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Journal articles on the topic 'Republicanism – History – Case studies'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 10 March 2023

Last updated: 31 July 2025

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1

Hammersley, Rachel. "English Republicanism in Revolutionary France: The Case of the Cordelier Club." Journal of British Studies 43, no. 4 (2004): 464–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/421928.

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2

Kabalo, Paula, and Esther Suissa. "The Third Angle in Israel Studies." Israel Studies Review 36, no. 2 (2021): 66–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/isr.2021.360206.

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Relying on theoretical foundations and conceptualizations in the literature on government–Third Sector relations, this article examines the motives and outcomes that impacted the relations between voluntary non-governmental entities and government organs after the State of Israel was established. Using the typology primarily of Jennifer Coston, in addition to those of Dennis Young and Adil Nagam, the article concentrates on three case studies reflecting those relations: disabled veterans and demobilized soldiers, immigrant associations, and the Israel Education Fund. All three cases show that

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3

WRIGHT, JOHNSON KENT. "THE HARD BIRTH OF FRENCH LIBERALISM." Modern Intellectual History 6, no. 3 (2009): 597–609. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244309990199.

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Last year, Andreas Kalyvas and Ira Katznelson published a brief, bold book on a topic from which historians of political thought have tended to shy away, curiously enough—the relations between republicanism and liberalism as political ideologies in the age of the American and French Revolutions. Liberal Beginnings: Making a Republic for the Moderns is relentlessly polemical, blaming this neglect on the historians and theorists responsible for resurrecting the early modern republican tradition over the last few decades. Pocock, Skinner, Wood, Petit, and more are assailed for having indulged in

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4

Meznar, Joan E. "The Brazilian Republic: An Overview." Americas 48, no. 2 (1991): 273–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1006827.

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Brazil came late to republican government. By 1889 Brazilians had witnessed almost a century of tumultuous politics in neighboring republics. The aspirations of the 1817 and 1824 separatists had been transformed as order and progress, the positivist creed, chased away the specter of social reform. In some ways Brazil itself had changed profoundly during the empire; yet in others it remained deeply rooted to its colonial past. The tension between tradition and change, between old alliances and new possibilities, highlighted the proclamation and consolidation of Brazil's republic. Political tran

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5

SCOTT-WEAVER, MEREDITH L. "Republicanism on the borders: Jewish activism and the refugee crisis in Strasbourg and Nice." Urban History 43, no. 4 (2015): 599–617. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0963926815000838.

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ABSTRACT:This case-study of Jewish activism in Strasbourg and Nice, interwar urban locales situated along the frontiers with National Socialist Germany and fascist Italy, respectively, examines critical facets of Jewish advocacy during the refugee crisis of the 1930s. It focuses on how urban spaces engendered dense thickets of community activism unlike that which took place in Paris. Whereas friction and ineffectiveness characterized aid efforts in Paris, these cities offer alternative views on the nature of the refugee crisis in France and the ways that Jews overcame obstacles to help asylum-

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6

Cohen, Nir. "State, Migrants, and the Negotiation of Second-Generation Citizenship in the Israeli Diaspora." Diaspora: A Journal of Transnational Studies 16, no. 1-2 (2012): 133–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/diaspora.16.1-2.133.

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Using second-generation Israeli migrants in the United States as a case study, this article explores one unusual site in which the politics of diasporic citizenship unfolds. It examines the North American chapter of the Israeli Scouts (Tzofim Tzabar) as an arena of negotiation between representatives of the sending state apparatus and migrants over the meaning (and practices) of citizenship outside national territory. This quotidian space is important to migrants’ contestation with the state concerning their claims for a form of membership that is neither territorial nor contingent upon the fu

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7

Bateman, David A. "Partisan Polarization on Black Suffrage, 1785–1868." Perspectives on Politics 18, no. 2 (2019): 470–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592719001087.

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I offer a new perspective on the history of American democratization, tracing the evolution of conflict over black suffrage from the disenfranchisements of the early Republic to efforts to secure equal voting rights in the pre-Civil War era. I draw on case studies and new data on state politics to substantially expand our descriptive understanding of the ideological connotations of African American political rights. In contrast to existing literature, this study identifies a transformation in how positions on black suffrage polarized along party lines. It also offers a new interpretation for t

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8

Logan, Dana W. "Republicanism: Religious Studies and Church History meet Political History." Church History 84, no. 3 (2015): 621–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640715000554.

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Republicanism, both of these authors teach us, by the mid-nineteenth century became indistinguishable from the aims of religion in the United States. A broad array of protestants agreed that the aims of religion cohered with the political principle of republicanism—or the principle that men could only achieve freedom through self-rule. Noll usefully shows that this concept of republicanism underwent a series of changes from the late eighteenth century to the mid-nineteenth. Beginning in the late eighteenth century republicanism referenced liberty from tyranny, man as citizen, and virtue as a k

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9

Moulton, Mo. "“You Have Votes and Power”: Women's Political Engagement with the Irish Question in Britain, 1919–23." Journal of British Studies 52, no. 1 (2013): 179–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2012.4.

