Academic literature on the topic 'Republicanism – Political aspects'
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Journal articles on the topic "Republicanism – Political aspects"
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Barnosell, Genís. "God and Freedom: Radical Liberalism, Republicanism, and Religion in Spain, 1808–1847." International Review of Social History 57, no. 1 (December 20, 2011): 37–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859011000733.
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SummaryThis article analyses the religious aspects of Spanish republicanism of the 1830s and 1840s. From the case of Catalonia, the most industrialized region of Spain, it is concluded that radical liberalism elaborated a synthesis of freedom and religion that was presented as an alternative to traditional religiosity. Re-elaborating old myths popular during the War of Independence of 1808–1814, in addition some liberals and republicans presented their political project in millenarianist terms. This millenarianism was due to the radicalism with which they interpreted the confrontation with political opponents, one of whom was the established Church. It follows that the religiosity and millenarianism exhibited by these republicans also involved a strong anti-clericalism. At the same time, in the political and cultural context of Spain, these proposals were not seen by their followers as a negation of divinity but as its truest expression.
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Black, Antony. "Christianity and Republicanism: From St. Cyprian to Rousseau." American Political Science Review 91, no. 3 (September 1997): 647–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2952080.
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Contrary to a prevailing wisdom, the Christian ethos was at least as sympathetic to republicanism as it was to monarchy, especially to the primacy of the public welfare but also to corporate decision making. This can be seen in the early church, especially in the writings of St. Cyprian, in the medieval civic-communal movement, in conciliar constitutionalism, and in political Calvinism. Significant aspects of Rousseau's thought may be seen as a restatement of a Christian political dynamic.
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TURNAOĞLU, BANU. "THE POSITIVIST UNIVERSALISM AND REPUBLICANISM OF THE YOUNG TURKS." Modern Intellectual History 14, no. 3 (February 10, 2017): 777–805. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244316000408.
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This article explores positivist universalism, one of the central aspects of contemporary approaches in political theory, through the study of the Young Turks’ political thought. Current scholarship portrays the Young Turks as champions of a national cause, limited to overthrowing despotism and relaunching the Constitution of 1876 in the Ottoman Empire. This neglects their broader aim to guarantee peace, order, and progress, both at home and abroad, by adopting Comtean universal positivism, and it distorts their vision of society, politics, and history. From their base in Paris the Young Turks challenged the Eurocentric conception of universalism, suggesting a more egalitarian and comprehensive conception that has yet to be recognized. This article shows that, transcending the conventional boundaries between Western and non-Western political thought, the Young Turks’ political ideology presents an early example of the formation of a modern, pluralist worldview, and that their core conceptions had a deep impact on the founding of Turkish republicanism.
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Badano, Gabriele. "Equality, Liberty and the Limits of Person-centred Care’s Principle of Co-production." Public Health Ethics 12, no. 2 (October 20, 2018): 176–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/phe/phy019.
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Abstract The idea that healthcare should become more person-centred is extremely influential. By using recent English policy developments as a case study, this article aims to critically analyse an important element of person-centred care, namely, the belief that to treat patients as persons is to think that care should be ‘co-produced’ by formal healthcare providers and patients together with unpaid carers and voluntary organizations. I draw on insights from political philosophy to highlight overlooked tensions between co-production and values like equality and liberty. Regarding equality, I argue that co-production compounds both problems of gender inequality in the distribution of care labour and the challenges associated with securing equal access to care. Turning to liberty, I identify important commonalities between co-production and republicanism in political philosophy, given their shared insistence on common citizens’ civic virtue. Then, I use against co-production some liberal arguments against republicanism, to highlight a problem of over-demandingness. In bringing my argument to a close, however, I wish to caution against hastily rejecting co-production as a policy programme.
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Enders, Mark. "“Lack of interest in politics”: a result of non-democratic experiences or of the non-existence of the Kantian republican state in the 21st century?" Studies in Global Ethics and Global Education 10 (June 22, 2019): 57–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0013.2507.
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This essay examines the appearance of distrust, disinterest and aversion to politics and political participation in today’s democracies by taking the Kantian concept of a republican state into account. The goal is to find out reasons for the lack of interest in politics by investigating certain aspects in today’s democracies that might be not in compliance with the Kantian understanding of republicanism. The essay will start with an examination of the republican state and why it is mostly referred to as being much as the parliamentary democracy we know today. Then, these results will be compared with modern democracies (USA, Switzerland and Germany) in order to find the underlying reasons for the lack of interest in politics and how it might be possible to overcome it.
