Journal articles on the topic 'Republicanism – Political aspects'
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1
Barnosell, Genís. "God and Freedom: Radical Liberalism, Republicanism, and Religion in Spain, 1808–1847." International Review of Social History 57, no. 1 (December 20, 2011): 37–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859011000733.
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SummaryThis article analyses the religious aspects of Spanish republicanism of the 1830s and 1840s. From the case of Catalonia, the most industrialized region of Spain, it is concluded that radical liberalism elaborated a synthesis of freedom and religion that was presented as an alternative to traditional religiosity. Re-elaborating old myths popular during the War of Independence of 1808–1814, in addition some liberals and republicans presented their political project in millenarianist terms. This millenarianism was due to the radicalism with which they interpreted the confrontation with political opponents, one of whom was the established Church. It follows that the religiosity and millenarianism exhibited by these republicans also involved a strong anti-clericalism. At the same time, in the political and cultural context of Spain, these proposals were not seen by their followers as a negation of divinity but as its truest expression.
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Black, Antony. "Christianity and Republicanism: From St. Cyprian to Rousseau." American Political Science Review 91, no. 3 (September 1997): 647–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2952080.
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Contrary to a prevailing wisdom, the Christian ethos was at least as sympathetic to republicanism as it was to monarchy, especially to the primacy of the public welfare but also to corporate decision making. This can be seen in the early church, especially in the writings of St. Cyprian, in the medieval civic-communal movement, in conciliar constitutionalism, and in political Calvinism. Significant aspects of Rousseau's thought may be seen as a restatement of a Christian political dynamic.
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TURNAOĞLU, BANU. "THE POSITIVIST UNIVERSALISM AND REPUBLICANISM OF THE YOUNG TURKS." Modern Intellectual History 14, no. 3 (February 10, 2017): 777–805. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244316000408.
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This article explores positivist universalism, one of the central aspects of contemporary approaches in political theory, through the study of the Young Turks’ political thought. Current scholarship portrays the Young Turks as champions of a national cause, limited to overthrowing despotism and relaunching the Constitution of 1876 in the Ottoman Empire. This neglects their broader aim to guarantee peace, order, and progress, both at home and abroad, by adopting Comtean universal positivism, and it distorts their vision of society, politics, and history. From their base in Paris the Young Turks challenged the Eurocentric conception of universalism, suggesting a more egalitarian and comprehensive conception that has yet to be recognized. This article shows that, transcending the conventional boundaries between Western and non-Western political thought, the Young Turks’ political ideology presents an early example of the formation of a modern, pluralist worldview, and that their core conceptions had a deep impact on the founding of Turkish republicanism.
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Badano, Gabriele. "Equality, Liberty and the Limits of Person-centred Care’s Principle of Co-production." Public Health Ethics 12, no. 2 (October 20, 2018): 176–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/phe/phy019.
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Abstract The idea that healthcare should become more person-centred is extremely influential. By using recent English policy developments as a case study, this article aims to critically analyse an important element of person-centred care, namely, the belief that to treat patients as persons is to think that care should be ‘co-produced’ by formal healthcare providers and patients together with unpaid carers and voluntary organizations. I draw on insights from political philosophy to highlight overlooked tensions between co-production and values like equality and liberty. Regarding equality, I argue that co-production compounds both problems of gender inequality in the distribution of care labour and the challenges associated with securing equal access to care. Turning to liberty, I identify important commonalities between co-production and republicanism in political philosophy, given their shared insistence on common citizens’ civic virtue. Then, I use against co-production some liberal arguments against republicanism, to highlight a problem of over-demandingness. In bringing my argument to a close, however, I wish to caution against hastily rejecting co-production as a policy programme.
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Enders, Mark. "“Lack of interest in politics”: a result of non-democratic experiences or of the non-existence of the Kantian republican state in the 21st century?" Studies in Global Ethics and Global Education 10 (June 22, 2019): 57–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0013.2507.
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This essay examines the appearance of distrust, disinterest and aversion to politics and political participation in today’s democracies by taking the Kantian concept of a republican state into account. The goal is to find out reasons for the lack of interest in politics by investigating certain aspects in today’s democracies that might be not in compliance with the Kantian understanding of republicanism. The essay will start with an examination of the republican state and why it is mostly referred to as being much as the parliamentary democracy we know today. Then, these results will be compared with modern democracies (USA, Switzerland and Germany) in order to find the underlying reasons for the lack of interest in politics and how it might be possible to overcome it.
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Barry, John. "Class, political economy and loyalist political disaffection: agonistic politics and the flag protests." Global Discourse 9, no. 3 (September 1, 2019): 457–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/204378919x15646705882384.
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The flag protests in Northern Ireland (2012–13) offer an opportunity on the one hand to examine the politics of dispossession, national identity, decline and political violence in loyalist areas in Belfast. On the other, they are an opportunity to examine of hope, leadership and change within working class loyalism – not least, around the re-imagining of what Britishness can/could or perhaps should mean in post-Agreement Northern Ireland. This article offers an activist-academic perspective on and interpretation of the meaning and potential of those protests around how they reveal both a fracturing and potential for rethinking Britishness. It suggests the possibilities and limits of an inclusive, civic, rather than ethnic, national identity, and a sense of Britishness sufficient to the task of agonistic (as opposed to antagonistic) engagement and contestation with Irish nationalism and republicanism. By antagonistic I mean relations that are characterised in whole or part in terms of ‘friend-enemy’ thus containing within them the possibility of violence, while by agonistic I mean oppositional relations that do not contain this threat of violence. Agonism (from Greek agon, meaning ‘struggle’) emphasises the potentially positive aspects of certain (but not all) forms of political conflict. It accepts a permanent place for such conflict, but seeks to show how we might accept and channel this positively. It is also to affirm the legitimacy of one’s political adversary and their objectives even if one fundamentally disagrees with those objectives. The article argues that an agonistic conceptualisation of democracy and democratic change understood as non-violent disagreement (as opposed to consensus and agreement) is a more accurate and useful understanding than a conceptualisation of democracy and politics as either agreement or antagonism. In this way one can interpret the flag protests as vacillating between a legitimate democratic agonistic politics of struggle and contestation and an illegitimate, reactionary antagonistic politics of violence and threat.
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HÄYRY, MATTI. "The COVID-19 Pandemic: Healthcare Crisis Leadership as Ethics Communication." Cambridge Quarterly of Healthcare Ethics 30, no. 1 (May 22, 2020): 42–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0963180120000444.
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AbstractGovernmental reactions to crises like the COVID-19 pandemic can be seen as ethics communication. Governments can contain the disease and thereby mitigate the detrimental public health impact; allow the virus to spread to reach herd immunity; test, track, isolate, and treat; and suppress the disease regionally. An observation of Sweden and Finland showed a difference in feasible ways to communicate the chosen policy to the citizenry. Sweden assumed the herd immunity strategy and backed it up with health utilitarian arguments. This was easy to communicate to the Swedish people, who appreciated the voluntary restrictions approach and trusted their decision makers. Finland chose the contain and mitigate strategy and was towards the end of the observation period apparently hesitating between suppression and the test, track, isolate, and treat approach. Both are difficult to communicate to the general public accurately, truthfully, and acceptably. Apart from health utilitarian argumentation, something like the republican political philosophy or selective truth telling are needed. The application of republicanism to the issue, however, is problematic, and hiding the truth seems to go against the basic tenets of liberal democracy.
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Abramyan, A. S. "Faith, liberty, destiny, and the shaping of early American identity." Moscow State University Bulletin. Series 18. Sociology and Political Science 27, no. 2 (May 31, 2021): 64–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.24290/1029-3736-2021-27-2-64-78.
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The discovery of America, which was in itself a fateful event in European history, coincided with the crucial transformations taking place in the religious sphere. The development of printing technology, the creation of national translations of the Bible, the rethinking of the established forms of religiosity — all these innovations contributed to the creation of a special religious and religio-political climate of the era. England, which became one of the most successful colonial powers, was at the same time a country experiencing these religious transformations in an especially profound manner. Having proclaimed its ecclesiastical independence from Rome earlier than many other countries, England became a space for an intensive search for a new religious identity and a melting pot of various proto-messianic concepts. In addition, the competition of these new religious doctrines, existing in the shadow of potential and actual state-sanctioned oppression of dissidents, has created a specific environment that makes the issue of political freedom especially relevant and pertinent to the context of Christianity. Having received additional development in America and combined with an increased spread of the anti-colonial nationalist message, all these ideological streams could give a start to one of the most remarkable aspects of early American socio-political thought and identity, within which liberalism, republicanism, providentialism, messianism, and Christian religiosity are woven into a single composition. The debate about the influence of this ideological complex on the development of American identity and statehood continues to this day, sometimes leading to conflicting assessments. However, it seems that this phenomenon is, in one way or another, a remarkable factor in American history, which, to some extent, remains a relevant topic of discussion for modern America.
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Del Lucchese, Filippo. "Machiavellian Democracy, John P. McCormick, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2011." Historical Materialism 20, no. 2 (2012): 232–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569206x-12341237.
