Journal articles on the topic 'Reproductive rights – United States'
To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Reproductive rights – United States.
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 journal articles for your research on the topic 'Reproductive rights – United States.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse journal articles on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Johnson, María Cecilia. "Assisted Reproductive Techniques and Catholicism(s) in the US." Religion and Gender 9, no. 2 (December 10, 2019): 147–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18785417-00902001.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract Assisted Reproductive Techniques (ART s) have proposed a new way of understanding notions of sexuality, reproduction, gestation, and family, and these transformations have arguably been a challenge in the religious field. This study aims to analyze the stances taken within the Catholic spectrum in the United States on ART s. Catholicism in the United States is an internally heterogeneous space, and different agents have taken diverse stances on ART s, with an impact on health care regulations, Catholic facilities administrations, and Catholics’ and non-Catholics’ reproductive rights. Drawing from a qualitative, interpretive, and documentary analysis of three organizations (the US Conference of catholic bishops, the Catholic Health Organization, and Catholics for Choice), this article proposes some guidelines to analyze and understand the arguments and strategies of various Catholics actors in the United States regarding reproductive healthcare and ART s in the United States.
2
Heinemann, Isabel. "Abortion and adoption as two poles of reproductive decision-making in the United States during the 1980s." Journal of Modern European History 17, no. 3 (June 20, 2019): 280–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1611894419854622.
Full textAbstract:
The 1980s were characterized not only by Ronald Reagan’s rhetoric of ‘traditional family values’ but also by a fierce anti-abortion movement that challenged the legalization of abortion. While the women’s movement fought to preserve abortion rights and reproductive choice, an organization that originated with the 1970s women’s rights and self-help movements conceived ‘adoption’ as a moral alternative to abortion. The self-help organization Concerned United Birthparents, founded in 1976 sought the opening of records and moral recognition for ‘birthmothers’ (and later ‘birth-parents’ in general). While their emphasis on adoption as an alternative to abortion seemed to meet with President Reagan’s pro-adoption campaign and the Christian Right’s support for adoption, Concerned United Birthparents nonetheless pursued an agenda of its own, demanding respect and legitimacy for unmarried women’s reproductive decision-making. This article draws primarily on the records of Concerned United Birthparents to develop a new perspective on single women’s changing perception of their reproductive rights and choices in the 1980s. Transforming an originally conservative claim (‘adoption instead of abortion’) into individual ‘adoption rights’ and an inclusive concept of ‘choice’, Concerned United Birthparents drew on the social movements of the period. Moreover, it provided a case for liberal reproductive decision-making within an ultra-conservative political climate that challenges the assumption of an all-encompassing conservative revolution.
3
Dobrowolska, Karolina. "PRAWA REPRODUKCYJNE I SEKSUALNE W ONZ I ICH DOKTRYNALNE UWARUNKOWANIA." Zeszyty Prawnicze 16, no. 2 (December 9, 2016): 163. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/zp.2016.16.2.08.
Full textAbstract:
Sexual and Reproductive Health and Rights at the United Nations and Their Doctrinal Background Summary The concept of sexual and reproductive health and rights still remains unclear in the international law regime. Despite the fact that during the United Nations International Conference on Population and Development in Cairo (1994), all UN Member States agreed that the term sexual and reproductive health and rights does not contain the “right to abortion,” one can observe continuous attempts to renegotiate the established consensus. The discussion on SRHR is exerting a great impact on the policy of international organizations and therefore it has a potential to create obligations on their Member States. The aim of this article is to present the history of the concept of “sexual and reproductive health and rights” and to analyze it in two aspects. First, the article elaborates on the doctrinal and ideological connotations of SRHR construction. It shows how the SRHR construction derives from feminist theories that regard the spheres of procreation and sexuality as the main sources of inequality between men and women. Second, the article shows how feminist concepts of human sexuality have influenced and shaped the legal constructions of international treaties under the UN auspices.
4
Price, Kimala. "What Is Reproductive Justice?" Meridians 19, S1 (December 1, 2020): 340–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/15366936-8566034.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract Frustrated by the individualist approach of the “choice” paradigm used by the mainstream reproductive rights movement in the United States, a growing coalition of women of color organizations and their allies have sought to redefine and broaden the scope of reproductive rights by using a human rights framework. Dubbing itself “the movement for reproductive justice,” this coalition connects reproductive rights to other social justice issues such as economic justice, education, immigrant rights, environmental justice, sexual rights, and globalization, and believes that this new framework will encourage more women of color and other marginalized groups to become more involved in the political movement for reproductive freedom. Using narrative analysis, this essay explores what reproductive justice means to this movement, while placing it within the political, social, and cultural context from which it emerged.