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Barry, John. "Class, political economy and loyalist political disaffection: agonistic politics and the flag protests." Global Discourse 9, no. 3 (September 1, 2019): 457–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/204378919x15646705882384.
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The flag protests in Northern Ireland (2012–13) offer an opportunity on the one hand to examine the politics of dispossession, national identity, decline and political violence in loyalist areas in Belfast. On the other, they are an opportunity to examine of hope, leadership and change within working class loyalism – not least, around the re-imagining of what Britishness can/could or perhaps should mean in post-Agreement Northern Ireland. This article offers an activist-academic perspective on and interpretation of the meaning and potential of those protests around how they reveal both a fracturing and potential for rethinking Britishness. It suggests the possibilities and limits of an inclusive, civic, rather than ethnic, national identity, and a sense of Britishness sufficient to the task of agonistic (as opposed to antagonistic) engagement and contestation with Irish nationalism and republicanism. By antagonistic I mean relations that are characterised in whole or part in terms of ‘friend-enemy’ thus containing within them the possibility of violence, while by agonistic I mean oppositional relations that do not contain this threat of violence. Agonism (from Greek agon, meaning ‘struggle’) emphasises the potentially positive aspects of certain (but not all) forms of political conflict. It accepts a permanent place for such conflict, but seeks to show how we might accept and channel this positively. It is also to affirm the legitimacy of one’s political adversary and their objectives even if one fundamentally disagrees with those objectives. The article argues that an agonistic conceptualisation of democracy and democratic change understood as non-violent disagreement (as opposed to consensus and agreement) is a more accurate and useful understanding than a conceptualisation of democracy and politics as either agreement or antagonism. In this way one can interpret the flag protests as vacillating between a legitimate democratic agonistic politics of struggle and contestation and an illegitimate, reactionary antagonistic politics of violence and threat.
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HÄYRY, MATTI. "The COVID-19 Pandemic: Healthcare Crisis Leadership as Ethics Communication." Cambridge Quarterly of Healthcare Ethics 30, no. 1 (May 22, 2020): 42–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0963180120000444.
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AbstractGovernmental reactions to crises like the COVID-19 pandemic can be seen as ethics communication. Governments can contain the disease and thereby mitigate the detrimental public health impact; allow the virus to spread to reach herd immunity; test, track, isolate, and treat; and suppress the disease regionally. An observation of Sweden and Finland showed a difference in feasible ways to communicate the chosen policy to the citizenry. Sweden assumed the herd immunity strategy and backed it up with health utilitarian arguments. This was easy to communicate to the Swedish people, who appreciated the voluntary restrictions approach and trusted their decision makers. Finland chose the contain and mitigate strategy and was towards the end of the observation period apparently hesitating between suppression and the test, track, isolate, and treat approach. Both are difficult to communicate to the general public accurately, truthfully, and acceptably. Apart from health utilitarian argumentation, something like the republican political philosophy or selective truth telling are needed. The application of republicanism to the issue, however, is problematic, and hiding the truth seems to go against the basic tenets of liberal democracy.
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Abramyan, A. S. "Faith, liberty, destiny, and the shaping of early American identity." Moscow State University Bulletin. Series 18. Sociology and Political Science 27, no. 2 (May 31, 2021): 64–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.24290/1029-3736-2021-27-2-64-78.
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The discovery of America, which was in itself a fateful event in European history, coincided with the crucial transformations taking place in the religious sphere. The development of printing technology, the creation of national translations of the Bible, the rethinking of the established forms of religiosity — all these innovations contributed to the creation of a special religious and religio-political climate of the era. England, which became one of the most successful colonial powers, was at the same time a country experiencing these religious transformations in an especially profound manner. Having proclaimed its ecclesiastical independence from Rome earlier than many other countries, England became a space for an intensive search for a new religious identity and a melting pot of various proto-messianic concepts. In addition, the competition of these new religious doctrines, existing in the shadow of potential and actual state-sanctioned oppression of dissidents, has created a specific environment that makes the issue of political freedom especially relevant and pertinent to the context of Christianity. Having received additional development in America and combined with an increased spread of the anti-colonial nationalist message, all these ideological streams could give a start to one of the most remarkable aspects of early American socio-political thought and identity, within which liberalism, republicanism, providentialism, messianism, and Christian religiosity are woven into a single composition. The debate about the influence of this ideological complex on the development of American identity and statehood continues to this day, sometimes leading to conflicting assessments. However, it seems that this phenomenon is, in one way or another, a remarkable factor in American history, which, to some extent, remains a relevant topic of discussion for modern America.