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AbstractMcCormick’s book engages with the theoretical and political positions discussed by the Italian philosopher Niccolò Machiavelli about five centuries ago, and, in particular, the creation of the tribunes of the plebs. In ancient Rome, plebeian power had been institutionalised through the creation of tribunes. According to McCormick, a similar institution would offer a legitimate forum for expression to the people in modern democracies. In fact, following Machiavelli’s suggestions, this would contribute to the implementation of a new form of democracy, more respectful of the people and more eager to defend values such as freedom and independence from the influence of the powerful and the rich. In this review, Filippo Del Lucchese comments on McCormick’s book from a Marxist point of view. One of the strongest points of the book is the discussion of the opposition between democracy and republicanism. Over the last decades, the latter has in fact been absorbed into the sphere of influence of the Cambridge School, and neutralised, or at least defused its most interesting and radical aspects. McCormick’s attempt to repoliticise the Machiavellian discourse is indeed praiseworthy, yet, by mainly focusing on the ‘institutionalisation’ of popular power, McCormick fails to discern the most radical elements of Machiavelli’s thought. From this angle, the review discusses McCormick’s use of the category of ‘class’ and offers a different perspective on the revolutionary dimension.
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Boyraz, Cemil, and Ömer Turan. "From system integration to social integration." Philosophy & Social Criticism 42, no. 4-5 (January 8, 2016): 406–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0191453715623832.
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The modern republican history of Turkey and its relation with the question of ethnic diversity could be understood via the tension between the processes of system integration and social integration. This article, based on Jürgen Habermas’ conceptual framework, draws the sources of such tension with reference to the Kurdish identity in Turkey since the early republican era. For this purpose, from the 1920s to the 2000s, policies and discourses of system integration aiming at a certain degree of ethnic homogenization to eliminate ‘possible threats’ to territorial integrity and national unity are discussed in detail. While system integration processes reflect an exclusionary and assimilative-securitist logic of state practices regarding the Kurdish question, this article argues that the Kurdish challenge to republicanism and to its system integration logic promises more for the dynamics of social integration. Especially since the 1990s, while processes of system integration are still in force; national, regional and diasporic achievements of Kurdish politics and its call for a democratic transformation of the republic based on decentralist, participatory and multiculturalist values have become much more visible. This new focus on democratic transformation demands more for social integration through internalization of roles as well as through promotion of an active communication between citizens by raising the claims of active participation to social and political spheres as well as by making identity visible in different aspects of socio-cultural life. Degree of social integration and its success vis-à-vis system integration will be decisive in the democratic transformation of Turkey in the future.
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Fudge, Judy. "Trade unions, democracy and power." International Journal of Law in Context 7, no. 1 (February 4, 2011): 95–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s174455231000042x.
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Should the law support union recognition by employers? If so, what form should this legal support take? These are the questions that Alan Bogg addresses in his excellent monograph,The Democratic Aspects of Trade Union Recognition. His focus is New Labour's 1999 statutory recognition procedure for trade unions, which he situates within the historical context of the United Kingdom's distinctive approach to the relationship between labour law and the social practice of collective bargaining – aptly (and famously) named collective laissez-faire by Otto Kahn-Freund (1972). Combining political philosophy and legal analysis, Bogg argues for robust legal support for trade union recognition that preserves the autonomy of trade unions to determine their own constituency and recognises their distinctive power to strike. Inspired by the idea of deliberative democracy and an ethical commitment to freedom as non-domination, he argues that civic republicanism provides the best normative basis for trade union recognition procedures. He contrasts this normative framework with the rights-based individualism and state neutrality characteristic of the liberal approach, which, he argues, is embodied in the United States and Canadian versions of industrial pluralism. Bogg also demonstrates the ‘yawning chasm between New Labour's civic rhetoric and New Labour's liberal legal reform agenda’ (pp. 118–19) when it comes to trade union recognition procedures. He concludes by offering a series of proposals that would enhance union recognition and further the values of freedom as non-domination, democratic participation through deliberative democracy, and community.
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Resnick, David. "John Locke and the Problem of Naturalization." Review of Politics 49, no. 3 (1987): 368–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500034458.
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This article explores a hitherto unexamined aspect of John Locke's political thought, his advocacy of general naturalization. It is based upon an unpublished manuscript of Locke's which appears in the Appendix. Although naturalization was supported by a number of Locke's contemporaries, the arguments for naturalization which rely on the tradition of classical republicanism must be distinguished from those such as Locke's which rely on the new political economy. The classical republicans ground naturalization in the need for increasing the number of citizens available for a civic militia; this need, in turn, is intertwined with a vision of imperialistic conquest on the Roman model. Locke's arguments are based on a theory of an expanding commercial society and the productive power of labor. They reflect a new concept of individualistic voluntaristic citizenship which provides an alternative to the common law notions of natural allegiance of Locke's day.
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Ramos, Cesar Augusto. "HEGEL E O REPUBLICANISMO. EM TORNO DA LIBERDADE E DO RECONHECIMENTO." Síntese: Revista de Filosofia 36, no. 115 (March 30, 2010): 255. http://dx.doi.org/10.20911/21769389v36n115p255-284/2009.
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O presente artigo tem por objetivo estabelecer uma análise comparativa entre a noção hegeliana de liberdade como o “estar consigo mesmo no seu outro,” e que reúne tanto o aspecto subjetivo e objetivo da liberdade, e a teoria republicana da liberdade, sobretudo, aquela que foi desenvolvida por Philip Pettit. Denominada como política, esta teoria propõe um conceito de liberdade como não-dominação, procurando unificar os aspectos individuais (psicológicos) e sociais (interpessoais). Nesta comparação, pretende-se mostrar a importância do conceito hegeliano do reconhecimento como elemento teórico mediador entre os dois aspectos da liberdade, conceito este que está, também, presente na teoria da liberdade como não-dominação. Pode-se dizer que uma interpretação desta teoria à luz da concepção hegeliana de liberdade possibilita uma explicitação teórica mais consistente deste conceito, mormente, se ele for visto pela incorporação do tema hegeliano do reconhecimento.Abstract: The present article seeks to establish a comparative analysis between the Hegelian notion of freedom as “being with himself on his other,” which gathers the subjective and the objective aspects of freedom, and the republican theory of freedom, mainly the one developed by Philip Pettit. Designated as political, this theory proposes a conception of freedom as non-domination, which attempts to unify individual aspects (psychological) as well as social aspects (interpersonal). It is also the intention of this comparison the indication of the importance of the Hegelian concept of recognition as a mediating theoretical element between the two aspects of freedom, a concept that is also present in the theory of freedom as non-domination. It is possible to affirm that an interpretation of this theory by the light of the Hegelian concept of freedom makes possible a more consistent theoretical clarification of this concept, chiefly, if seen through the inclusion of the Hegelian theme of recognition.
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Lis, Rafał. "Między Konstytucją 3 Maja a Targowicą. Poglądy polskich republikantów w latach 1791-1793." Czasopismo Prawno-Historyczne 64, no. 2 (October 31, 2018): 161–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/cph.2012.64.2.07.
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The paper aims to present the political aspect of the Republican opposition to the succession to the throne between 1791 and 1793, an uneasy period for the politically divided Polish Republicans. The main focus of the paper is on the political aspects of selected examples that illustrate the dilemmas and contradicting ideas of the Republican thought towards the end of the Republican movement, represented by Polish gentry. The pro-constitutional option adopted by the former opponents of the succession is illustrated by the most famous statements declared by its ardent supporters: Adam Wawrzyniec Rzewuski and Wojciech Turski. Their writings confirm that the earlier criticism of the succession they showed, had not determined the later criticism of the Constitution, although they still a much more serious task, having to justify and explain their former attitudes and motives that governed their earlier actions. As it can be seen, public support of the Constitution did not necessarily demand changing one’s opinions completely, or, in particular, it did not mean that all elements of the former rhetoric had to be abandoned. Later in the paper, two other opposing views are presented, one of Leonard Olizar and one of Szczêsny Potocki. Both were articulated after the victory of the Targowica Confederation, but still before the unexpected second partition. Those opinions, although critical in general, are not void of elements suggesting other concerns and political dilemmas their authors and other Republicans shared in the face of the dramatic developments in Poland.
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Koikkalainen, Petri. "The Politics of Contextualism." Journal of the Philosophy of History 9, no. 3 (November 2, 2015): 347–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18722636-12341307.
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A central purpose of historicist contextualism, or the “new history of political thought”, the central methodological ideas of which were laid out between the 1950s and the 70s, was to liberate the history of ideas from distorting influence of political ideology, nationalism, and other presentist narratives that ascribed past events under false teleologies. From the 1980s onwards, it has been possible to find explicitly normative statements in the works of the leading contextualist historians and scholars influenced by their work, for example, Skinner’s defences of neo-Roman republicanism. This article examines the normative content of contextualism. Instead of arguing that the normative aspect was a novelty introduced after the 1980s, the claim here is that contextualist theorising was socially and politically implicated and arguably normative from its very beginning. To substantiate this, the article offers an interpretation of the normativity of early contextualism based on its relationship towards broader socio-political themes such as ideology, agency, emancipation, progress, and societies’ relationship with their pasts. Early contextualist normativity assumed that the professional research of history would be a suitable and sufficient way of generating also socially desirable outcomes. Later, as the political and academic background conditions changed, this normativity was given more explicit (e.g. republican) formulations in order to keep up its political relevance.
