Journal articles: 'Republicanism – History – Case studies'

1

Hammersley, Rachel. "English Republicanism in Revolutionary France: The Case of the Cordelier Club." Journal of British Studies 43, no. 4 (October 2004): 464–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/421928.

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Kabalo, Paula, and Esther Suissa. "The Third Angle in Israel Studies." Israel Studies Review 36, no. 2 (September 1, 2021): 66–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/isr.2021.360206.

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Relying on theoretical foundations and conceptualizations in the literature on government–Third Sector relations, this article examines the motives and outcomes that impacted the relations between voluntary non-governmental entities and government organs after the State of Israel was established. Using the typology primarily of Jennifer Coston, in addition to those of Dennis Young and Adil Nagam, the article concentrates on three case studies reflecting those relations: disabled veterans and demobilized soldiers, immigrant associations, and the Israel Education Fund. All three cases show that additional actors lay claim to matters undisputedly under the state’s responsibility. The relationships between these parties, we maintain, provide another angle to an understanding of mamlakhtiyut, the Israeli version of republicanism.

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WRIGHT, JOHNSON KENT. "THE HARD BIRTH OF FRENCH LIBERALISM." Modern Intellectual History 6, no. 3 (November 2009): 597–609. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244309990199.

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Last year, Andreas Kalyvas and Ira Katznelson published a brief, bold book on a topic from which historians of political thought have tended to shy away, curiously enough—the relations between republicanism and liberalism as political ideologies in the age of the American and French Revolutions. Liberal Beginnings: Making a Republic for the Moderns is relentlessly polemical, blaming this neglect on the historians and theorists responsible for resurrecting the early modern republican tradition over the last few decades. Pocock, Skinner, Wood, Petit, and more are assailed for having indulged in what Kalyvas and Katznelson call “republican nostalgia”—that is, for having wrongly presented republicanism as an alternative to modern liberalism, rather than its parent and precursor. Instead, the authors of Liberal Beginnings set out to show the ways in which republicanism evolved into liberalism, in and through the works of a set of leading thinkers—Smith, Ferguson, Paine, Madison, Staël, and Constant. Their story has a happy ending. Whatever was valuable and actual in republicanism was smoothly incorporated into early liberalism, for which they turn the dictionary inside out in search of approbative adjectives—“situated,” “thick,” “sturdy,” “confident,” “open,” “immanent,” “heterogeneous,” and “syncretic.” How persuasive is their account? Not a few readers will detect a hint of protesting too much in this kind of cheerleading. “Thick,” “sturdy,” and “confident” are surely not the first terms to spring to mind in regard to this gallery of thinkers, Staël and Constant least of all. It also seems clear that Kalyvas's and Katznelson's coverage of French thought, confined almost entirely to that pair, is too cursory to sustain their case. At one end, Montesquieu and Rousseau, the titans who together defined republicanism for the revolutionary generation, make only the most fleeting of appearances in Liberal Beginnings. At the other, Tocqueville, acknowledged on all sides as the master thinker of French liberalism, is missing altogether. Nevertheless, the attempt at treating anglophone and French thinkers within a single interpretative framework is in itself a virtually unprecedented feat, for which Kalyvas and Katznelson should be congratulated. For who could doubt that they are on exactly the right path in chasing their prey onto French soil?

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Meznar, Joan E. "The Brazilian Republic: An Overview." Americas 48, no. 2 (October 1991): 273–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1006827.

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Brazil came late to republican government. By 1889 Brazilians had witnessed almost a century of tumultuous politics in neighboring republics. The aspirations of the 1817 and 1824 separatists had been transformed as order and progress, the positivist creed, chased away the specter of social reform. In some ways Brazil itself had changed profoundly during the empire; yet in others it remained deeply rooted to its colonial past. The tension between tradition and change, between old alliances and new possibilities, highlighted the proclamation and consolidation of Brazil's republic. Political transition provided opportunity for widely differing groups to seek preeminence. The myth of a uniquely Brazilian peaceful transition to republicanism is shattered as we witness the power struggles that began on November 15, 1889. But one hundred years later it is the image of lost opportunity, the failure to seize the moment created by abolition, the absence of the povo from the process, that impresses those who experience another transition in Brazilian republican history.

