatais de proteção ao trabalhador e o da melhoria da condição social do trabalhador. No desenvolvimento do tema, passou-se pela teoria marxista da luta de classes, pelo neoliberalismo e reestruturação produtiva, pela fragmentação e concorrência da classe trabalhadora. Além disso, houve a análise da representação jurídica dos trabalhadores por meio de suas entidades sindicais, inclusive com elementos do surgimento do sindicalismo contemporâneo e em especial do brasileiro, notadamente no que se refere ao novo sindicalismo do final da década de 1970 e de 1980 (confrontativo e combativo), ao sindicalismo de diálogo e cooperação com o capital da década de 1990 e início dos anos 2000, até chegar no sindicalismo dos últimos dez anos, com aspectos de combatividade e também de integração à racionalidade do capital. Por fim, concluiu-se que a negociação coletiva tem sofrido progressivo processo de apropriação pelo capital, em prejuízo dos trabalhadores e que a melhor atitude da classe trabalhadora na negociação é de resistência e confronto, valendo-se dos meios pacíficos e legítimos.This research aimed to study the collective labor bargaining, contextualized by the dynamics of the class struggle of the capitalist production system in order to verify its transformation process, discussion mechanism and development of beneficial rights to workers into withdrawal instrument of those rights and the attainment by the economic power of consent for exploitation in work relations. The classical principles of collective bargaining were critically analyzed, such as the private collective autonomy and the equivalence of collective subjects; as well as were presented the dynamics of normative plurality of labor law and elements harmonization of sources, especially in the light of principles such as the imperative of state standards to worker protection and the improvement of the worker´s social condition. As the topic was developed, we´ve been through the marxist theory of class struggle, the neoliberalism and productive restructuring, and the fragmentation and competition of the working class. In addition, there was the analysis of the legal representation of workers through their unions, including element of the emergence of modern trade unionism (and especially the Brazilian case), notably regarding the new labor movement by the end of the 1970s and 1980s (confrontational and combative), to the trade unionism of dialogue and cooperation with the capital of the 1990s and the beginning of the 2000s, until the trade unionism of the past ten years, with aspects of militancy and also integration into the rationality of capital. Finally, it was concluded that collective bargaining has undergone a gradual process of appropriation by the capital to the detriment of workers, and that the best stand of the working class in trading is resistance and confrontation, taking advantage of the peaceful and legitimate means.
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April, Thozama. "Theorising women: the intellectual contributions of Charlotte Maxeke to the struggle for liberation in South Africa." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2012. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_3847_1360849448.
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The study outlines five areas of intervention in the development of women&rsquo
s studies and politics on the continent. Firstly, it examines the problematic construction and the inclusion of women in the narratives of the liberation struggle in South Africa. Secondly, the study identifies the sphere of intellectual debates as one of the crucial sites in the production of historical knowledge about the legacies of liberation struggles on the continent. Thirdly, it traces the intellectual trajectory of Charlotte Maxeke as an embodiment of the intellectual contributions of women in the struggle for liberation in South Africa. In this regard, the study traces Charlotte Maxeke as she deliberated and engaged on matters pertaining to the welfare of the Africans alongside the prominent intellectuals of the twentieth century. Fourthly, the study inaugurates a theoretical departure from the documentary trends that define contemporary studies on women and liberation movements on the continent. Fifthly, the study examines the incorporation of Maxeke&rsquo
s legacy of active intellectual engagement as an integral part of gender politics in the activities of the Women&rsquo
s Section of the African National Congress. In the areas identified, the study engages with the significance of the intellectual inputs of Charlotte Maxeke in South African history.
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Assama, Mpouo Philippote Rose Cady. "Urbanisation diffuse, développement durable et déplacements : les exemples de la Bretagne et de l'Est-du-Québec. L'enjeu des déplacements dans un monde rural en résistance." Thesis, Brest, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020BRES0002.