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Roulston, Carmel. "“Accentuating the national aspect”: Social republicanism and the communist party of Ireland." Irish Political Studies 6, no. 1 (January 1991): 73–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07907189108406487.
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Morone, James A., and David Blumenthal. "Nine Lessons for Health Reform: Or Will We Finally Learn from the Past?" Journal of Law, Medicine & Ethics 36, no. 4 (2008): 722–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-720x.2008.00328.x.
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We stand on the edge of change. The Republican coalition is frayed, and its trusty issues — slash taxes, cut programs, deregulate industry, preach morals — have worn thin. Will the Democrats seize the opportunity and capture the political system? Or will Republicans refresh themselves and win a new lease on power? The contest will center on clashing visions and competing programs; since national health insurance is perhaps the Democrats’ signature program, health reform will be, once again, at the eye of the political storm.
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Stevens, Paul. "Pietas in Patriam: Milton’s Classical Patriotism." Humanities 11, no. 2 (March 15, 2022): 42. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/h11020042.
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The subject of this essay is the relation between Milton’s classical patriotism and his English nationalism. It has two principal aims. First, it sets out to examine the degree to which the affective or emotional quality of Milton’s patriotism was shaped by the classics, especially Cicero and Virgil. For all the energy that has gone into studying Milton’s classical republicanism, there has been relatively little interest in that political movement’s central concern with patriotism: few, for instance, have shown much interest in David Norbrook’s acknowledgment that “English republicanism emerged in part as a vehicle for English nationalism.” And second, through this focus on the classical aspect of Milton’s patriotism, it argues that far from being neutralized or undercut, Milton’s nascent nationalism was actually enabled and intensified by his internationalism, an internationalism that is most graphically illustrated by his engagement with Italy and its role in recovering the classics.
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Moore, Leonard J. "George W. Bush and the Reckoning of American Conservatism." American Review of Politics 29 (January 1, 2009): 291–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.2008.29.0.291-309.
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Immediately after the 2004 election, Republicans confidently believed in continued conservative political dominance. Shortly, a string of political and administrative disasters shattered the Bush presidency, and crises yet to come further devastated the political fortunes of American conservatism. Bush’s failures as president, while highly significant, only partially explained the conservative collapse. The deeper cause lay in the long-term weakness of conservative policies and political tactics. An examination of two key aspects of modern conservatism, conservative populism and opposition to government activism, shows that the collapse came primarily because of Bush’s loyalty to entrenched, mainstream conservative ideas and policies that were unrealistic and destined to fail.
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Miatello, André Luis Pereira. "Giordano of Pisa (1260-1311) and the threefold meanings of the city. An essay on medieval urban politics." Tempo 23, no. 2 (May 2017): 239–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/tem-1980-542x2017v230203.
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Abstract: From the sermons of the Dominican friar Jordan of Pisa (Giordano da Rivalto), between 1302-1307, this article intends to investigate the intersection between preaching and politics in 14th-century Italy, particularly in Florence. The aim is to investigate foremost the political mobilization aspect of preaching, which made the pulpit a forum for political reproduction and negotiation of the public debate and divisions inside the civic assembly; secondly, this paper discuss the role of preachers as political men, since they intended to interfere in public and individual practices in order to answer the urgent problems of the urban life. Based on the study of data obtained from three sermons of Giordano specially devoted to political issues, we discuss the medieval republicanism without separating the political and the religious and without incurring the political assumptions provided by modernity. In giordanian understanding the contrast between the City of God and the earthly city affirms the historicity of politics and, at the same time, expresses its perpetual essence, not doomed to disappear with the end of history.
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Gainous, Jason, and Melissa K. Merry. "Climate Change as a National Security Issue: Examining Framing Effects Across Party." American Politics Research 50, no. 2 (December 10, 2021): 199–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532673x211053213.
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Research suggests that framing climate change as a national security issue can shape opinion about climate change. This research is less clear about what exactly constitutes a “national security frame” and what aspects of this frame are most persuasive. We use a survey experiment to compare the relative effects of three types of national security frames we identify. Results show that a frame centered on energy dependence had the strongest effect and was the most consistent across partisanship. Surprisingly, the effects ran in the opposite direction for Democrats and Republicans on both outcomes—negative for Democrats and positive for Republicans. We also show that the energy dependence frame moderated the influence of respondents’ affect toward political candidates and parties on their climate change attitudes. The results suggest that the energy dependence frame can shape public opinion, but that it must be tailored to particular audiences to avoid backfire effects.
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THOMPSON, ANDREW C. "POPERY, POLITICS, AND PRIVATE JUDGEMENT IN EARLY HANOVERIAN BRITAIN." Historical Journal 45, no. 2 (June 2002): 333–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x02002418.
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This article analyses two dissenting periodicals, the Occasional Paper and the Old Whig. It argues that these periodicals provide an opportunity to reconsider the current priorities in the historiography of eighteenth-century political thought and religious history. Having considered the contexts from which the periodicals emerged and the importance of a perceived growth in catholic proselytizing in the 1730s, it analyses the importance of ‘popery’ in religious and political discourse. Taken together, popery and private judgement provided the parameters to descibe what was termed ‘consistent protestantism’ and this was used to defend a particular version of dissent. The protestant aspect to oppositional whiggery has been largely ignored, particularly by those keen to assert the centrality of ‘classical republicanism’ to opposition language in the early Hanoverian period. This article suggests an alternative account of the transmission of the commonwealth tradition and indicates further lines of inquiry into the evolution of whig ideas.
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GENTER, ROBERT. "Removing the Mask of Sanity: McCarthyism and the Psychiatric–Confessional Foundations of the Cold War National Security State." Journal of American Studies 52, no. 04 (July 10, 2017): 1066–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875817000950.
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In the early Cold War, the US government institutionalized a national security program, centered on the investigation into the political beliefs of federal employees, to safeguard the nation from Communist subversion. Often interpreted as the result of a partisan battle between New Deal Democrats and conservative Republicans, the national security program had deeper origins, reflecting the influence of psychiatric discourse on public understandings of deviancy. Framed by a metonymical logic that linked radical political beliefs, deviant sexual behaviors, and other illicit behaviors under the category of psychopathology, the security program sought to guard against the threat posed by potentially dangerous individuals, a form of protection that necessitated the public disclosure by those deemed security risks of all aspects of their personal lives.
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Svitlenko, Serhii. "Mykola Kostomarov’s historiosophical views on Ukrainian history: formation and evolution." Universum Historiae et Archeologiae 4, no. 2 (July 15, 2022): 14. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/26210417.
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The aim of the article is to study the formation and further evolution of Mykola Kostomarov’s historiosophical views on Ukrainian history, to determine the essence of his historiosophical concept. Research methods are historiosophical analysis and synthesis. Sources of the article: autobiographical, scientific, journalistic, polemical and historical works of M. I. Kostomarov, archival materials, the latest works of modern historians. The main results: the author analyzes the historiosophical heritage of the thinker from the first half of the 1840s to the mid of the 1880s. The article proves that in the second dissertation M. I. Kostomarov approved his credo as a historian of the romantic and patriotic trend, put the past of the people in the context of their linguistic and cultural heritage, their consciousness, spiritual, historical and social life. It is emphasized that romantic and patriotic ideas led the intellectual to comprehending the national character and the national ideal and to understanding the national idea as a core in the historical process. It is shown that in the mid-1840s Kostomarov’s historiosophical views were based on the ideas of Ukrainian patriotism, historical romanticism, Christocentrism, utopian socialism, messianism, republicanism, Cossack and Slavic love. During the period of activity of the Cyril and Methodius Society, the thinker went beyond national culture and joined the socio-political issues. M. I. Kostomarov was aware of the past and present of the Ukrainian people through the prism of democracy and freedom, and he represented the future of Ukraine in the democratic federation of sovereign Slavic peoples. After the defeat of the Cyril and Methodius Society, his arrest, imprisonment and exile, the scholar continued to assert the Ukrainian national principle in history, which he opposed to autocratic despotism. In the early 1860s the thinker outlined the concept of the Rus people, which was embodied in two nationalities. This was the evidence of double loyalty phenomenon and identity in his self-consciousness. At the same time, he did not think about the present and historical future of Ukraine outside the empire, although he advocated the preservation of Ukrainian ethnocultural identity, emphasizing the manifestations of the federalist principle in the past. With the rise of Russification and conservative-protective tendencies in the domestic policy of the tsarist regime, he was forced to make significant concessions, speaking of the necessity for “close merging and interaction” of the Ukrainian and Russian nationalities. However, the Ukrainian figure did not betray the idea of national and cultural revival of Ukrainians. Brief conclusions. In essence, Kostomarov’s historiosophical conception represented a synthesis of the ideas of historical romanticism, Ukrainian patriotism, and Christian values, and it was patriotic, federalist, dualistic in the sense of national consciousness and identity. However, it contributed to the ideological separation of the Ukrainian historical process from the Polish and Russian ones in time and space. The practical significance of the article: it can be of interest to historians, young scientists and students in the process of studying Ukrainian historiosophy. The originality of the article is in understanding the insufficiently studied aspects of the intellectual heritage of M. I. Kostomarov. Scientific novelty: the original interpretation of the formation and evolution of historiosophical ideas of M. I. Kostomarov. Article type: analytical.