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SCOTT-WEAVER, MEREDITH L. "Republicanism on the borders: Jewish activism and the refugee crisis in Strasbourg and Nice." Urban History 43, no. 4 (October 8, 2015): 599–617. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0963926815000838.

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ABSTRACT:This case-study of Jewish activism in Strasbourg and Nice, interwar urban locales situated along the frontiers with National Socialist Germany and fascist Italy, respectively, examines critical facets of Jewish advocacy during the refugee crisis of the 1930s. It focuses on how urban spaces engendered dense thickets of community activism unlike that which took place in Paris. Whereas friction and ineffectiveness characterized aid efforts in Paris, these cities offer alternative views on the nature of the refugee crisis in France and the ways that Jews overcame obstacles to help asylum-seekers. It advances much-needed discourse on the complexity of French Jewish experiences during the interwar years and highlights the city as both location and a conduit for diverse activist strategies. Although circumstances varied in Strasbourg and Nice, Jews in these two borderland cities followed similar patterns of engaging urban civil society to build flexible networks that addressed the plight of refugees from multiple angles.

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Cohen, Nir. "State, Migrants, and the Negotiation of Second-Generation Citizenship in the Israeli Diaspora." Diaspora: A Journal of Transnational Studies 16, no. 1-2 (March 2012): 133–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/diaspora.16.1-2.133.

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Using second-generation Israeli migrants in the United States as a case study, this article explores one unusual site in which the politics of diasporic citizenship unfolds. It examines the North American chapter of the Israeli Scouts (Tzofim Tzabar) as an arena of negotiation between representatives of the sending state apparatus and migrants over the meaning (and practices) of citizenship outside national territory. This quotidian space is important to migrants’ contestation with the state concerning their claims for a form of membership that is neither territorial nor contingent upon the fulfillment of traditional civic duties (e.g., military service). Challenging the state-supported model of republicanism, in which presence in territory and the fulfillment of a predetermined set of civic duties are preconditions for citizenship, Israeli migrants advocate instead an arrangement based on a strong cultural identity and a revised set of diaspora-based material practices of support.

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Bateman, David A. "Partisan Polarization on Black Suffrage, 1785–1868." Perspectives on Politics 18, no. 2 (June 20, 2019): 470–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592719001087.

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I offer a new perspective on the history of American democratization, tracing the evolution of conflict over black suffrage from the disenfranchisements of the early Republic to efforts to secure equal voting rights in the pre-Civil War era. I draw on case studies and new data on state politics to substantially expand our descriptive understanding of the ideological connotations of African American political rights. In contrast to existing literature, this study identifies a transformation in how positions on black suffrage polarized along party lines. It also offers a new interpretation for this racial realignment, presenting evidence that legislators responded less to the electoral consequences of black voting than to efforts of party leaders and social movements to frame its denial as necessary for national unity, a pragmatic accommodation to racist public opinion, or as complicity in slavery and a violation of republicanism. Integrating earlier periods of disenfranchisement and antislavery activism recasts standard party-driven accounts of Reconstruction-era enfranchisements as the culmination of a long process of biracial social movement organizing, enriching our understanding of how both electoral and programmatic concerns contribute to suffrage reforms and of the process by which conflict over citizenship has at times become a central cleavage in American politics.

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Logan, Dana W. "Republicanism: Religious Studies and Church History meet Political History." Church History 84, no. 3 (September 2015): 621–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640715000554.

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Republicanism, both of these authors teach us, by the mid-nineteenth century became indistinguishable from the aims of religion in the United States. A broad array of protestants agreed that the aims of religion cohered with the political principle of republicanism—or the principle that men could only achieve freedom through self-rule. Noll usefully shows that this concept of republicanism underwent a series of changes from the late eighteenth century to the mid-nineteenth. Beginning in the late eighteenth century republicanism referenced liberty from tyranny, man as citizen, and virtue as a kind of constraint on individual interests. Noll, however, argues that two versions of republicanism competed in this earlier period: communitarian republicanism, based in “the reciprocity of personal morality and social-well being,” and liberal republicanism, which valued the independence of the individual. Noll and Modern argue that by the mid-nineteenth century, the liberal version won out. Citizens imagined their freedom to be enabled by a market-based society more than by a community of virtue. For political historians these definitions are not new or controversial, but for historians of American religious history republicanism is an unlikely category of analysis because we see it as “political theory” rather than theology. But as both Noll and Modern argue, republicanism became the very substance of theology in the United States.