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AbstractThe Anglo-Irish War of 1919–21 spurred organized political activity among women in Britain, including former suffragists who campaigned against coercion in Ireland and members of the Irish minority in Britain who supported more radical republican efforts to achieve Irish independence. Their efforts are particularly significant because they occurred immediately after the granting of partial suffrage to women in 1918. This article argues that the advent of female suffrage changed the landscape of women's political mobilization in distinct ways that were made visible by advocacy on Irelan

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10

Faber, Sebastiaan. "L'esilio degli intellettuali spagnoli e tedeschi in Messico: due esperienze a confronto." MEMORIA E RICERCA, no. 31 (September 2009): 63–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/mer2009-031005.

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- Between 1939 and 1946 Mexico City became one of the most important centers of attraction for European refugees. Many artists, writers, directors, philosophers and anti-fascist militants coming from Spain and Germany took refuge in the capital of Mexico. The author focuses on these two groups, highlighting common elements and main differences and taking the writer Max Aub and Egon Erwin Kish as an example. Using this as a case study, the essay develops a few methodological considerations on the opportunity to develop comparative studies on exile, overcoming the rigid classification and separa

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11

Morisi, Paolo. "Republicans and Socialists and the Origins of Italian Political Parties." Modern Italy 12, no. 3 (2007): 309–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940701633775.

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A central debate in political science centres on the origins of political parties and specifically on the question as to whether they emerged as a result of the rise of parliamentary institutions. Regarding the Italian party system, the commonly held view is that Italian parties emerged as a consequence of national unification and the establishment of parliament. This article contributes to the debate on the origins of Italian parties by presenting empirical evidence on the timing of their initial formation, analysing data regarding the social base, membership, organisational articulation and

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12

Nelson, Byron, David Armitage, Armand Himy, and Quentin Skinner. "Milton and Republicanism." Sixteenth Century Journal 29, no. 1 (1998): 123. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2544414.

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13

Lochman, Daniel T., and Andrew Hadfield. "Shakespeare and Republicanism." Sixteenth Century Journal 38, no. 3 (2007): 800. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20478520.

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14

Diggins, John Patrick. "Republicanism and Progressivism." American Quarterly 37, no. 4 (1985): 572. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2712582.

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15

Nederman, Cary J. "The Puzzling Case of Christianity and Republicanism: A Comment on Black." American Political Science Review 92, no. 4 (1998): 913–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2586312.

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Antony Black argues that Christian republicanism was one of the discourses at work in framing the history of Western republican thought. But he neglects to confront the theoretically unique character of the Christian approach to republican institutions. First, Christian republicanism derived from more general beliefs about the divinely ordained organic structure of the universe. Second, it evinced no necessary hostility toward monarchic rule; indeed, quite to the contrary, its cosmological premise of organic hierarchy supported the office of the king (whether papal or secular). Once these elem

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16

Winship, Michael P. "Algernon Sidney's Calvinist Republicanism." Journal of British Studies 49, no. 4 (2010): 753–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/654914.

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17

Alted Vigil, Alicia. "Gobierno y partidos republicanos españoles en el exilio (1950-1962)." Mélanges de la Casa de Velázquez 27, no. 3 (1991): 85–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/casa.1991.2595.

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18

Kedar, Nir. "Jewish Republicanism." Journal of Israeli History 26, no. 2 (2007): 179–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13531040701552124.

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19

Appleby, Joyce. "Republicanism in Old and New Contexts." William and Mary Quarterly 43, no. 1 (1986): 20. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1919355.

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20

Jaynes, Jeffrey, Emidio Campi, Frank A. James, and Peter-Joachim Opitz. "Peter Martyr Vermigli: Humanism, Republicanism, Reformation." Sixteenth Century Journal 37, no. 2 (2006): 505. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20477892.

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21

Pangle, Thomas L., and Michael P. Zuckert. "Natural Rights and the New Republicanism." William and Mary Quarterly 52, no. 3 (1995): 561. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2947324.

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22

Irving, Helen. "The Republic is a Feminist Issue." Feminist Review 52, no. 1 (1996): 87–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/fr.1996.9.

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The growth during the 1990s of a republican movement in Australia has stimulated among other things a feminist examination of both the gendered nature of republicanism and the under-representation of women in senior positions in republican organizations. Feminists have adopted several critical perspectives on Australian republicanism: one involves the claim for the redesign of Australian political institutions in order to maximize the representation of women and women's interests; another suggests that the neglected history of women's involvement in constitutional politics during the last cent

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23

Holthoon, Frédéric L. "Natural Jurisprudence and Republicanism: the Case of Jefferson." Tocqueville Review 13, no. 2 (1992): 43–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ttr.13.2.43.