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Müßig, Ulrike. "Challenged Universality – Kant and a Citoyenne between Stage and Scaffold." PRÁVNĚHISTORICKÉ STUDIE 52, no. 2 (September 15, 2022): 63–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.14712/2464689x.2022.19.
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The universality of human rights faces the fundamental problem of the nationalized basis of their constitutionalization. Much can be said about the historical struggles to integrate females in the “all men” formulas, but what are the crucial lines of conflict? Historical answers may be found in the Kantian rightful republicanism (rechtlicher Republikanismus), denoting the legitimacy of state political structures by consistency with everyone’s freedom in accordance with universal law. “Rightful” is more precise than “legal”. Kant’s fundamental concept of right – derived from the categorical imperative among equal and free human beings – was “the possibility of [directly] connecting universal reciprocal coercion with the freedom of everyone” (Metaphysik der Sitten, Introduction, § E, 339). Of course, this paper is not so naive to transform Kant into a feminist voice; it draws the attention to the fundamental aspect of constitutional history, how to explain the relationship between the freedom of the individual and the formation of states.
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Bresser-Pereira, Luiz Carlos. "O surgimento do Estado republicano." Lua Nova: Revista de Cultura e Política, no. 62 (2004): 131–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0102-64452004000200008.
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O Estado social-democrata nas democracias avançadas está gradativamente se transformando em Estado republicano. A onda neoliberal fracassou porque as sociedades modernas precisam de um Estado forte, e não fraco. Um Estado é republicano quando é suficientemente forte para proteger o patrimônio público da captura privada. O Estado republicano que está surgindo é forte sob o aspecto fiscal porque limita sua dívida, é forte administrativamente porque está engajado na reforma da gestão pública, e é forte politicamente porque cidadãos, políticos e funcionários públicos sabem que os princípios que regem a política não são os mesmos que regem os mercados. Uma breve resenha da literatura sobre o republicanismo é elaborada para substanciar essas afirmações.
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Niven, David. "Can Republican African Americans Win African American Votes? A Field Experiment." Journal of Black Studies 48, no. 5 (April 5, 2017): 465–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021934717701432.
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In the face of its 2012 defeat and looming demographic trends that did not bode well for the party’s future presidential candidates, the Republican National Committee officially declared its intention to recruit more African American candidates for office. But will fielding more African American candidates likely attract more African American votes for Republicans? Here, I employ a field experiment using real candidates and real votes cast in two down-ballot races featuring African American Republican candidates. Among voters who received mailings highlighting both race and party, African American voters responded primarily to party, in the process largely rejecting these two candidates. By contrast, African American voters responded more favorably when they learned the race, but not the party, of these candidates. The results here suggest something of a self-affirming political preference order in which African Americans felt affirmed by voting for a fellow African American, but only when they did not see that candidate as conflicting with a more central aspect of their political identity.
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Homberg, Mauricio, and Jens Ivo Engels. "Corruption Debates in the First Portuguese Republic 1910-1926." Revista Portuguesa de História 53 (September 27, 2022): 79–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.14195/0870-4147_53_4.
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This paper deals with corruption debates as a political factor in the First Portuguese Republic. Criticism of corruption is a hitherto hardly considered aspect for understanding the instability of the Republic. Criticism of corruption as a critique of parliamentarism existed in almost all European countries in the first third of the 20th century. This essay offers a systematic examination of corruption debates in Portugal and aims to emphasise the international commonalities. Similar to the rest of Europe, these criticisms contributed to the bad image and destabilisation of the parliamentary system. The essay mainly uses political newspapers and pamphlets as sources. After an assessment of the relevant research literature and a very short section on anticorruption in the late monarchy, we will concentrate on three groups of critics: monarchical Catholic voices, radical republican commentaries, and anarchist left-wing contributions. The aim is to reconstruct patterns of argumentation of the aforementioned political directions that were typical throughout the republican period. We will also take up the alleged connection between cultural backwardness and corruption in the Portuguese self-description. In the last section, we will shortly focus on the (almost non-existent) defence strategies of the ruling Republicans.
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Johns, Andrew L. "Breaking the Eleventh Commandment." California History 98, no. 1 (2021): 3–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ch.2021.98.1.3.
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A closer look at Representative Paul N. “Pete” McCloskey’s decision to challenge Richard Nixon for the 1972 Republican presidential nomination due to Nixon’s failure to bring the Vietnam conflict to a conclusion reveals some intriguing aspects of the relationship between domestic politics and foreign policy during the U.S. experience in Vietnam. In breaking the GOP’s “Eleventh Commandment”—the exhortation to not speak ill of fellow Republicans—McCloskey acted on the courage of his convictions in opposing the war and his party’s sitting president. For McCloskey, Vietnam transcended politics; it was a moral issue on which he was willing to sacrifice his political career—unlike most other members of Congress and politicians in successive administrations during the Vietnam era. Moreover, McCloskey’s failure to gain traction with voters in the GOP primaries with his antiwar stance presaged George McGovern’s struggles against Nixon in the fall campaign in 1972.
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Hinojosa Ojeda, Raul, and Edward Telles. "Trump Paradox: How Immigration and Trade Affected White Voting and Attitudes." Socius: Sociological Research for a Dynamic World 7 (January 2021): 237802312110019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/23780231211001970.
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Donald Trump presented immigration and trade as the cause of the diminished prospects of white working-class voters, the core of his political base. The authors’ research—the first that examines actual immigration and trade exposure with attitudes and Trump voting—demonstrates that white voting for Trump was unrelated to immigration levels and, paradoxically, strongest in counties with low levels of trade. Anti-immigrant and antitrade attitudes more consistently and strongly explain voting for Trump and Republicans in 2016 and 2018 than actual immigration and trade. The authors also find descriptive support that over four years, Trump’s false narrative unraveled as his support declined in those counties most exposed to immigration and trade. Although Trump elaborated a white nationalist narrative on the basis of anti-immigrant and antitrade politics that was widely accepted as truth, the authors show that virtually no aspects of Trump’s simple narrative have any factual basis in actual reality.
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Hunziker, Paula L., and Julia Smola. "Participación política y libertad del pueblo: apuntes para pensar el republicanismo arendtiano en las disputas del presente." Las Torres de Lucca. International Journal of Political Philosophy 11, no. 1 (January 17, 2022): 79–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.5209/ltdl.77047.
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Este escrito surge de nuestras investigaciones sobre la caracterización y las fuentes del republicanismo arendtiano y pretende intervenir en el debate urgente que se abre acerca de nuestras democracias contemporáneas. Es en este panorama que quisiéramos ubicar nuestras reflexiones con la expectativa de reintroducir, a través del pensamiento de Hannah Arendt, ciertos aspectos que consideramos centrales para pensar la república y que han sido dejados de lado en el debate público sobre los regímenes políticos contemporáneos. Estos son el lugar del pueblo en la república, su función y su dinámica política en la vida de las instituciones y en la expresión de la libertad en el orden político contemporáneo. En efecto, sostendremos en este trabajo que las reflexiones de Arendt sobre la república están íntimamente ligadas a la figura, o, deberíamos decir mejor, a las múltiples figuras del pueblo y al rol que ellas juegan en la institución política de la libertad.
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Ware, Alan. "The 1896 and 1996 US Elections: A Re-emerging ‘Problem’ of the South and West?" Government and Opposition 32, no. 1 (January 1997): 39–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1997.tb01208.x.
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ONE OF THE MORE INTERESTING ASPECTS OF THE 1996 US presidential election was the evident inverse relationship between the results that year and those of the election contested exactly one hundred years earlier. Most of the states won by Bill Clinton were carried by the Republican William McKinley in 1896, while nearly all the states won by Bob Dole were those carried by William Jennings Bryan, the Democratic candidate. In 1896 there were 45 states, and of them 28 were won by the Democrats and 17 by the Republicans in the 1996 presidential election. Twenty-one of the 28 Democratic states in 1996 (or 75 per cent of the total) had been Republican a hundred years earlier; 15 of the 17 Republican states in 1996 (or 88 per cent of the total) went for the Democrats in 1896. This impression of the two election years being mirror images of each other, at least so far as the pattern of presidential results is concerned, is even more evident when looking at the distribution of Electoral College (EC) votes. (The five states created since 1896 are omitted from the entire discussion.) Of the 358 EC votes the 282 that went to the Democrats were from ‘McKinley states’, and they constitute 78 per cent of the Democrat total. In the case of the Republicans, 133 out of 148 EC votes were from ‘Bryanite states’ - that is 90 per cent of the 1996 Republican EC vote.
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Lahnait, Fatima. "La lucha contra la radicalización en Francia: de la experimentación a la profesionalización." Revista CIDOB d'Afers Internacionals, no. 128 (September 30, 2021): 105–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.24241/rcai.2021.128.2.105.