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Les territoires ruraux sont généralement sous-équipés et leurs populations contraintes en conséquence de se rendre fréquemment dans des localités mieux pourvues en commerces, en offre médicale, en accès aux loisirs et, bien sûr, en emplois. Mais les moyens pour se déplacer, autres que la voiture individuelle, ne sont pas moins carencés. La mobilité y est donc une question cruciale. Le refus de quitter ces territoires et la volonté de certains de s’y installer impliquent donc de surmonter cet inconvénient et d’entrer en résistance face à ce qui est continuellement présenté comme inéluctable. Le Centre-Ouest Bretagne et le Bas-Saint-Laurent, au Québec, se sont trouvés dans cette situation : des paroisses constitutives du second ont même été menacées d’une fermeture, avec un déplacement de leurs populations. Mais ces deux territoires ont trouvé les ressources morales et de remarquables acteurs pour les mobiliser, afin de contrecarrer le destin funeste qu’on leur diagnostiquait. La thèse relate leur entrée en résistance, en présente les acteurs et montre, dans le registre des déplacements, quels moyens ont été mis en oeuvre pour surmonter, partiellement au moins, les difficultés engendrées par la dispersion des populationsRural areas are generally under-equipped and their populations are consequently forced to go frequently to localities that are better equipped with shops, medical supplies, access to leisure activities and, of course, jobs. But the means of moving, other than the individual car, are no less deficient. Mobility is therefore a crucial issue. The refusal to leave these territories and the desire of some to settle there imply to overcome this disadvantage and to become resistant to what is continually presented as inavitable. The Centre-Ouest Bretagne and Bas-Saint- Laurent, Quebec, found themselves in this situation : parishes of the second were even threatened with closure, with displacement of their populations. But these two territories have found the moral resources and remarkable actors to mobilize them, in order to counteract the fatal fate that has been diagnosed to them. The thesis relates their entry into resistance, presents the actors and shows, in the travel register, the means implemented to overcome, at least in part, the difficulties caused by the dispersion of populations
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Cisneros, J. David. "We are Americanos race, rhetoric, and resistance in Latina/o struggles for U.S. citizenship /." 2009. http://purl.galileo.usg.edu/uga%5Fetd/cisneros%5Fjosue%5Fd%5F200908%5Fphd.
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Santos, Gilberto Vieira dos. "Conflitos territoriais no Brasil e o Movimento Indígena contemporâneo /." 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/181947.
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Orientador: Antonio Thomaz JuniorResumo: Este estudo resulta de uma Pesquisa-Ação sobre o fenômeno “Movimento Indígena” no Brasil. Tem como objetivo apresentar as faces e aspectos mais recentes da constituição do Movimento Indígena no Brasil, com o propósito de analisar as incidências, as alianças, as estratégias e as repercussões de suas ações para o avanço ou no barramento dos retrocessos no tocante aos direitos destes povos. Tal pesquisa teve por base os quinze anos de convivência e atuação junto aos povos indígenas, os elementos apreendidos a partir da revisão bibliográfica e as contribuições de pesquisas de diferentes áreas do conhecimento, como História, Sociologia e Antropologia, além das reflexões e contribuições próprias da Geografia. Ao longo de sua efetivação, acompanhamos ações de lideranças indígenas de diferentes regiões do Brasil na cidade de Brasília (DF) e em outros estados brasileiros. A questão que permeou todo o processo de pesquisa foi, qual o lugar dos povos indígenas no campo da Geografia? Recorri, portanto, a análise da história recente do país a partir da década de 1960, desvelando aspectos da territorialidade própria dos povos, os conflitos estabelecidos na implantação dos projetos de desenvolvimento pelo Estado brasileiro, a resistência e o protagonismo indígena a estes projetos. O estudo nos apontou para a necessidade de que a ciência geográfica aprofunde seu entendimento sobre as dinâmicas próprias do Movimento Indígena, entenda o conceito de território para estes povos e as lutas para m... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo)