5
Critchlow, Donald T. "Birth Control, Population Control, and Family Planning: An Overview." Journal of Policy History 7, no. 1 (January 1995): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898030600004127.
Full textAbstract:
The cultural fission created by the controversy over birth control and abortion, as Juvenal's satiric comment above indicates, has a long and bitter history. The emergence of the modern state, however, transformed cultural differences into political acrimony as reproduction rights became public policy. In the United States, reproductive rights in the post-World War II period became a matter of political controversy when the federal government began to fund family planning programs domestically and abroad in the 1960s.
6
Kosikhina, Svetlana Stepanovna. "WOMEN’S REPRODUCTIVE RIGHTS IN THE UNITED STATES (CASE STUDY TEXAS HEARTBEAT ACT)." Вестник Амурского государственного университета. Серия: Гуманитарные науки, no. 96 (2022): 38–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.22250/20730284_2022_96_38.
Full text
7
Beckman, Linda J. "Abortion in the United States: The continuing controversy." Feminism & Psychology 27, no. 1 (February 2017): 101–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0959353516685345.
Full textAbstract:
In the United States, abortion rates have been falling for several decades while attitudes have remained relatively stable. Given this background, this paper examines the current status of the fluid and contentious US abortion debate. Five relevant questions are examined: (1) What is responsible for the new wave of restrictive laws and what are their effects? (2) What is most likely responsible for changes in abortion rates? (3) What are the effects of the addition of medication abortion into the mix of abortion services? (4) What forces continue to fuel economic, geographic and racial/ethnic disparities in access to abortion services? (5) Why have gay rights been embraced by a majority of the US public and supported in legislation and judicial decisions, while during this same time period abortion rights have stagnated or declined? It is crucial for feminists to continue to promote the cause of abortion and other reproductive rights. Most important, however, is a focus on broader social issues for women (e.g., adequate education, affordable day care) and the underlying causes of unequal power in society.
8
Hodge, James G., Jennifer L. Piatt, Leila Barraza, and Erica N. White. "Regressive Federalism, Rights Reversals, and the Public’s Health." Journal of Law, Medicine & Ethics 50, no. 2 (2022): 375–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jme.2022.65.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractAs the United States emerges from the worst public health threat it has ever experienced, the Supreme Court is poised to reconsider constitutional principles from bygone eras. Judicial proposals to roll back rights under a federalism infrastructure grounded in states’ interests threaten the nation’s legal fabric at a precarious time. This column explores judicial shifts in 3 key public health contexts — reproductive rights, vaccinations, and national security — and their repercussions.
9
Nwaogazie, Innocent. "Diagnosis of Abortion Laws in Nigeria and Human Rights Trajectory: Lessons from Great Britain and United States of America." Nigerian Juridical Review 16 (June 28, 2022): 219–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.56284/tnjr.v16i1.21.
Full textAbstract:
Abortion is the termination of pregnancy before its birth for whatever reason. The present study is concerned with therapeutic abortion which is criminalized in Nigeria been the focus of this study. The Nigerian societal attitude to abortion is one of stereotyped stigmatization notwithstanding the validity of the reasons. The aim of the study is to examine the trajectory between abortion laws and human rights in Nigeria and the lessons Nigeria can learn from Great Britain and United States jurisdictions. The objective is to interrogate the extant abortion laws with a view to locating their inadequacies in the area of both the African and international human rights concerns of sexual and reproductive health of women on abortion rights. Using doctrinal design by reliance on primary and secondary sources analysed through deductive reasoning based on extant statutes and case law, this study interrogated the extant abortion laws in Nigeria in juxtaposition with the British and the United States legal framework on abortion as well as critical examination of the African and international human rights jurisprudences, and found out that the current position of abortion law in Nigeria is not in the same wavelength with both the African and international human rights jurisprudences on sexual and reproductive health rights of females to access safe abortions implicit in the fundamental rights and freedoms of privacy, non-discrimination, right to life, good health and bodily autonomy as it relates to unwanted pregnancies induced by other factors such as rape, incest or severe foetus abnormalities. The study recommended law reform by using the models provided by the British and United States legal framework to allow women access to legal abortion in deserving cases in conformity with African and international human rights treaties.