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Antes de los asesinatos perpetrados por Mohamed Merah en 2012, las autoridades francesas trataban el terrorismo únicamente como una cuestión de orden público. De ahí que el país llegara tarde en la elaboración de medidas para prevenir la radicalización y el extremismo violento. A partir del análisis de cómo Francia pasó de un enfoque utópico de desradicalización para abordar la radicalización, más concretamente la islamista, a uno más pragmático, basado en la desvinculación y poniendo el foco en la prevención primaria, este artículo presenta los éxitos y los fracasos de los diferentes planes implementados por Francia desde 2014. Con el tiempo, estas estrategias, revisadas y mejoradas (apoyándose en la interpretación del concepto de radicalización) culminaron con la estrategia nacional de 2018 «Prevenir para proteger». Entre otros aspectos, se movilizan el laicismo, los valores republicanos y los sistemas educativo y judicial.
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Heinig, Hans Michael. "The Political and the Basic Law'sSozialstaatPrinciple—Perspectives from Constitutional Law and Theory." German Law Journal 12, no. 11 (November 1, 2011): 1887–900. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200017624.
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The welfare state aspect is among the central characteristics of German statehood as established by the constitution. For the Basic Law's drafters, it was so indispensable that they included the mandate of a welfare state in the catalogue of constitutional principles which are to have eternal validity within the constitution and which could only be dispensed with at the cost of breaching the constitution, the cost of revolution (Article 79(3) of the Basic Law (Grundgesetzin German; hereinafter “GG”)). Article 79(3) GG codifies the distinction between constitution and constitutional provision made prominent by Carl Schmitt, whose constitutional doctrine of 1928 asserted that, while the constitutional legislature can amend an individual provision in the constitution, the constitution as a whole is not to be changed short of political action transcending the law, that is, a revolution. Article 79(3) GG takes up this idea, insulating certain features of the constitution from amendment. These features—outside all democratic reach and thus quasi depoliticized—include the inviolability of human dignity (Article 1(1) GG) and the nature of the state as a democracy, a republic, a federal state based on the rule of law, and a “social” state (Article 20(1) GG). On closer scrutiny, the principles underlying the state's structure reveal a significant difference between, on the one hand, the principles of democracy, federalism, the rule of law, and republicanism and, on the other, the principle of the welfare state. The four former features stem from long traditions in constitutional law; modern political philosophy has detailed them precisely and the Basic Law concretizes them in thorough regulations. In contrast, the political history of ideas has failed to produce a “flag-bearing” thinker for the welfare state. The establishment of the welfare state has played no significant role in constitutional history. And, on first glance, even the Basic Law seems to provide hardly any specifics as to what exactly makes up its “social” state or, in particular, what normative consequences follow from this constitutional principle. This raises the question: What actually justifies the principle of the welfare state's illustrious position among those constitutional entities endowed with highest relevance? The following discussion develops the answer: Regardless of its limited historical and theoretical traditions, the principle of theSozialstaatfinds its meaning beyond its doctrinal content in its own distinct, symbolic substance.
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Taylor, Kirstine. "Sunbelt Capitalism, Civil Rights, and the Development of Carceral Policy in North Carolina, 1954–1970." Studies in American Political Development 32, no. 2 (October 2018): 292–322. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x18000111.
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This article investigates an important yet poorly understood aspect of the origins of the U.S. carceral state. Many explanations attribute the rise of mass incarceration to the conservative tide in American politics beginning in the late 1960s: “tough on crime” policies advanced by southern Democrats and Republicans, white backlash against black civil rights, and the law-and-order politics of Nixon's “Southern Strategy.” But in focusing on conservatives, prevailing theories have ignored how the changing economic and political landscape of the post-WWII South shaped how policymakers thought about crime. This article examines how key elements of the carceral state emerged in the rapidly growing, metropolitan, and business-minded Sunbelt South between 1954 and 1970, using North Carolina as a test case. Drawing on a variety of archival sources, it unearths how moderate southern politicians with material links to extra-regional sources of capital, political links to northern liberal elites, and ideological links to postwar liberalism pioneered state-level carceral policy. It argues that the swift development of crime policy in midcentury North Carolina was the product of how the state's moderate elites chose to govern the emerging Sunbelt economy in the wake ofBrown v. Board of Educationand the civil rights movement. The problems of rampant civil disorder, racial extremism, and lawlessness, they argued, threatened the economic progress of North Carolina and required the implementation of strong yet race-neutral crime policy. This study offers an analysis of how the Sunbelt South, in shedding Jim Crow and entering the national political and economic mainstream, came to help spearhead the carceral turn in American politics.
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Clement, Desireé Mullis. "Factors Influencing Georgia Legislators' Decision-Making on Nurse Practitioner Scope of Practice." Policy, Politics, & Nursing Practice 19, no. 3-4 (November 2018): 91–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1527154418817036.
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The state of Georgia faces challenges in providing access to care, largely due to rural hospital closures and physician shortages. Although nurse practitioners (NPs) could help address Georgia's urgent health care needs, the state remains restrictive with respect to NP scope of practice (SOP). This study examined factors that influence Georgia legislators' decision-making on NP SOP. In June 2016, after the January through March legislative session, a questionnaire was e-mailed to 49 state legislators on the Committees on Health and Human Services in Georgia's House of Representatives and Senate. The questionnaire was adapted from a legislative questionnaire previously used in research on state educational policy. Nine of 49 (18%) Georgia legislators responded. The majority of nine respondents were Republicans having served less than 15 years in the legislature. The number of respondents was approximately equal between Senate and House of Representatives. The respondents rated expert testimony and hearing from constituents as most likely to influence their decision-making on NP SOP. They reported that media and concerns about reelection were least likely to influence their decision-making about NP SOP. Therefore, nurses who aim to influence state policy should consider legislator preferences, such as speaking personally with constituents and receiving expert testimony. In-person communication could enhance interactions with legislators, potentially improving policy outcomes. Future research is necessary and should be conducted by NPs to determine the forms of communication and content in testimony most effective in influencing state lawmakers about NP SOP and examine if results vary by state political or other contexts.
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Moore, Ami R., Foster Amey, and Elias Mpofu. "Determinants of support for government involvement in obesity control among American adults." Translational Behavioral Medicine 9, no. 4 (July 21, 2018): 785–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/tbm/iby079.
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Abstract Obesity takes a substantial toll on society as a whole. Obesity and its health-related complications contribute significantly to healthcare costs and negatively affects almost every aspect of human life. It is therefore reasonable for the government to be involved in finding solutions to control the epidemic. This article examined factors that influence support for government intervention in the obesity epidemic in the United States. We used data from Obesity in the United States: Public Perceptions, a survey of a nationally representative sample of American adults. We conducted OLS regression analysis, to understand how three main covariates that described beliefs about causes of obesity and a series of controls impact support for government intervention in obesity control. There was a significant negative relationship between support for government intervention and beliefs about causes of obesity. Also, political ideology and party affiliation significantly influenced support for government intervention. For instance, while Democrats were more supportive of government interventions to control obesity, Republicans were not supportive of such intervention. Additionally, race and environmental characteristics of place of residence significantly influenced support for government intervention. Further, there were significant joint effects of political affiliation, race, and weight status on support for government intervention. Unlike previous studies, we find that one of the important factors that drive people to either support or abhor government intervention is the perception of what causes obesity. It is important that public health officials and other stakeholders understand the intricacies of public support for obesity control.
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Sautkina, V. "Criteria for the Evaluation of Social Policy Effectiveness of States." World Economy and International Relations, no. 7 (2014): 87–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2014-7-87-97.
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The following article is devoted to the study of current state of national education and healthcare systems. The cost of services in these areas constantly increases, there for even developed countries are forced to make significant efforts in order to maintain earlier achieved results. Due to this reason countries entered into the period of constant reforms with the purpose of maintaining that high level of health and educational services for all segments of population with a constant reduction of its volume of financing. The legal aspects of these changes are requiring manifestation of the will of politicians in order to overcome the opposition of parties which are defending their interests. As an example, the main opponents of the healthcare reforms proposed by Barak Obama in the USA are Republicans who are concerned about a significant increase of a state control over the entire national insurance system. The author comes to the conclusion that only joint actions of the government and every segment of population might actually improve the quality of medical and educational services.
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Brown, Heath, and Lindsey Cormack. "Angry about Fraud: How Congress Took up Trump’s Claims of Fraud." Forum 19, no. 1 (July 1, 2021): 77–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/for-2021-0004.
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Abstract Talk of fraud dominated President Donald J. Trump’s campaign and time in office. In this article, we explore whether members of Congress followed Trump’s lead in discussing all types of fraud, including electoral fraud as well as fraud, waste, and abuse. Using a unique dataset of the universe of congressional electronic newsletters from 2010 to 2021, we show that Republicans wrote to constituents about fraud much more than Democrats, especially about electoral fraud after Trump’s election, but it was Democrats who used angrier rhetoric to discuss fraud, a check on the President and many of the false claims about voter fraud in 2016 and 2020. These findings show an important aspect of the inter-party and inter-branch dynamics at play during Trump’s presidency; once keen to focus on fraud, waste and abuse in government congressional Republican attention shifted once the head of the executive branch was a co-partisan to parroting the claims of electoral and voter fraud made by the President.