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Since my student days I have been partial to Carl Becker's lovely little book on the Declaration of Independence. I read it almost forty years ago and on further reflection I had vaguely wondered whether taking this straight road from Locke to the American revolution, and beyond, is a wise undertaking. Then I was startled from my complacency by the two books Gary Wills devoted to the Declaration of Independence and the Federalist respectively.

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24

Countryman, Edward. "Of Republicanism, Capitalism, and the "American Mind"." William and Mary Quarterly 44, no. 3 (1987): 556. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1939772.

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25

Glover, S. "The Putney debates: popular versus elitist republicanism." Past & Present 164, no. 1 (1999): 47–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/past/164.1.47.

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26

Onuf, Peter S., and Joyce Appleby. "Liberalism and Republicanism in the Historical Imagination." William and Mary Quarterly 50, no. 4 (1993): 790. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2947477.

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27

Feola, Vittoria. ":European Contexts for English Republicanism." Sixteenth Century Journal 45, no. 4 (2014): 1024–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/scj43920202.

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28

Greenspan, Nicole. ":Perspectives on English Revolutionary Republicanism." Sixteenth Century Journal 46, no. 3 (2015): 683–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/scj4603110.

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29

WALSH, ASHLEY. "THE SAXON REPUBLIC AND ANCIENT CONSTITUTION IN THE STANDING ARMY CONTROVERSY, 1697–1699." Historical Journal 62, no. 3 (2018): 663–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x18000316.

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AbstractThe pamphlet controversy caused by the proposal of William III to maintain a peacetime standing army following the Treaty of Ryswick (1697) tends to be understood as a confrontation of classicists and moderns in which the king's supporters argued that modern commerce had changed the nature of warfare and his opponents drew on classical republicanism to defend the county militia. But this characterization neglects the centrality of the Saxon republic and ancient constitution in the debate. English opponents of the standing army, including Walter Moyle, John Trenchard, and John Toland, w

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30

Tiedemann, Joseph S. "Presbyterianism and the American Revolution in the Middle Colonies." Church History 74, no. 2 (2005): 306–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000964070011025x.

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After the Revolution, Thomas Jones, an embittered loyalist exile, identified the culprits he deemed responsible for the rebellion in New York: the Whig “triumvirate” of Presbyterians—William Livingston, William Smith, and John Morin Scott. Jones averred that in theIndependent Reflector(1752–53) andWatch Tower(1754–55), which they authored, “the established Church was abused, Monarchy derided, Episcopacy reprobated, and republicanism held up, as the best existing form of government.” The three wrote “with a rancor, a malevolence, and an acrimony, not to be equaled but by the descendants of thos

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31

Sheldon, Garrett Ward, Gary L. McDowell, and Sharon L. Noble. "Reason and Republicanism: Thomas Jefferson's Legacy of Liberty." William and Mary Quarterly 55, no. 4 (1998): 661. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2674468.

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32

Baubérot, Jean. "Laïcitéand the Challenge of ‘Republicanism’." Modern & Contemporary France 17, no. 2 (2009): 189–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09639480902827603.

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33

Baker, Jean. "From Belief into Culture: Republicanism in the Antebellum North." American Quarterly 37, no. 4 (1985): 532. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2712580.

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34

Brooks, Veronica. "The Political Theory of Thomas More’s Epigrammata." Moreana 58, no. 2 (2021): 188–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/more.2021.0103.

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This essay argues that More’s Epigrammata contains a coherent political theory that is inspired by ancient Roman republicanism. More defines “liberty” as the people’s willing obedience to virtuous leaders who rule for the common good, and he claims that popular opinion is the source of legitimacy rather than divine sanction. In doing so, More critiques the Tudor regime and presents an alternative theory of kingship based on his understanding of liberty. However, More also criticizes hereditary monarchy as such and explicitly prefers a republican regime of elected men who share authority among

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35

Hicks, Philip. "Catharine Macaulay's Civil War: Gender, History, and Republicanism in Georgian Britain." Journal of British Studies 41, no. 2 (2002): 170–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/386259.

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The eighteenth century marked a watershed in the relationship between women and historical writing in Britain. Previous to this period, D. R. Woolf has demonstrated, women had certainly purchased, read, and discussed works of history, contributing to “the ‘social circulation’ of historical knowledge.” A few, perhaps most notably Lucy Hutchinson, had composed Civil War memoirs. Some women had written genealogical, antiquarian, and biographical works, as well as local and family history, a “feminine past,” according to Woolf, that men often judged unworthy of real history. Only in the eighteenth

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36

Nyberg, F. "Black Power Republicanism? Capitalism, Radicalism, and the Cold War Consensus." Amerikastudien/American Studies 66, no. 4 (2021): 609–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.33675/amst/2021/4/7.