10
Gozdecka, Dorota Anna. "Backlash or Widening the Gap?: Women’s Reproductive Rights in the Twenty-First Century." Laws 9, no. 1 (February 20, 2020): 8. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/laws9010008.
Full textAbstract:
This article examines legal challenges to women’s reproductive rights in Ireland and the United States, arguing that backlash against reproductive rights is a consequence of the long unsettled position of women’s reproductive freedom in liberal democracies and the catalogue of rights. It examines the legal foundations of reproductive rights and their perceived conflicts with other values, such as religion, and focuses on the current legal challenges to women’s bodily autonomy regarding choice and motherhood. It demonstrates the many contexts in which women have not acquired full reproductive freedom, and explores the nature of the current backlash. It argues that the nature of the backlash is not simply a reclamation of what has been legally guaranteed, but instead a deepening of the preexisting divides within reproductive justice globally.
11
Adashi, Eli Y., and Rachel H. Occhiogrosso. "The Hyde Amendment at 40 Years and Reproductive Rights in the United States." JAMA 317, no. 15 (April 18, 2017): 1523. http://dx.doi.org/10.1001/jama.2017.2742.
Full text
12
Hunter, Richard, Hctor Lozada, and John Shannon. "Vigilantism, Texas, Privacy and Liberty: Waiting Once Again for The Supreme Court to Speak." International Journal of Public Policy and Administration 4, no. 1 (April 3, 2022): 27–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.47941/ijppa.819.
Full textAbstract:
Is there a constitutionally protected right to privacy? This is not an article in support of or in opposition to abortion rights. In fact, it is not an article about abortion at all. Rather, in light of two actions of the United States Supreme Court that took place in 2021, the authors have undertaken in Part I of this study a review of Supreme Court precedents, statutory materials, and other state and federal legislative actions relating to the issues of privacy and liberty. The article is written in the context of the debate over reproductive rights and examines the rationale used by courts to make critical distinctions in cases where not only reproductive rights were at issue, but also where questions were raised relating to the existence of a broader constitutionally protected right to privacy which we will consider in other discreet areas in Part II of the study.
13
Mariner, Wendy K. "Shifting Standards of Judicial Review During the Coronavirus Pandemic in the United States." German Law Journal 22, no. 6 (September 2021): 1039–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/glj.2021.51.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractEmergencies are exceptions to the rule. Laws that respond to emergencies can create exceptions to rules that protect human rights. In long lasting emergencies, these exceptions can become the rule, diluting human rights and eroding the rule of law. In the United States, the COVID-19 pandemic prompted states to change rules governing commercial and personal activities to prevent the spread of the coronavirus. Many governors’ executive orders were challenged as violations of the constitutionally protected rights of those affected. Judges are deciding whether emergencies can justify more restrictions than would be permitted in normal circumstances and whether some rights deserve more protection than others, even in an emergency. This article analyzes ongoing litigation involving emergency restrictions on religious freedom and access to reproductive health services. These cases suggest that some judges are altering the standards of judicial review of the state’s emergency powers in ways that could permanently strengthen some rights and dilute others in normal circumstances.
14
Śledzińska-Simon, Anna. "Constitutional framings of the right to abortion: A global view." International Journal of Constitutional Law 21, no. 2 (April 1, 2023): 399–406. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/icon/moad029.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract At the present time, no national constitution expressly guarantees access to abortion as a human right. Yet, despite the absence of explicit constitutional provisions, a growing body of case law from countries’ highest courts recognizes abortion as a fundamental, natural right. Judicial interpretations of the right to abortion are evolving, with courts considering it a derivative of the constitutional guarantees of liberty, equality, dignity, or, more recently, the protection of health. Conversely, some courts, notably in the United States and Poland, have ruled out the possibility of such a right having constitutional status. This Reflection outlines current constitutional approaches to the right to abortion. It highlights an important paradigm shift in constitutional law toward framing abortion as part of the right to reproductive health, as already affirmed in international human rights law. Reproductive rights are now defined in relation to the state’s obligation, on the one hand, not to interfere with reproductive choices and, on the other hand, to provide women and girls with conditions ensuring freedom of choice, but also to determine the limits of their choices.