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Del Lucchese, Filippo. "Machiavellian Democracy, John P. McCormick, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2011." Historical Materialism 20, no. 2 (2012): 232–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569206x-12341237.
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AbstractMcCormick’s book engages with the theoretical and political positions discussed by the Italian philosopher Niccolò Machiavelli about five centuries ago, and, in particular, the creation of the tribunes of the plebs. In ancient Rome, plebeian power had been institutionalised through the creation of tribunes. According to McCormick, a similar institution would offer a legitimate forum for expression to the people in modern democracies. In fact, following Machiavelli’s suggestions, this would contribute to the implementation of a new form of democracy, more respectful of the people and more eager to defend values such as freedom and independence from the influence of the powerful and the rich. In this review, Filippo Del Lucchese comments on McCormick’s book from a Marxist point of view. One of the strongest points of the book is the discussion of the opposition between democracy and republicanism. Over the last decades, the latter has in fact been absorbed into the sphere of influence of the Cambridge School, and neutralised, or at least defused its most interesting and radical aspects. McCormick’s attempt to repoliticise the Machiavellian discourse is indeed praiseworthy, yet, by mainly focusing on the ‘institutionalisation’ of popular power, McCormick fails to discern the most radical elements of Machiavelli’s thought. From this angle, the review discusses McCormick’s use of the category of ‘class’ and offers a different perspective on the revolutionary dimension.
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Boyraz, Cemil, and Ömer Turan. "From system integration to social integration." Philosophy & Social Criticism 42, no. 4-5 (January 8, 2016): 406–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0191453715623832.
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The modern republican history of Turkey and its relation with the question of ethnic diversity could be understood via the tension between the processes of system integration and social integration. This article, based on Jürgen Habermas’ conceptual framework, draws the sources of such tension with reference to the Kurdish identity in Turkey since the early republican era. For this purpose, from the 1920s to the 2000s, policies and discourses of system integration aiming at a certain degree of ethnic homogenization to eliminate ‘possible threats’ to territorial integrity and national unity are discussed in detail. While system integration processes reflect an exclusionary and assimilative-securitist logic of state practices regarding the Kurdish question, this article argues that the Kurdish challenge to republicanism and to its system integration logic promises more for the dynamics of social integration. Especially since the 1990s, while processes of system integration are still in force; national, regional and diasporic achievements of Kurdish politics and its call for a democratic transformation of the republic based on decentralist, participatory and multiculturalist values have become much more visible. This new focus on democratic transformation demands more for social integration through internalization of roles as well as through promotion of an active communication between citizens by raising the claims of active participation to social and political spheres as well as by making identity visible in different aspects of socio-cultural life. Degree of social integration and its success vis-à-vis system integration will be decisive in the democratic transformation of Turkey in the future.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Republicanism – Political aspects"
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Nicolaï, Jean-Paul. "Être ensemble et temporalités politiques." Thesis, Paris, EHESS, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020EHES0005.