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37

CHERNAIK, WARREN. "Captains and Slaves: Aphra Behn and the Rhetoric of Republicanism." Seventeenth Century 17, no. 1 (2002): 97–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0268117x.2002.10555502.

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38

Anker, Victoria. "Gaby Mahlberg and Dirk Wiemann,European contexts for English republicanism." Seventeenth Century 29, no. 2 (2014): 215–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0268117x.2014.902770.

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39

Colavecchia, Stefano, and James M. Ogier. ":Wily Elites and Spirited Peoples in Machiavelli’s Republicanism." Sixteenth Century Journal 47, no. 1 (2016): 237–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/scj4701176.

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40

Ketcham, Ralph, and Paul A. Rahe. "Republics Ancient and Modern: Classical Republicanism and the American Revolution." William and Mary Quarterly 50, no. 2 (1993): 425. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2947086.

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41

Francis, Mark. "Republicanism and aboriginal peoples." Journal of Australian Studies 24, no. 64 (2000): 153–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14443050009387567.

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42

Burlinson, Christopher. "Shakespeare and Republicanism - by Andrew Hadfield." Renaissance Studies 21, no. 3 (2007): 463–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-4658.2007.00446.x.

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43

Duong, Kevin. "No Social Revolution Without Sexual Revolution." Political Theory 47, no. 6 (2019): 809–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0090591719829061.

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Recent studies have revealed how workers’ movements adapted republicanism into a language of anticapitalism in the nineteenth century. Much less attention has been paid, however, to the role feminists played in this process. This essay addresses this oversight by introducing the voices of the utopian socialists under July Monarchy France. These socialists insisted that there could be no social revolution without sexual revolution. Although they are often positioned outside of the republican tradition, this essay argues that the utopian socialists are better understood as rendering the legacy o

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44

Durey, Michael. "Thomas Paine's Apostles: Radical Emigres and the Triumph of Jeffersonian Republicanism." William and Mary Quarterly 44, no. 4 (1987): 661. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1939740.

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45

Condren, Conal, and Vickie B. Sullivan. "Machiavelli, Hobbes, and the Formation of a Liberal Republicanism in England." Sixteenth Century Journal 36, no. 4 (2005): 1130. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20477615.

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46

Belchem, John. "NATIONALISM, REPUBLICANISM AND EXILE: IRISH EMIGRANTS AND THE REVOLUTIONS OF 1848." Past and Present 146, no. 1 (1995): 103–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/past/146.1.103.

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47

ACHINSTEIN, SHARON. "Saints or Citizens? Ideas of Marriage in Seventeenth-Century English Republicanism." Seventeenth Century 25, no. 2 (2010): 240–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0268117x.2010.10555648.

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48

Chaguaceda, Armando, and Ysrrael Camero. "Republicanism and populism: Articulation of plurality or plebeian democratism?" Thesis Eleven 164, no. 1 (2021): 54–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/07255136211023900.

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This article addresses – from a theoretical and historical perspective – the discussion on republicanism and populism, in connection to different ways of conceiving political modernity. It places republicanism and populism within the framework of contemporary democracies in the Latin American context, looking at the reciprocal interaction between these political traditions, and their relevance for understanding the current challenges of the liberal model in the region.

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49

NELSON, ERIC. "‘TALMUDICAL COMMONWEALTHSMEN’ AND THE RISE OF REPUBLICAN EXCLUSIVISM." Historical Journal 50, no. 4 (2007): 809–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x07006395.

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ABSTRACTThis article makes the case that modern ideological republicanism has its roots, not in Athens or Rome, but in Jerusalem. It begins from the observation that republican political theory underwent a dramatic transformation in the middle of the seventeenth century. Before 1650, republicanism had always been a ‘relative’ position: those who argued in favour of republican government did so because they believed that republics were better than monarchies for various reasons. None of them had any interest in arguing that monarchy was an illegitimate constitutional form. In the second half of

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50

Lounissi, Carine. "Thomas Paine’s Republicanism and the French Revolution." Journal of Early American History 6, no. 2-3 (2016): 124–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18770703-00603006.

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This article addresses Paine’s participation in the French Revolution, which has been largely either overlooked or caricatured by most scholars. It examines why the speeches he delivered and the writings he published in France during the various stages of the shift from monarchy to republic are significant and why they should not be merely considered as “a nice footnote to the politics of the Gironde” as Michael Walzer stated. My contention is that Paine’s contribution to the debates on republican institutions and on republican questions at key moments of the French Revolution after 1792 needs

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