15
Berkman, Joyce. "The Fertility of Scholarship on the History of Reproductive Rights in the United States." History Compass 9, no. 5 (May 2011): 433–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1478-0542.2011.00772.x.
Full text
16
Shuai, Tao, and Zhen Kong. "Contemplating the U.S. Supreme Court's Reversal of Roe v. Wade." Lecture Notes in Education Psychology and Public Media 33, no. 1 (January 3, 2024): 192–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.54254/2753-7048/33/20231729.
Full textAbstract:
The Roe case and Casey case were important moments in the women's liberation movement in the United States, recognizing women's constitutional right to abortion, and a fundamental aspect of their autonomy. In contrast, the recent Dobbs case upended the established Roe precedent, rejecting constitutional recognition of women's right to abortion and reverting "regulation of abortion rights to the people and their elected representatives. To delve deeper into this matter, it's crucial to examine the legal doctrines at play. The Roe decision primarily invoked the Substantive Due Process Clause to protect a woman's privacy and reproductive choices, whereas the Dobbs case highlighted the importance of the democratic process and aligns with originalism in constitutional interpretation. This shift raises questions about the durability of constitutional precedents and the evolving nature of constitutional interpretation. The conflict between these cases underscores the profound implications for women's reproductive rights and the broader women's liberation movement, as the nation grapples with the balance between individual autonomy and democratic decision-making in shaping constitutional rights.
17
Ponomareva, D. V., and E. М. Sorokina. "BIOETHICS AND JUDICIAL PRACTICE OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA IN THE FIELD OF EMBRYOLOGICAL RESEARCH." Courier of Kutafin Moscow State Law University (MSAL)), no. 4 (June 22, 2020): 97–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.17803/2311-5998.2020.68.4.097-107.
Full textAbstract:
This article presents an analysis of the main judicial decisions of the United States of America, which refl ects bioethical issues related to such a specifi c area of medical knowledge as embryology. It was established that the decisions of the American courts formulated a number of approaches to determining the rights and obligations of spouses in connection with the disposal of human embryos. The authors concluded that in the absence of direct legislative regulation, judicial practice for each specifi c case will outline the criteria for the implementation of reproductive rights.
18
Feinberg, Rebecca, and Danielle Pacia. "Crisis Pregnancy Centers: An Inherently Unjust Limitation to Reproductive Rights." American Journal of Law & Medicine 48, no. 2-3 (July 2022): 275–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/amj.2022.28.
Full textAbstract:
Abortion, though afforded certain legal protections, can be challenging to access in many areas of the United States, a problem exacerbated by the presence of Crisis Pregnancy Centers (CPCs). CPCs present themselves as clinics that provide a full spectrum of free pregnancy consultation services, but in fact are pro-life, anti-abortion organizations.1 From the outside, CPCs appear to be neutral health and welfare establishments, leading women *to believe they will receive unbiased guidance based on their best interests. In reality, CPCs recruit unsuspecting women into their facilities to deter them from accessing abortions, promoting only two options: parenthood or adoption.2 Women are lured into CPCs with the promise of free services which range from medical care to clothing and other items. At its most basic level, these deceptive practices violate the autonomy of women seeking reproductive care, perpetuating unjust limitation of access to quality medical care.
19
Xu, Yinan. "The Impact of Socioeconomic Status Differences on Women's Abortion Rights in the United States." Lecture Notes in Education Psychology and Public Media 5, no. 1 (May 17, 2023): 296–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.54254/2753-7048/5/20220543.
Full textAbstract:
This paper attempts to address the abortion dilemma faced by women of different social statuses after Roe v. Wade. This paper argues that socioeconomic status can influence the impact of abortion on women. Socioeconomic status differences in medical protection and, family and social status all affect a woman's willingness to have an abortion and her ability to choose one. Although the law cannot guarantee reproductive justice for low SES women, this paper suggests that investing in the education of low SES women, including sex education and health education, to build human capital for them can achieve their abortion rights in the long run. In addition, the paper argues that more investment in education for women may also lead to a difference in economic level.
20
Horbunova, Olena. "Peculiarities of determining the origin of children born as a result of the use of assisted reproductive technologies in Ukraine, The European Union and The United States." Visegrad Journal on Human Rights, no. 3 (August 30, 2023): 40–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.61345/1339-7915.2023.3.7.