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Moulton, Mo. "“You Have Votes and Power”: Women's Political Engagement with the Irish Question in Britain, 1919–23." Journal of British Studies 52, no. 1 (January 2013): 179–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2012.4.

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AbstractThe Anglo-Irish War of 1919–21 spurred organized political activity among women in Britain, including former suffragists who campaigned against coercion in Ireland and members of the Irish minority in Britain who supported more radical republican efforts to achieve Irish independence. Their efforts are particularly significant because they occurred immediately after the granting of partial suffrage to women in 1918. This article argues that the advent of female suffrage changed the landscape of women's political mobilization in distinct ways that were made visible by advocacy on Ireland, including the regendering of the discourse of citizenship and the creation of new opportunities beyond the vote for women to exercise political power. At the same time, the use of women's auxiliary organizations and special meetings and the strategic blurring of the public and private spheres through the political use of domestic spaces all indicate the strength of continuities with nineteenth-century antecedents. The article further situates women's political advocacy on Ireland in an imperial and transnational context, arguing that it was part of the process of reconceptualizing Britain's postwar global role whether through outright anti-imperialism, in the case of Irish republicans, or through humanitarianism and the new internationalism, in the case of most former suffragists. Finally, the article examines the failure of these two groups of women to forge alliances with each other, underscoring the ways in which both class and nationality challenged a notional common interest based on sex.

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Faber, Sebastiaan. "L'esilio degli intellettuali spagnoli e tedeschi in Messico: due esperienze a confronto." MEMORIA E RICERCA, no. 31 (September 2009): 63–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/mer2009-031005.

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- Between 1939 and 1946 Mexico City became one of the most important centers of attraction for European refugees. Many artists, writers, directors, philosophers and anti-fascist militants coming from Spain and Germany took refuge in the capital of Mexico. The author focuses on these two groups, highlighting common elements and main differences and taking the writer Max Aub and Egon Erwin Kish as an example. Using this as a case study, the essay develops a few methodological considerations on the opportunity to develop comparative studies on exile, overcoming the rigid classification and separation of single national cases.Parole chiave:guerra civile spagnola, esilio, Messico, repubblicani, comunisti, comparazione, storia transnazionale Spanish Civil War, exile, Mexico, Republicans, Communists, comparison, transnational History

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11

Morisi, Paolo. "Republicans and Socialists and the Origins of Italian Political Parties." Modern Italy 12, no. 3 (November 2007): 309–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940701633775.

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A central debate in political science centres on the origins of political parties and specifically on the question as to whether they emerged as a result of the rise of parliamentary institutions. Regarding the Italian party system, the commonly held view is that Italian parties emerged as a consequence of national unification and the establishment of parliament. This article contributes to the debate on the origins of Italian parties by presenting empirical evidence on the timing of their initial formation, analysing data regarding the social base, membership, organisational articulation and policy-making accomplishments of the two major political movements active before and after the establishment of the national parliament. The article argues that, at least in the Italian case, parties did not originate in the legislature; rather, similar to countries such as Germany and Spain, Italian parties developed as a result of a major national crisis.

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12

Nelson, Byron, David Armitage, Armand Himy, and Quentin Skinner. "Milton and Republicanism." Sixteenth Century Journal 29, no. 1 (1998): 123. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2544414.

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13

Lochman, Daniel T., and Andrew Hadfield. "Shakespeare and Republicanism." Sixteenth Century Journal 38, no. 3 (October 1, 2007): 800. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20478520.

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14

Diggins, John Patrick. "Republicanism and Progressivism." American Quarterly 37, no. 4 (1985): 572. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2712582.

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15

Winship, Michael P. "Algernon Sidney's Calvinist Republicanism." Journal of British Studies 49, no. 4 (October 2010): 753–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/654914.

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Kedar, Nir. "Jewish Republicanism." Journal of Israeli History 26, no. 2 (September 2007): 179–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13531040701552124.