Abstract: This study, which results from an Action Research on the “Indigenous Movement” phenomenon in Brazil, aims to present the most recent facets and aspects of the constitution of the Indigenous Movement in Brazil with a view to analyzing the advocacy impacts, alliances, strategies, and repercussions of its actions forpromoting indigenous peoples’ rights or preventing these rights from being violated. This research was based on the fifteen years of coexistence and actions with indigenous peoples, on the elements derived from the bibliographic review, and on the contributions of studies in different areas of knowledge, such as History, Sociology and Anthropology, as well as on the reflections and contributions of Geography itself. Throughout its implementation, we followed actions taken by indigenous leaders from different regions of Brazil in the city of Brasília (Federal District) and in other Brazilian states. The question that permeated the entire research process was, “What is the place of indigenous peoples in the field of Geography?” For this purpose, an analysis of the country’s recent history since the 1960s was undertaken that revealed aspects of the indigenous peoples’ territoriality, the conflicts involved in the implementation of development projects by the Brazilian State, and the resistance of these peoples to these projects and the key role they played in opposing them. The study pointed to the need for geographical science to deepen its understanding of the indigen... (Complete abstract click electronic access below)
Resumen: Este estudio resulta de una Investigación-Acción sobre el fenómeno "Movimiento Indígena" en el Brasil. El objetivo es presentar las caras y aspectos más recientes de la constitución del Movimiento Indígena en Brasil, con el propósito de analizar las incidencias, las alianzas, las estrategias y las repercusiones de sus acciones para el avance o en el barrido de los retrocesos en lo que concierne derechos de estos pueblos. Esta investigación tuvo como base los quince años de convivencia y actuación junto a los pueblos indígenas, los elementos incautados a partir de la revisión bibliográfica y las contribuciones de investigaciones de diferentes áreas del conocimiento, como Historia, Sociología y Antropología, además de las reflexiones y contribuciones propias de la Geografía. A lo largo de su efectividad, acompañamos acciones de liderazgos indígenas de diferentes regiones de Brasil en la ciudad de Brasilia (DF) y en otros estados brasileños. La cuestión que permeó todo el proceso de investigación, ¿cuál es el lugar de los pueblos indígenas en el campo de la Geografía? Recurrí, por lo tanto, a analizar la historia reciente del país a partir de la década de 1960, desvelando aspectos de la territorialidad propia de los pueblos, los conflictos establecidos en la implantación de los proyectos de desarrollo por el Estado brasileño, la resistencia y el protagonismo indígena a estos proyectos. El estodo nos apuntó a la necesidad de que la ciencia geográfica profundice su entendimiento s... (Resumen completo clicar acceso eletrônico abajo)
Mestre
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Carpenter, Michael J. "Unarmed and participatory: Palestinian popular struggle and civil resistance theory." Thesis, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1828/7986.
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This dissertation advances the literature on civil resistance by proposing an alternative way of thinking about action and organization, and by contributing a new case study of Palestinian struggle in the occupied West Bank.
Civil resistance, also known as civil disobedience, nonviolent action, and people power, is about challenging unjust and oppressive regimes through the strategic use of nonviolent methods, including demonstrations, marches, boycotts, strikes, sit-ins, protest camps, and many others (Sharp 2005; Chenoweth and Stephan 2011; Schock 2015). This study employs an approach that minimizes analytical (as well as normative) expectations of perfectly nonviolent forms of struggle (Celikates 2015), and I link this modified pragmatic action model to an organizational principle that has generally been overlooked or discounted in the research literature. On the whole, civil-resistance studies has focused on forms of action to the detriment of exploring forms of organization, or has relegated organization to a subset of action. My research clarifies a participatory approach to organization that is community based, sometimes known as the committee or council system (Arendt 1963). It is radically democratic, yet not necessarily confined to purely horizontal forms of organization. Rather, the model allows, and requires with increasing scale, upward delegation to decision-making and other task-contingent bodies. I argue that without a theoretical framework for apprehending systems of networked and tiered popular governance, Palestinian civil resistance has been insufficiently understood. The dissertation examines Palestinian cases through this framework, linking the conjunction of unarmed action and participatory organization to highpoints of Palestinian struggle. Among the cases is a small civil-society movement in the West Bank that began around 2009 striving to launch a global popular resistance.