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Afin d’espérer développer une philosophie politique qui reconnaisse d’emblée notre interdépendance, nous travaillons dans une première partie à établir des hypothèses sur ce qu’on entend par réalité et sur notre accès à cette dernière. Une ontologie événementielle paraît compatible avec l’ontogénèse narrative qui nous constitue individuellement en constituant un « nous ». Il faut pour cela imaginer chacun s’imaginant le monde et apprenant au travers d’histoires, dans une logique inductive qui peut réconcilier la phénoménologie herméneutique d'une part et l’apprentissage statistique de l'autre. De ces histoires chacun tire des universaux, interprétables comme des composantes principales d’une analyse statistique factorielle de ces histoires qui nous constituent. Le temps joue un rôle clef dans la dynamique de cette constitution autant que dans celle des événements rassemblés dans ces histoires. L’enjeu est finalement de partager ces universaux dans une histoire commune, ou, à l’inverse, dans une rupture temporelle qui permet peut-être de mieux accéder à un monde commun. Nous travaillons alors dans une seconde partie la question du vivre ensemble avec les idées républicaines de liberté, d’égalité et de fraternité, et avec celles de pluralité et de confins. L’écologie politique que l’on aperçoit alors est aussi républicaine que libertaire. Dans ce cadre, la justice s’exprime par la justesse, la fidélité, la sensibilité et par une juste démesure. L’impératif catégorique s’y décline dans la nécessité de rendre les autres beaux, libres, et puissants et d’apprendre ensemble. Le Droit apparaît comme s’élaborant dynamiquement dans le temps même où s’élabore la Cité. La possibilité du radicalement nouveau travaillée dans la première partie autorise d’articuler la liberté et les institutions. La logique d’un code d’honneur permet in fine de ne pas s’abandonner à la Raison toute puissante sans pour autant renoncer aux LumièresIn order to hope to develop a political philosophy that immediately recognizes our interdependence, we work in a first part to establish assumptions about what we mean by reality and our access to it. An event-based ontology seems compatible with the narrative ontogenesis which constitutes us individually by constituting a "we". This requires imagining everyone imagining the world and learning through stories, in an inductive logic that can reconcile hermeneutic phenomenology on the one hand and statistical learning on the other. From these stories each identifies universals, interpretable as principal components of a factorial statistical analysis of these stories that constitute us. Time plays a key role in the dynamics of this constitution as well as in the events gathered in these stories. The stakes are ultimately to share these universals in a common story, or, conversely, in a temporal break that may allow better access to a common world. We then work in a second part on the question of living together with republican ideas of freedom, equality and fraternity, and with those of plurality and boundaries. The political ecology that we see then is as republican as libertarian. In this context, justice is expressed by rightness, fidelity, sensitivity and a “fair excess”. The categorical imperative lies in the need to make others beautiful, free, and powerful, and to learn together. Law appears to develop dynamically in the very time that the City is developed. The possibility of the radically “new” worked in the first part allows articulating freedom and institutions. The logic of a code of honor ultimately allows not to surrender to the Almighty Reason without giving up the Enlightenment
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MOURITSEN, Per. "The fragility of liberty : a reconstruction of republican citizenship." Doctoral thesis, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5329.
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Defence date: 26 January 2001Examining Board: Prof. Richard Bellamy, University of Reading; Prof. Steven Lukes, LSE and New York University (Supervisor); Prof. David Miller, Oxford; Prof. Peter Wagner, EUI
First made available online on 18 April 2018
Historical memoiy is often short, but we all recall the great experience of the popular revolutions in East Central Europe, The collapse of state-socialism had tremendous repercussions all over the world, and a large number of undemocratic regimes, no longer sheltered by East-West bipolarity, have crumbled. Francis Fukuyama made a name for himself by proclaiming the approaching end of history as the victory of liberal-democratic political orders. There is, Fukuyama boldly stated, “a fundamental process at work that dictates a common evolutionary pattern for ail human societies - in short something like a Universal History of mankind in the direction of liberal democracy". Fukuyama was making the broad point that the idea of liberal democracy, or some recognlsably liberal version of the conceptual pair of liberty and equality, was triumphant in the sense that it was no longer rational to imagine better worlds that were not liberal, that attempts to do so were local leftovers, and that, give and take setbacks and delays, governments across the globe would find it increasingly difficult to secure a minimal degree of popular legitimacy, save by taking decisive steps towards conforming to liberal ideas.
Books on the topic "Republicanism – Political aspects"
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The haunted philosophe: James Madison, republicanism, and slavery. Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 2008.
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Innovative persuasions: Aspects of John C. Calhoun's political thought. Szeged: JATEPress, 2007.
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Vajda, Zoltán. Innovative persuasions: Aspects of John C. Calhoun's political thought. Szeged: JATEPress, 2007.
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Law and reflexive politics. Dordrecht: Kluwer Academic Publishers, 1998.
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Tröhler, Daniel. Republikanismus und Pädagogik: Pestalozzi im historischen Kontext. Bad Heilbrunn: Klinkhardt, 2006.
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Jean, Lebrun, ed. La république sur le fil: Entretiens avec Jean Lebrun. Paris: Textuel, 1998.
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Smith, Oran P. The rise of Baptist republicanism. New York: New York University Press, 1997.
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gomek, Alexander. Rechtssystem und Republik: Über die politische Funktion des systematischen Rechtsdenkens. Wien: Springer, 1992.
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Matthes, Melissa M. The rape of Lucretia and the founding of republics: Readings in Livy, Machiavelli, and Rousseau. University Park, Pa: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2000.