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17

Alted Vigil, Alicia. "Gobierno y partidos republicanos españoles en el exilio (1950-1962)." Mélanges de la Casa de Velázquez 27, no. 3 (1991): 85–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/casa.1991.2595.

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18

Nederman, Cary J. "The Puzzling Case of Christianity and Republicanism: A Comment on Black." American Political Science Review 92, no. 4 (December 1998): 913–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2586312.

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Antony Black argues that Christian republicanism was one of the discourses at work in framing the history of Western republican thought. But he neglects to confront the theoretically unique character of the Christian approach to republican institutions. First, Christian republicanism derived from more general beliefs about the divinely ordained organic structure of the universe. Second, it evinced no necessary hostility toward monarchic rule; indeed, quite to the contrary, its cosmological premise of organic hierarchy supported the office of the king (whether papal or secular). Once these elements of Christian republicanism are supplied, the medieval contribution to the history of republican ideas takes on a complexion very different from that described by Black.

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19

Appleby, Joyce. "Republicanism in Old and New Contexts." William and Mary Quarterly 43, no. 1 (January 1986): 20. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1919355.

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20

Jaynes, Jeffrey, Emidio Campi, Frank A. James, and Peter-Joachim Opitz. "Peter Martyr Vermigli: Humanism, Republicanism, Reformation." Sixteenth Century Journal 37, no. 2 (July 1, 2006): 505. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20477892.

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21

Pangle, Thomas L., and Michael P. Zuckert. "Natural Rights and the New Republicanism." William and Mary Quarterly 52, no. 3 (July 1995): 561. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2947324.

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22

Holthoon, Frédéric L. "Natural Jurisprudence and Republicanism: the Case of Jefferson." Tocqueville Review 13, no. 2 (January 1992): 43–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ttr.13.2.43.

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Since my student days I have been partial to Carl Becker's lovely little book on the Declaration of Independence. I read it almost forty years ago and on further reflection I had vaguely wondered whether taking this straight road from Locke to the American revolution, and beyond, is a wise undertaking. Then I was startled from my complacency by the two books Gary Wills devoted to the Declaration of Independence and the Federalist respectively.

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23

Countryman, Edward. "Of Republicanism, Capitalism, and the "American Mind"." William and Mary Quarterly 44, no. 3 (July 1987): 556. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1939772.

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24

Glover, S. "The Putney debates: popular versus elitist republicanism." Past & Present 164, no. 1 (August 1, 1999): 47–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/past/164.1.47.

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Onuf, Peter S., and Joyce Appleby. "Liberalism and Republicanism in the Historical Imagination." William and Mary Quarterly 50, no. 4 (October 1993): 790. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2947477.

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Sheldon, Garrett Ward, Gary L. McDowell, and Sharon L. Noble. "Reason and Republicanism: Thomas Jefferson's Legacy of Liberty." William and Mary Quarterly 55, no. 4 (October 1998): 661. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2674468.

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27

Irving, Helen. "The Republic is a Feminist Issue." Feminist Review 52, no. 1 (March 1996): 87–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/fr.1996.9.

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The growth during the 1990s of a republican movement in Australia has stimulated among other things a feminist examination of both the gendered nature of republicanism and the under-representation of women in senior positions in republican organizations. Feminists have adopted several critical perspectives on Australian republicanism: one involves the claim for the redesign of Australian political institutions in order to maximize the representation of women and women's interests; another suggests that the neglected history of women's involvement in constitutional politics during the last century needs to be understood to throw light on ways in which republicanism can be made more meaningful for women now, while a third argues that republicanism is not essentially a feminist issue and should not be pursued as such. The article challenges this conclusion.

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Baubérot, Jean. "Laïcitéand the Challenge of ‘Republicanism’." Modern & Contemporary France 17, no. 2 (May 2009): 189–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09639480902827603.

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29

Tiedemann, Joseph S. "Presbyterianism and the American Revolution in the Middle Colonies." Church History 74, no. 2 (June 2005): 306–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000964070011025x.