My research suggests that civil-resistance theorists consider the non-dominative element of organization as they do the non-dominative element of action, that just as violent resistance strategies can counter the logic of people power, so too can centralized organization. This logic does not require that participatory organization be perfectly horizontal any more than civil resistance must be perfectly nonviolent.Graduate
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Wilmot, Natalie V. "Language and the faces of power: A theoretical approach." 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/17545.
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YesAlthough language is gaining increasing attention in the international management literature, much of the existing empirical work takes a mechanistic approach and as such fails to give sufficient attention to the relationship between language policies and power. By synthesizing the language-sensitive literature in international management with that of organization studies, I demonstrate how the choice of language policy can be viewed as a particular application of power and how employees may seek to resist such choices. This is an important contribution to the cross-cultural management literature, as it extends the understanding of the link between language policies and power by moving away from neutral, pragmatic understandings of language use which have dominated previous research. In doing so, it provides future directions for empirical research in order to enable a deeper understanding of the microprocesses by which employees subjectively experience and resist the imposition of such policies.
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"The Struggle for Acceptance: Continued Resistance to Female Ministers in Rural Holston Conference." East Tennessee State University, 2007. http://etd-submit.etsu.edu/etd/theses/available/etd-0403107-120159/.
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Young, Ana Mafalda Sintrão. "Art as resistance in Palestine: Graffiti in the struggle against the Israeli occupation." Master's thesis, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10071/21102.
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Art has been a fundamental tool of Palestinian resistance since the beginning of the Israeli occupation, graffiti being one of its most visible expressions. As a tool of resistance, graffiti is used as a means of mobilization, political expression, and opposition to the hegemony of the Zionist narrative. Careful analysis of graffiti can lead to a better understanding of the characteristics and political aspirations of the Palestinian resistance. However, graffiti painted by Banksy and other international artists on the Separation Wall (built in 2002) has received significantly more media and academic attention than that produced by Palestinian artists. This contributes greatly to increasing the international visibility of the Palestinian cause, however, many locals consider that not only does it embellish the most striking symbol of Israeli occupation, but it casts it in terms too universal to be faithful to the Palestinian experience. Based on the comparative analysis of three murals produced by the Palestinian artist Mohamd Alraee in the Aroub refugee camp (West Bank), this master’s thesis aims to give voice to contemporary Palestinian graffiti, with the aim of capturing the characteristics that are unique to it as a form of resistance.A arte é, desde o início da ocupação Israelita, uma ferramenta fundamental da resistência palestiniana e o graffiti umas das suas expressões mais visíveis. Na resistência, o graffiti é utilizado como forma de mobilização, expressão política e oposição à hegemonia da narrativa sionista. Uma análise cuidada do graffiti levar-nos-á a um maior entendimento das características e aspirações políticas da resistência palestiniana. No entanto, após a construção, em 2002, do Muro de Separação na Cisjordânia, o graffiti de Banksy e de outros artistas internacionais no mesmo, tem vindo a receber, significativamente, mais atenção mediática e académica que o graffiti produzido por artistas Palestinianos. Se, por um lado, isto contribui para aumentar a visibilidade internacional da causa Palestiniana, por outro, muitos consideram que aqueles não só embelezam o símbolo mais gritante da ocupação Israelita, como a enquadram em termos demasiado universais para conseguirem ser fiéis à experiência Palestiniana. Nesse sentido, com base na análise comparativa de três murais produzidos pelo artista Palestiniano Mohamd Alraee no campo de refugiados de Aroub, na Cisjordânia, esta dissertação de mestrado visa dar voz ao graffiti Palestiniano contemporâneo, com o objectivo de captar as especificidades que lhe são únicas como forma de resistência.