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Herron, Michael C., and Daniel A. Smith. "Postal delivery disruptions and the fragility of voting by mail: Lessons from Maine." Research & Politics 8, no. 1 (January 2021): 205316802098143. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2053168020981434.
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Since the onset in early 2020 of the COVID-19 pandemic in the United States, mail-in voting rates in states that have held elections have surged, presumably reflecting the fact that voting by mail is a relatively safe mode of ballot casting during a public health crisis. Matters of health notwithstanding, postal delivery disruptions can place mail-in ballots at risk of rejection on the grounds of lateness. With Maine as a case study, we show that, in the past four general elections, over 10% of vote-by-mail ballots arrived at local elections offices either on Election Day itself or one day earlier. Moreover, of the vote-by-mail ballots most vulnerable to postal delivery disruptions, a greater share of them were cast by unaffiliated voters and Democrats than by Republicans. Our results highlight the fragility of voting by mail in light of concerns about the reliability of the United States Postal Service. While existing research shows that the opportunity to vote by mail is neutral with respect to partisanship, our results highlight an aspect of mail-in balloting that nonetheless has a partisan hue—the extent to which vote-by-mail ballots are vulnerable to mail delays.
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Heinz, Flavio M. "Positivistas e republicanos: os professores da Escola de Engenharia de Porto Alegre entre a atividade política e a administração pública (1896-1930)." Revista Brasileira de História 29, no. 58 (December 2009): 263–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0102-01882009000200002.
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A história da administração pública no sul do Brasil durante a Primeira República põe em evidência uma instituição de formação superior, a Escola de Engenharia de Porto Alegre, que, fundada em 1896, forneceu parte significativa dos quadros técnicos das secretarias e agências do estado nas décadas seguintes, notadamente da Secretaria dos Negócios de Obras Públicas (SOP). Neste artigo (1) faremos uma breve exposição do cenário político-institucional no sul do Brasil na transição do século XIX para o XX; (2) apresentaremos as linhas gerais do processo de organização da Escola de Engenharia de Porto Alegre; e (3) discutiremos alguns aspectos do percurso profissional, administrativo e político de seu grupo original de docentes e de seus primeiros diplomados.
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Casassas, David, and David Guerrero. "De ingresos y pedazos de tierra: renta básica, predistribución y desmercantilización en el marco de economías políticas populares." Política y Sociedad 59, no. 2 (July 28, 2022): e78027. http://dx.doi.org/10.5209/poso.78027.
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El debate sobre la “predistribución”, que ya permea múltiples ámbitos de las ciencias sociales, no parece ser una moda pasajera. ¿Pero es una propuesta exenta de problemas? Sin lugar a duda, la idea de predistribución —el establecimiento de marcos reguladores que permitan una amplia participación social en el seno de una vida económica “civilizada”— tiene un gran potencial para el pensamiento democrático. Pero el aspecto más políticamente prometedor entre los predistribucionistas es cualquier cosa menos una novedad: en efecto, las economías políticas transformadoras o “populares”, desde los siglos XVII al XXI, siempre han subrayado, entroncando con las intuiciones principales de la tradición republicana, la importancia de la garantía ex-ante de recursos de diverso tipo. Sin embargo, que la extensión de la libertad y no solo el bienestar material sea la razón principal de la predistribución es un elemento fundamental para pensar una agenda predistributiva verdaderamente abierta a la (posibilidad de la) desmercantilización y, por ello, a la democracia económica. Rescatar los vestigios predistributivos en el republicanismo parece necesario a la luz de algunas de las principales aproximaciones a la predistribución, que se muestran meramente como una alternativa bienestarista a los impuestos y las transferencias —pudiendo erosionar de este modo no solo lo que se necesita para establecer el tipo de marcos reguladores que los predistribucionistas dicen defender, sino también los mismos conjuntos de recursos que resultan relevantes para que individuos y grupos persigan vidas más libres—. Este artículo trata de comprender la renta básica como herramienta predistributiva más allá del bienestar material, es decir, como herramienta que posibilite una economía política republicana-democrática que, como tal, siente las bases para la co-determinación colectiva de las formas de trabajo y de vida.
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Kochetova, L. A., and Ya Yu Demkina. "Key Words as Markers of the Communicative Behavior of the Discursive Personality of the Nominee to the USA Presidency (Based on the Genre of Pre-Election Debates)." Discourse 8, no. 2 (April 26, 2022): 158–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.32603/2412-8562-2022-8-2-158-173.
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Introduction. This paper presents an analysis of the language indicators of communicative behavior of US presidential candidates during election debates. The scientific novelty consists of determining the specifics of the characteristics of the communicative behavior of the discursive personality, which form the basis of the corresponding social type, which can be identified using the methods of linguistic analysis. The study of the discursive personality is reduced to a description of the types of its performative actions; identification of types of communicative tonality that characterize the manner of behavior of a discursive personality and make it recognizable; identification of axiological characteristics of the studied discursive personality. The relevance of the work lies in the study of the problematic aspects of the discursive personality, explaining the specifics of the models of communicative behavior in situations of political communication.Methodology and sources. This study used the methods of corpus linguistics and the interpretative method of discourse analysis. The texts of the genre of election debates, which took place from 2000 to 2020, became the empirical basis of this study. The volume of the corpus of these texts amounted to more than 1.5 million words. A corpus method of keywords, which allows to identify unique tokens of pre-election speeches of each of the presidential candidates; a qualitative analysis method that explains typical communicative actions that representatives of the two ruling parties of the United States, were used to establish the characteristics of the communicative behavior of US presidential candidates.Results and discussion. The results of a comparative study of the discursive personality of the US presidential candidate representatives of the Republican and Democratic parties are presented. The study of keywords showed typical tactics of communicative behavior of candidates for US presidential candidates of the Democratic and Republican parties. It is established that presidential candidates from both parties use prosecution tactics in election debates, Republicans are more likely to resort to direct accusation tactics accusations of violating pragmatic, instrumental values, Democrats prefer indirect accusation tactics, which are based on accusations of violation of moral norms and values by political opponents.Conclusion. The discursive personality of the US presidential candidate reflects the variable socio-ideological component of political discourse, which is manifested in a specific set of speech strategies and tactics and language structures that implement them.
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Bogaevskaya, O., A. Borisova, A. Davydov, E. Desiatsky, S. Dmitriev, V. Zhuravleva, S. Kislitsyn, V. Kulakova, and K. Chudinova. "Pandemic, Protests, Protectionism and Presidential Elections in the USA in 2020." Analysis and Forecasting. IMEMO Journal, no. 1 (2021): 31–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/afij-2021-1-31-58.
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The article analyzes major trends in domestic, social, economic, trade and foreign policy of the USA in 2020. The last year of Donald Trump’s presidency became the most traumatic and unpredictable for the country. The COVID-19 pandemic dominated every process in the political, social and economic life of the American society and government. At the same time, it accentuated the main trends of the Trump foreign policy. Trump became the first president to be impeached twice, the 13th president who after being nominated by his party was not reelected by the society, the first president trying to fight both unknown epidemic and economic crisis during his reelection year, the first president who chose not to come to the inauguration of his successor, the first who made decisive steps to break with American-China interdependence and the first who openly declared that he put American interests above those of the other countries, even the allies. His presidency changed the USA deeply and the last year was the turning point in this transformation. He was the most polarized president and he left behind a deeply divided country. Trump spent his last year in the White House battling with the pandemic and fighting for power, and it highlighted how limited the capabilities of the American presidency are in the polarized system where political compromise between the parties is no longer possible. At the same time this last year pointed out a critical importance of a leader’s personality for politics in all spheres. In the time of deep polarization, foreign policy became the only sphere of possible compromise for the parties. Both Democrats and Republicans supported the economic instruments sponsored by Trump of ensuring American leadership in time of pandemic, despite his arrogant style so much criticized by the opposition. After four years of Trump’s presidency the policy of sanctions is considered an effective and long-lasting instrument to control the competitors and enhance the American influence. At the same time while the trend of confrontation became dominant during the Trump’s presidency and his policy of economic nationalism could have more distant and strategic consequences, the confrontation with key actors such as China demonstrated the limits of American power to influence and to control unilaterally both the global economic and political processes and the behavior of different actors. This article is a result of a collective multi-aspect research of transformations taking place in the US on a real time basis. The analysis is built methodologically on the systemic approach to studying American political, social and economic trends, both domestically and on international level.
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Mamedova, A. O. "U.S.-UK Voting Cohesion in the United Nations General Assembly: Important Votes (2001–2019)." MGIMO Review of International Relations 15, no. 2 (May 11, 2022): 164–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2022-2-83-164-208.