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After the Revolution, Thomas Jones, an embittered loyalist exile, identified the culprits he deemed responsible for the rebellion in New York: the Whig “triumvirate” of Presbyterians—William Livingston, William Smith, and John Morin Scott. Jones averred that in theIndependent Reflector(1752–53) andWatch Tower(1754–55), which they authored, “the established Church was abused, Monarchy derided, Episcopacy reprobated, and republicanism held up, as the best existing form of government.” The three wrote “with a rancor, a malevolence, and an acrimony, not to be equaled but by the descendants of those presbyterian and repulblican fanatics, whose ancestors had in the preceding century brought their Sovereign to the block, subverted the best constitution in the world, and upon its ruins erected presbyterianism, republicanism, and hypocrisy.”

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Baker, Jean. "From Belief into Culture: Republicanism in the Antebellum North." American Quarterly 37, no. 4 (1985): 532. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2712580.

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WALSH, ASHLEY. "THE SAXON REPUBLIC AND ANCIENT CONSTITUTION IN THE STANDING ARMY CONTROVERSY, 1697–1699." Historical Journal 62, no. 3 (October 16, 2018): 663–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x18000316.

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AbstractThe pamphlet controversy caused by the proposal of William III to maintain a peacetime standing army following the Treaty of Ryswick (1697) tends to be understood as a confrontation of classicists and moderns in which the king's supporters argued that modern commerce had changed the nature of warfare and his opponents drew on classical republicanism to defend the county militia. But this characterization neglects the centrality of the Saxon republic and ancient constitution in the debate. English opponents of the standing army, including Walter Moyle, John Trenchard, and John Toland, went further than adapting the republicanism of James Harrington, who had rejected ancient constitutionalism during the Interregnum, to the restored monarchy. Their thought was more Saxon than classical and, in the case of Reverend Samuel Johnson, it was entirely so. However, the Scot, Andrew Fletcher of Saltoun, adapted neo-Harringtonian arguments to argue that modern politics could no longer be understood by their Gothic precedents. Above all, the king's supporters needed either to engage ancient constitutionalists on their own terms, as did one anonymous pamphleteer, or, as in the cases of John, Lord Somers, and Daniel Defoe, reject the relevance of ancient constitutionalism and Saxon republicanism completely.

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32

Hicks, Philip. "Catharine Macaulay's Civil War: Gender, History, and Republicanism in Georgian Britain." Journal of British Studies 41, no. 2 (April 2002): 170–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/386259.

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The eighteenth century marked a watershed in the relationship between women and historical writing in Britain. Previous to this period, D. R. Woolf has demonstrated, women had certainly purchased, read, and discussed works of history, contributing to “the ‘social circulation’ of historical knowledge.” A few, perhaps most notably Lucy Hutchinson, had composed Civil War memoirs. Some women had written genealogical, antiquarian, and biographical works, as well as local and family history, a “feminine past,” according to Woolf, that men often judged unworthy of real history. Only in the eighteenth century, however, did women and men significantly modify a neoclassical paradigm that conceived of history as a strictly male enterprise, the record of political and military deeds written by men and for men. In this century prescriptive literature increasingly urged history upon women as reading matter intellectually and morally superior to novels and romances. The great triumvirate of British historians, David Hume, Edward Gibbon, and William Robertson, wrote expressly for female readers. Their “philosophical” history, with its shift of emphasis from political to social and cultural subjects, appealed to women, as did their experiments with the narrative techniques of sentimental fiction. The century also witnessed the appearance of the first female historian in Britain to write in the grand manner, Catharine Macaulay (1731–91). Mrs. Macaulay's success in the traditional genre of history won her the respect of male peers as well as the applause of a wide readership.

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Nyberg, F. "Black Power Republicanism? Capitalism, Radicalism, and the Cold War Consensus." Amerikastudien/American Studies 66, no. 4 (2021): 609–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.33675/amst/2021/4/7.

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CHERNAIK, WARREN. "Captains and Slaves: Aphra Behn and the Rhetoric of Republicanism." Seventeenth Century 17, no. 1 (March 2002): 97–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0268117x.2002.10555502.

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Anker, Victoria. "Gaby Mahlberg and Dirk Wiemann,European contexts for English republicanism." Seventeenth Century 29, no. 2 (April 3, 2014): 215–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0268117x.2014.902770.