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Peyrou, Florencia. La comunidad de ciudadanos: El discurso democrático-republicano en España, 1840- 1868. Pisa: PLUS-Pisa University Press, 2006.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Republicanism – Political aspects"
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Leipold, Bruno, Karma Nabulsi, and Stuart White. "Introduction." In Radical Republicanism, 1–20. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198796725.003.0001.
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In the Introduction of this book we begin by providing a conceptual and historical overview of radical republicanism, with a particular emphasis on the key role that popular sovereignty plays in the radical tradition, exploring how it relates to three central issues of concern to republicans. These issues are (1) how the ideals of the tradition can be realized in political and social movements; (2) what republican political institutions should look like; and (3) how its economy should be structured. Finally, we finish the Introduction by providing an overview of the volume’s contents, and highlight the aspects of each chapter.
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Aitchison, Guy. "Popular Resistance and the Idea of Rights." In Radical Republicanism, 103–17. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198796725.003.0006.
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Neo-republican theorists have expressed scepticism at the idea of non-institutional moral rights which they associate with objectionable aspects of the natural rights tradition. However, their alternative risk making rights the gift of the state and so losing the role of rights as a vocabulary of political critique and struggle. In this chapter, I defend the coherence of rights as moral entitlements which individuals possess independently of state recognition. I examine an early radical strand of natural rights thinking as articulated by the English Levellers. These early modern radical republicans defended a right to resistance as a fall-back right that guaranteed the other rights one enjoyed. Attention to this current of thinking has the potential to correct the statist bias of contemporary republican accounts by highlighting the idea of rights as a vocabulary of social criticism tied to the people as a source of moral claims and collective resistance.
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McCormick, John P. "The Cambridge School’s “Guicciardinian Moments” Revisited." In Reading Machiavelli, 176–206. Princeton University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691183503.003.0007.
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This chapter focuses on the most influential contemporary approach to the study of classical and early-modern republicanism and Niccolò Machiavelli's supposed place within that tradition—the Cambridge School of intellectual history, most prominently represented by J.G.A. Pocock and Quentin Skinner. It argues that these world-renowned intellectual historians obscure important aspects of both republican and Machiavellian political thought; specifically, they largely ignore the fact that ancient and modern republicanisms secure the privileged position of elites more than they facilitate political participation by citizens. They also underplay the fact that Machiavelli's political prescriptions more substantively empower common people and more actively facilitate popular contestation of elites than did most authors and regimes that typify republicanism.
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Kymlicka, Will. "7. Citizenship Theory." In Contemporary Political Philosophy. Oxford University Press, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198782742.003.0007.
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This chapter examines theories of citizenship as an important supplement to, rather than a replacement for, theories of justice. It first considers what sorts of virtues and practices are said to be required by democratic citizenship, focusing on two different forms of civic republicanism: a classical view which emphasizes the intrinsic value of political participation, and a liberal view which emphasizes its instrumental importance. The chapter then explains how liberal states can try to promote the appropriate forms of citizenship virtues and practices. It also discusses the seedbeds of civic virtue, taking into account a variety of aspects of liberal society that can be seen as inculcating civic virtues, including the market, civic associations, and the family. It concludes with an analysis of the politics of civic republicanism.
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Vetter, Lisa Pace. "Lifting the “Claud-Lorraine Tint” over the Republic." In The Political Thought of America's Founding Feminists. NYU Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.18574/nyu/9781479853342.003.0002.
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Frances Wright makes several major contributions to political theory. She served as an essential transitional figure from republicanism to early American socialism. Wright outlined a comprehensive system of reform based on an epistemological method of inquiry. Although Alexis de Tocqueville is credited with anticipating aspects of what would become critical race theory, her devastating critique of slavery in America precedes his by several years and includes elements of critical race theory as well. Unlike Tocqueville, Wright also applies those principles to the plight of American women, which prefigures aspects of critical feminist theory. Wright presents an early version of intersectionality by portraying the oppression of women, the enslavement of African Americans, and the injustice of economic inequality as intertwined through institutionalized corruption.
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Smith, Nigel. "Milton and Radicalism." In Making Milton, 198–215. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198821892.003.0015.