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The article analyzes US-UK voting cohesion in the United Nations General Assembly in 2001 – 2019 based on the annual lists of important votes drawn up by the US Department of State. Voting cohesion in the UNGA demonstrates the level of support for US policies in this representative international forum. Since most UNGA resolutions are not binding, countries have more room for maneuver compared to voting in the UN Security Council. Washington pays close attention to other countries’ voting behavior in the UNGA, especially when it comes to Israel-related issues. Whereas the Anglo-American Special Relationship has been extensively studied with the focus on the military and political aspects, US-UK interaction in international organizations, especially in the UN, deserves greater attention. Both countries use their permanent membership of the Security Council to promote their interests. Nevertheless, US-UK voting cohesion in the UNGA has not attracted much attention yet, although it can help to objectively assess the interaction of these powers in the world arena. Four groups of important resolutions were identified for comparison: human rights, Israeli-Palestinian conflict, nuclear non-proliferation and international security, as well as sanctions and development. In 2001 – 2019 U.S.-UK voting cohesion on important resolutions was relatively high. Nevertheless, under Republicans George W. Bush and Donald Trump it was lower than during Barack Obama’s presidency. Despite the special relationship, the UK often aligns itself with the EU countries when voting in the UNGA. We paid special attention to resolutions on which the countries diverged, although Washington did not vote in complete isolation. U.S.-UK cohesion was higher on non-proliferation and human rights. At the same time, there were differences regarding the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and development, especially in those cases when the US and the EU disagreed. Divergences were apparent when the US was prone to act unilaterally.
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Abrams, Matthew P., Arthur P. Pelullo, Zachary F. Meisel, Raina M. Merchant, Jonathan Purtle, and Anish K. Agarwal. "State and Federal Legislators’ Responses on Social Media to the Mental Health and Burnout of Health Care Workers Throughout the COVID-19 Pandemic: Natural Language Processing and Sentiment Analysis." JMIR Infodemiology 3 (February 24, 2023): e38676. http://dx.doi.org/10.2196/38676.
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Background Burnout and the mental health burden of the COVID-19 pandemic have disproportionately impacted health care workers. The links between state policies, federal regulations, COVID-19 case counts, strains on health care systems, and the mental health of health care workers continue to evolve. The language used by state and federal legislators in public-facing venues such as social media is important, as it impacts public opinion and behavior, and it also reflects current policy-leader opinions and planned legislation. Objective The objective of this study was to examine legislators’ social media content on Twitter and Facebook throughout the COVID-19 pandemic to thematically characterize policy makers’ attitudes and perspectives related to mental health and burnout in the health care workforce. Methods Legislators’ social media posts about mental health and burnout in the health care workforce were collected from January 2020 to November 2021 using Quorum, a digital database of policy-related documents. The total number of relevant social media posts per state legislator per calendar month was calculated and compared with COVID-19 case volume. Differences between themes expressed in Democratic and Republican posts were estimated using the Pearson chi-square test. Words within social media posts most associated with each political party were determined. Machine-learning was used to evaluate naturally occurring themes in the burnout- and mental health–related social media posts. Results A total of 4165 social media posts (1400 tweets and 2765 Facebook posts) were generated by 2047 unique state and federal legislators and 38 government entities. The majority of posts (n=2319, 55.68%) were generated by Democrats, followed by Republicans (n=1600, 40.34%). Among both parties, the volume of burnout-related posts was greatest during the initial COVID-19 surge. However, there was significant variation in the themes expressed by the 2 major political parties. Themes most correlated with Democratic posts were (1) frontline care and burnout, (2) vaccines, (3) COVID-19 outbreaks, and (4) mental health services. Themes most correlated with Republican social media posts were (1) legislation, (2) call for local action, (3) government support, and (4) health care worker testing and mental health. Conclusions State and federal legislators use social media to share opinions and thoughts on key topics, including burnout and mental health strain among health care workers. Variations in the volume of posts indicated that a focus on burnout and the mental health of the health care workforce existed early in the pandemic but has waned. Significant differences emerged in the content posted by the 2 major US political parties, underscoring how each prioritized different aspects of the crisis.
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Whitehead, Laurence, N. J. Rengger, Doreen McCalla-Chen, Simon Thompson, Benjamin R. Barber, Howard Williams, Krishan Kumar, et al. "Book Review: America's Mission: The United States and the Worldwide Struggle for Democracy in the Twentieth Century, International Relations Theory Today, Managing the Welfare State: The Politics of Public Sector Management, The Changing Organisation and Management of Local Government, Inheritance in Public Policy: Change without Choice in Britain, Local Government in the United Kingdom, Political Justice, Early Modern Democracy in the Grisons: Social Order and Political Language in a Swiss Mountain Canton, 1470–1620, Kant's Platonic Revolution in Moral and Political Philosophy, The Sovereign State and its Competitors, Social Movements: Critiques, Concepts, Case-studies, The New Middle Classes: Life-styles, Status Claims and Political Orientations, Group Psychology and Political Theory, Natural Rights and the New Republicanism, American Democracy: Aspects of Practical Liberalism, Civil Rights in the United States, The Lincoln Persuasion: Remaking American Liberalism, The Flawed Path to the Presidency, 1992: Unfairness and Inequality in the Presidential Selection Process, The Clinton Presidency: Campaigning, Governing, and the Psychology of Leadership, Shadows of Hope: A Freethinker's Guide to Politics in the Time of Clinton, Actively Seeking Work? The Politics of Unemployment and Welfare Policy in the United States and Great Britain, in from the Cold: National Security and Parliamentary Democracy, in the Highest Degree Odious: Detention without Trial in Wartime Britain, The Secret State: British Internal Security in the Twentieth Century, Sport and International Politics, The Passionate Attachment: America's Involvement with Israel, 1947 to the Present, The United States and Israel: The Limits of the Special Relationship, Israel's Border Wars 1949–1956, 1948 and After: Israel and the Palestinians, Jordan, the United States and the Middle East Peace Process, 1974–1991, Comparing Nations: Concepts, Strategies, Substance, The State, Economic Transformation, and Political Change in the Philippines, 1946–1972, A Captive Land: The Politics of Agrarian Reform in the Philippines, The Philippines in Crisis." Political Studies 44, no. 4 (September 1996): 762–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.1996.tb01755.x.
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Field, Kenneth. "Thematic Mapping: This Is My Truth Tell Me Yours." Abstracts of the ICA 1 (July 15, 2019): 1–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/ica-abs-1-80-2019.
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<p><strong>Abstract.</strong> How many maps can you make using a single thematic dataset? One? Ten? A hundred? More…? It turns out there’s not really an answer and yet the answer you may have provided will be determined by many different influences. You may be a trained cartographer and, so your immediate reaction will have likely been ‘quite a few’ but without fixating on a specific number. You may be new to map-making and simply don’t know, even, if it’s a trick question. Is there a finite number? You may use a particular software product and are guided by the number of options available to you out-of-thebox. Or, perhaps you have a very clear map in mind for a given dataset.</p><p> So let’s expand the question a bit. How many maps can you make of the results of the 2016 United States Presidential election contested by Donald J. Trump and Hillary R. Clinton? Does that make the choice any clearer? Well that’s the task of this presentation. And the answer, while not being infinite, is that there are likely as many choices you can make in selecting a map type and then designing it as you can imagine. And that’s the job of a cartographer whose specialist expertise is to assess a dataset and then deliberate over how to map it to convey some aspect of its character to an audience. And all of those decisions are mediated by various contexts. Who is the map for? (general audience or partisan readership?) What type of medium will be used (digital or print? for a cellphone or a newspaper?). How big should the map be? Will it be constrained in any way by that? And do you want a map that shows incredible detail or an overview? Or is it designed to relay the results empirically or, perhaps be used simply to grab attention? More questions!</p><p> President Trump used the map in Figure 1 to report on his own victory. During one of his first press conferences, Reuters quotes Trump as saying “Here, you can take that, that’s the final map of the numbers. It’s pretty good, right? The red is obviously us.”</p><p> Yet Trump’s map was roundly criticized (mostly by non-Republicans) as being a fake map. It presented a somewhat biased view of the results with huge swathes of red being used to promote the idea that victory was garnered from far and wide. More red gives the impression. Yet the map focuses very much on the geography of the United States which has a hugely dispersed population with large areas very sparsely populated and many highly populated places being seen relatively smaller on the map. Red naturally dominates this particular view yet it speaks to Trump’s truth and is exactly the map to use to deliver his view. Had Clinton won, there would have been a very different looking map built from the same data yet persuading us of how blue victory was. Trump’s victory was marginal. Clinton won the popular vote but that’s irrelevant because that’s not how the result of the American democratic voting system is counted.</p><p> Quoting former British Prime Minister Harold Wilson: “a week is a long time in politics”. The same might be said about electoral cartography. For many, elections provide a fascinating sideshow in seeing how the results are handled cartographically. In framing the presentation, I’ll use recent United Kingdom elections to briefly review shifts in cartographic style and the emergence of a fascinating consensus in terms of map type, style and functionality. I’ll also explore some of the maps from the 2016 Presidential election that we saw across the media. The geographies of two massively different countries account for some differences in approach but consumer preference also creates different demands in the map reader. Approaches range from the purely functional to beautifully imaginative and innovative artistic representations. I finish by sharing my own attempts to map recent political events, both artistically and to challenge and extend the palette of political thematic cartography.</p><p> I’ll then present some original work that uses the 2016 Presidential election data to provide a way of looking at thematic mapping. The benefit of using a single dataset is that it gives an immediate visual comparison across the many different maps. It gives a baseline for understanding how the maps differ and provides an accessible catalogue of design choices for people to use as a guide to mapping in different, interesting and compelling ways. Throughout, I’ll explore many of the small decisions that a cartographer might consider in their choices because each map type brings with it a range of benefits, drawbacks and aspects to consider, and these all play a major role in what your map will end up looking like and how it will be read and interpreted.</p><p> I provide a catalogue of options showcasing the 2016 Presidential election results (Figure 2). Election data provide an extremely rich source of opportunities to underpin the maps to be made and a great way to demonstrate how cartography plays a critical role in the different truths that can be told. Very few, if any, maps are ‘right or wrong’ but they all tell shades of a different truth and speak to different agendas.</p><p> This aspect is critical to understanding how to match your maps to your story. With that in mind, of course, some maps will speak more to a Republican agenda, some more to a Democrat agenda and some would be seen as more neutral. That’s inevitable as there are as many ways to make a persuasive, partisan map as there are an objective map. And what of a map’s objectivity anyway? Maps are rarely made outside of a system that involves human input and while we might like to think that our maps are objective, our very involvement brings subjectivity to the party. Learning how to control subjective tendencies, manage our personal influences and make clear judgements can help you not only tell a better story through your map, but also limit the potential for your map to be seen as politically charged or partisan. Unless, of course, that is what you set out to do in the first place.</p><p> Maps, then, are tangible objects that add stature to debates, poll results, and the reporting of results which give them a sense of realism where perhaps one should not be presumed to yet exist. They report some aspect. That’s as much as they can ever do. And they can be portrayed in different ways so the map reader has to be aware of the possible biases or uncertainties inherent in any map, not just political ones.</p><p> Maps also give newspapers, web and broadcast media (as well as political commentators) a way to flex their technological and design muscles in a game of carto-one-up-manship. We often see some fascinating and innovative cartography used in reporting election results. People’s fascination with the picture of the results is experienced through the cartographies used and, often, the more dramatic the image, the more attention it gets. Maps are a battleground in their own right and used as a way to lure viewers to their coverage, to support their version of the truth as opposed to a competitor’s truth, as much as they are simply a vehicle to report the results. What is truth anyway though? As far as electoral cartography goes, there are many different shades of the truth.</p>
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Bogaevskaya, O., A. Bunina, A. Davydov, E. Desyatsky, S. Dmitriev, V. Zhuravleva, S. Kislitsyn, et al. "Joe Biden’s First Year in the White House." Analysis and Forecasting. IMEMO Journal, no. 1 (2022): 54–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/afij-2022-1-54-77.