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Ketcham, Ralph, and Paul A. Rahe. "Republics Ancient and Modern: Classical Republicanism and the American Revolution." William and Mary Quarterly 50, no. 2 (April 1993): 425. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2947086.

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Brooks, Veronica. "The Political Theory of Thomas More’s Epigrammata." Moreana 58, no. 2 (December 2021): 188–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/more.2021.0103.

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This essay argues that More’s Epigrammata contains a coherent political theory that is inspired by ancient Roman republicanism. More defines “liberty” as the people’s willing obedience to virtuous leaders who rule for the common good, and he claims that popular opinion is the source of legitimacy rather than divine sanction. In doing so, More critiques the Tudor regime and presents an alternative theory of kingship based on his understanding of liberty. However, More also criticizes hereditary monarchy as such and explicitly prefers a republican regime of elected men who share authority among equal peers. This republican regime more effectively promotes the common good, but it depends upon virtue in the rulers and in the citizens. More’s satirical epigrams on virtue and vice are part of his political teaching insofar as they establish his conception of citizen virtue, which supports his republicanism.

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Durey, Michael. "Thomas Paine's Apostles: Radical Emigres and the Triumph of Jeffersonian Republicanism." William and Mary Quarterly 44, no. 4 (October 1987): 661. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1939740.

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Condren, Conal, and Vickie B. Sullivan. "Machiavelli, Hobbes, and the Formation of a Liberal Republicanism in England." Sixteenth Century Journal 36, no. 4 (December 1, 2005): 1130. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20477615.

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Belchem, John. "NATIONALISM, REPUBLICANISM AND EXILE: IRISH EMIGRANTS AND THE REVOLUTIONS OF 1848." Past and Present 146, no. 1 (1995): 103–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/past/146.1.103.

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ACHINSTEIN, SHARON. "Saints or Citizens? Ideas of Marriage in Seventeenth-Century English Republicanism." Seventeenth Century 25, no. 2 (September 2010): 240–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0268117x.2010.10555648.

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Francis, Mark. "Republicanism and aboriginal peoples." Journal of Australian Studies 24, no. 64 (January 2000): 153–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14443050009387567.

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Burlinson, Christopher. "Shakespeare and Republicanism - by Andrew Hadfield." Renaissance Studies 21, no. 3 (June 2007): 463–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-4658.2007.00446.x.

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Beeman, Richard R. "Deference, Republicanism, and the Emergence of Popular Politics in Eighteenth-Century America." William and Mary Quarterly 49, no. 3 (July 1992): 401. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2947105.

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Doolen, A. "Early American Civics: Rehistoricizing the Power of Republicanism." American Literary History 19, no. 1 (December 5, 2006): 120–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/alh/ajl029.

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Chaguaceda, Armando, and Ysrrael Camero. "Republicanism and populism: Articulation of plurality or plebeian democratism?" Thesis Eleven 164, no. 1 (June 2021): 54–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/07255136211023900.

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This article addresses – from a theoretical and historical perspective – the discussion on republicanism and populism, in connection to different ways of conceiving political modernity. It places republicanism and populism within the framework of contemporary democracies in the Latin American context, looking at the reciprocal interaction between these political traditions, and their relevance for understanding the current challenges of the liberal model in the region.

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Mahlberg, Gaby. "The Rule of Manhood: Tyranny, Gender, and Classical Republicanism in England, 1603-1660." Seventeenth Century 36, no. 5 (July 13, 2021): 858–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0268117x.2021.1953273.

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Oakes, James. "From Republicanism to Liberalism: Ideological Change and the Crisis of the Old South." American Quarterly 37, no. 4 (1985): 551. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2712581.

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Duarte, Adriano Luiz. "A Place in Politics: São Paulo, Brazil, from Seigneurial Republicanism to Regionalist Revolt." Hispanic American Historical Review 90, no. 4 (November 1, 2010): 743–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-2010-077.

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Schechter, Ronald. "TRANSLATING THE “MARSEILLAISE”: BIBLICAL REPUBLICANISM AND THE EMANCIPATION OF JEWS IN REVOLUTIONARY FRANCE." Past and Present 143, no. 1 (1994): 108–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/past/143.1.108.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Republicanism – History – Case studies'

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