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In the half-century before the quatercentenary of Milton’s birth in 2008, the dominant attention to his poetry and prose was of a historical nature and focused on exploring in detail his career as an apologist for aspects of the English Revolution: versions of radical Puritanism; republicanism; and domestic reform in the shape of the divorce argument. Yet the recent resurgence of formalist approaches, with particular focus on the poetry, has obscured or banished the politics, and work on Milton and philosophical/scientific reform has produced a picture not of the seventeenth-century Voltaire or Jefferson but of a republican Newton. This chapter insists on Milton’s identity as a radical religious and political thinker, writer, and actor, over and against some recent contrary arguments, taking account of a more recent return to historical scholarship, where some of that work has been inspired by changing definitions of radicalism in our own time.
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Hochman, Erin R. "Conclusion." In Imagining a Greater Germany. Cornell University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501704444.003.0008.
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This concluding chapter discusses the subsequent Nazi appropriation of the Anschluss and briefly recounts the differences between the republican and Nazi ideas about an Anschluss and nationalism. It expands on the republican use of großdeutsch nationalism: in allowing diverse groups to participate in a national community that was compatible with a democratic and pluralistic society, großdeutsch nationalism became a critical aspect in republicans' energetic attempts to legitimize the embattled republics. While it is true that republicans on both sides of the Austro-German border were never able to convince the political right that they were loyal Germans or that parliamentary democracy was a German form of government, the chapter argues that their inability to do so does not mean that their attempts to create a democratic and peaceful großdeutsch nationalism should be dismissed.
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Wuthnow, Robert. "In a Compassionate Way." In Rough Country. Princeton University Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691159898.003.0012.
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This chapter discusses the political changes that led to clear lines being drawn separating liberals and conservatives on and Democrats and Republicans in Texas. The critical factor in the complex relations among politics, religion, and race from the late 1980s through the 1990s was the Republican Party's quest to establish itself not only as a party of the rich or as one that could win occasionally with a candidate as popular as Ronald Reagan, but also as a party capable of securing votes from a large share of middle- and lower-income voters. The most important aspect of this strategy had little to do with religion, focusing instead on policies of fiscal conservatism that included reducing social services and avoiding tax increases while maintaining a strong defense budget. With little hope of attracting black voters, Republican strategists appealed to white voters by emphasizing issues of interest to religious conservatives and by arguing for voluntary services administered by churches. If they were going to be the party of no tax increases and sharp cutbacks on social services, they could at least soften the charge of being heartless by promoting compassion.
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Robinson, Michael A. "Return to Sender." In Dangerous Instrument, 79–109. Oxford University PressNew York, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197611555.003.0004.
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Abstract If military speech can potentially influence those who trust the institution, what forces shape that trust? Civil-military scholarship has charted the impact of demography, culture, and shared political preferences on the sources of public trust in the military. But a widening “gap” between partisans over confidence in that same institution creates questions about how individuals evaluate the military’s performance. Using observational media reporting data and text-as-data on news broadcasts during the Iraq War, this chapter observes the influence of partisan media “echo-chambers” on depictions of the military’s institutional quality. Indeed, partisans of different stripes may be subjected to far different information environments depending on their preferred outlets, with Republicans less likely to see information critical of the military. Using other examples of third-party influence or media reporting, the chapter illustrates how media consumption can shape aspect politicization as the public adopts new positions with respect to the military’s credibility.
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Harrington, Clodagh, and Alex Waddan. "A “hard” legacy, under pressure." In Obama v. Trump, 38–76. Edinburgh University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474447003.003.0002.
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The first two years of the Obama presidency were ones that saw substantive legislative action. The American Recovery and Reinvestment Act created a stimulus package that contained some long-term legacy-building elements such as the expansion of the Earned Income Tax Credit, but the most singular aspect of the Obama legacy was the Affordable Care Act. In addition to questions about health care coverage and cost, the ACA became a flashpoint for those concerned with ‘moral values.’ Issues such as reproductive rights came to the fore and went beyond the socio-economic concerns regarding healthcare provision. While repeal of ‘Obamacare’ had been central to wider Republican attacks on Obama well before Trump arrived on the political scene, as a candidate he eagerly adopted language about the ‘disastrous’ ACA. Hence this chapter will examine the aims and achievements of the Trump administration, working with congressional Republicans, in relation to further reform the US health care system. Furthermore, in the context of ‘values’ issues the chapter will examine the Obama legacy on LGBT rights and the extent to which the Trump administration was able and willing to pursue an agenda promoted by more religious conservative groups to undo that legacy.