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The article analyzes major trends in domestic, social, economic, trade and foreign policy of the USA in 2021. The past year turned out to be unexpectedly successful for the Democratic administration of Joseph Biden, who managed to use his party's almost maximum control over the federal government to lay the legislative foundation for the implementation of one of the priority items on the election agenda and began the transformation of the foreign policy strategy of the US global leadership. His first year was really eventful — in the difficult conditions of the ongoing pandemic, he opened a new stage of social and foreign policy transformations. The current US President came to the White House with a large-scale social agenda, on which the Democratic Party has been working all 4 years of Trump's presidency in anticipation of revenge. The ambitious plans, in addition to fighting the pandemic, included the subsequent reform of the healthcare system launched by Barack Obama, ensuring racial equality and social justice, updating the country's long and seriously worn out infrastructure, launching a ‘green transition’ and reforming the country's immigration system. All these reforms are long overdue and really needed. However, since the beginning of the XXI century the reform efforts of presidents traditionally produce very little results — an average of one large-scale reform for each president. The list of changes required by the country is growing, but the speed of its implementation is only falling. The reason for this slowdown lies in partisan polarization and radicalization, which grew rapidly during the same period, shrinking the space for compromise, a key condition for reform efforts under the American separation of powers. The Democrats with J. Biden won their chance for a blitz in 2020, however, not only the Republicans, whose numerical minority made it possible to worry less about their resistance, but also the unity of the Democratic Party itself, were on the way to its implementation. Over the past four years, the left wing of the party has expanded its membership in Congress and has become a powerful force, ready to resist even its own president. The large-scale social agenda proposed by J. Biden during the election campaign, which implies the expansion of the social responsibility of the state, eventually caused serious objections from both left-wing Democrats and Republicans. The first considered it insufficient, for the second it offered too revolutionary changes. Biden's centrist position in the face of radicalization proved to be more of an obstacle to pushing forward reforms than an opportunity to implement them. As a result, all participants had to compromise. Paradoxically, radicalization, which destroyed opportunities and room for compromise, itself became a compromise factor in a situation where changes could be too drastic for both the government itself and society. Finally, the Biden administration was able to seize a unique moment of democratic control over federal power to implement an important part of its social agenda. Biden's original plan to reform the country's infrastructure has seriously changed over this year of cross-party agreements, but in general, the adopted ‘Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act’ launches large-scale changes in several areas at once, on which the further development and competitiveness of the United States depend. Despite a relatively quick recovery, the US economy continues to face major challenges from the COVID-19 pandemic: high inflation and disruption in production chains. The new model for maintaining and expanding US global leadership, formulated and gradually implemented by Joe Biden’s administration, is based on the creation of a single ideological and technological space of allies in opposition to China and other authoritarian states challenging the US. The anti-Chinese vector determines the main directions of the US foreign policy strategy: returning to traditional allied relations, expanding alliances, ending protracted military campaigns, minimal strategic involvement in long-term conflicts, targeted interaction with competitors and adversaries, and controlled confrontation. This article is a result of a collective multi-aspect research of transformations taking place in the US on a real-time basis. The analysis is built methodologically on the systemic approach to studying American political, social and economic trends, both domestically and on an international level.
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ΚΑΤΣΟΥΔΑΣ, ΚΩΝΣΤΑΝΤΙΝΟΣ. "ΜΙΑ ΔΙΚΤΑΤΟΡΙΑ ΠΟΥ ΔΕΝ ΕΙΝΑΙ ΔΙΚΤΑΤΟΡΙΑ. ΟΙ ΙΣΠΑΝΟΙ ΕΘΝΙΚΙΣΤΕΣ ΚΑΙ Η 4η ΑΥΓΟΥΣΤΟΥ." Μνήμων 26 (January 1, 2004): 157. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/mnimon.837.
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<p>Konstantinos Katsoudas, "<em>A Dictatorship that is not a Dictatorship". Spanish Nationalists and the 4th of August</em></p> <p>The Spanish Civil War convulsed the international public opinion and prompted most foreign governments to take measures or even intervene in the conflict. Greek entanglement either in the form of smuggling war materiel or the participation of Greek volunteers in the International Brigades has already been investigated. However, little is known about a second dimension of this internationalization of the war: the peculiar forms that the antagonism between the two belligerent camps in foreign countries took. This paper, based mainly on Spanish archival sources, discusses some aspects of the activity developed in Greece by Franco's nationalists and the way Francoist diplomats and emissaries perceived the nature of an apparently similar regime, such as the dictatorship led by general Metaxas. The main objectives of the Francoist foreign policy were to avoid any escalation of the Spanish civil war into a world conflict, to secure international assistance for the right-wing forces and to undermine the legitimacy of the legal Republican government. In Greece, an informal diplomatic civil war broke out since Francoists occupied the Spanish Legation in Athens and Republicans took over the Consulate in Thessaloniki. The Francoists combined public and undercover activity: they worked hard to achieve an official recognition of their <em>Estado Nuevo, </em>while at the same time created rings of espionage and channels of anticommunist propaganda. The reason of their partial breakthroughs was that, contrary to their Republican enemies, the Nationalists enjoyed support by a significant part of the Greek political world, which was ideologically identified with their struggle. Francoist anti-communism had some interesting implications for Greek politics. An important issue was the Francoist effort to reveal a supposed Moscow-based conspiracy against Spain and Greece, both considered as hotbeds of revolution in the Mediterranean, in order to justify both Franco's extermination campaign and Metaxas' coup. Although this effort was based on fraudulent documents, forged by an anti-Bolshevik international organization, it became the cornerstone of Francoist and Metaxist propaganda. General Metaxas was the only European dictator to invoke the Spanish Civil War as a <em>raison d'etre </em>of his regime and often warned against the repetition of Spanish-like drama on Greek soil. Nevertheless he did not approve of Franco's methods and preferred Dr. Salazar's Portugal as an institutional model closer to his vision. For Spanish nationalist observers this was a sign of weakness. They interpreted events in Greece through the disfiguring mirror of their own historic experience: thus, although they never called in question Metaxas' authoritarian motives, the 4th of August regime was considered too mild and soft compared to Francoism (whose combativeness and fanaticism, as they suggested, the Greek General should have imitated); it reminded them the dictatorship founded in Spain by General Primo de Rivera in 1920s, whose inadequacy paved the way for the advent of the Republic and the emergence of sociopolitical radicalism. Incidents of the following years, as Greece moved towards a civil confrontation, seemed to strengthen their views.</p>