Full textAbstract:
The article considers the legal basis for determining the origin of children born as a result of the use of assisted reproductive technologies, and in particular through surrogate motherhood, analyzes domestic and foreign legislation regulating the procedure for determining the origin of the child. It is emphasized that the recognition of each person’s rights such as the right to create a family, the right to respect for private and family life, the right to procreation, poses the task for the State and the international community to create optimal mechanisms for regulating new rights that have arisen with the development of modern medicine.The article is aimed at a comprehensive analysis, disclosure of the essence and features of legal regulation of determining the origin of a child born through the use of assisted reproductive technologies under the legislation of Ukraine, the European Union and the United States.The author stresses that among the problems inherent in the institution of surrogate motherhood in countries of the world, it is necessary to highlight the following: lack of proper monitoring of surrogacy cases, inadequate control by state authorities, which ultimately can lead to violation of the rights of biological parents, surrogate mother, as well as the child himself; risk of genetic parents abandoning a child born with physical or mental disabilities. The author proved that the use of assisted reproductive technologies by the method of substitute (surrogate) motherhood can be carried out only in relation to citizens of Ukraine and foreigners-citizens of countries in which such a method of assisted reproductive technologies is not prohibited by law, and in cases where foreigners do not live in the country of citizenship, − also by law of the country of residence. In this case, the conditions for the use of substitute (surrogate) motherhood should be the genetic connection of the child with at least one of the future parents and the absence of a direct genetic connection of the child with the substitute (surrogate) mother, except in cases when the substitute (surrogate) mother is a relative of the future parents.
21
Hops, Emily, Kristen F. Linton, and Heidi Mercado. "Perceptions of Reproductive Rights among Young Adults with Disabilities." Californian Journal of Health Promotion 15, no. 1 (April 1, 2017): 62–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.32398/cjhp.v15i1.1890.
Full textAbstract:
Background: The perception that people with disabilities are asexual and lack reproductive rights has existed in the United States since the early 1900s. In the early 1900s in the U.S., approximately 42,000 institutionalized people with disabilities were lawfully sexually sterilized as a result of the Eugenics Movement. The state of California was responsible for one-third of all sterilizations during the Movement. Purpose: This study aimed to assess the perceptions of reproductive rights among young adults with disabilities. Methods: Purposive and snowball sampling was used. Twelve semi-structured interviews with eight young adults with various mental health, physical, intellectual/developmental, and learning disabilities were conducted. Results: Participants reported that their ability to have sex and their reproductive rights were commonly questioned by peers and professionals. Some internalized asexual stereotypes and questioned whether they should reproduce due to the potential that they might pass on a disability or burden their children with their own disability. Others confidently reported their desire to bear their own children. Conclusion: The asexuality stereotype of people with disabilities is pervasive and continues to be present in society today. It is important that professionals reflect on their own biases toward the reproductive rights of people with disabilities.
22
Suslovic, Brianna. "Hysterical Solidarity: An Embodied Reflection on Contemporary Sexual and Reproductive Rights Concerns in the United States." Studies in Gender and Sexuality 24, no. 1 (January 2, 2023): 21–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15240657.2022.2161284.
Full text
23
Johnsen, Dawn, and Marcy J. Wilder. "Webster and Women's Equality." American Journal of Law & Medicine 15, no. 2-3 (1989): 178–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0098858800012144.
Full textAbstract:
The National Abortion Rights Action League (NARAL) and the Women's Legal Defense Fund (WLDF) co-authored an amicus curiae brief submitted to the United States Supreme Court in Webster v. Reproductive Health Services. The brief was authored on behalf of seventyseven organizations committed to women's equality. The brief argued that continued constitutional protection of a woman's fundamental right to choose abortion is guaranteed by the liberty-based right to privacy. Further, we argued that this right is essential to women's ability to achieve sexual equality. In order to participate in society as equals, women must be afforded the opportunity to make decisions concerning childbearing. Women's unique reproductive capabilities have long served as a principal justification for their unequal and disadvantageous treatment by the state. Restrictive abortion laws continue “our Nation['s] … long and unfortunate history of sex discrimination” by depriving women of the freedom to control the course of their lives.
24
Cicerchia, Lillian. "Marx, Malthus, and the Moral Economy of Reproduction." Hypatia 38, no. 3 (2023): 587–606. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/hyp.2023.69.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThis article examines the “backlash thesis” as a way of interpreting hostility and resistance to reproductive rights in the United States. The dominant interpretation of resistance to abortion rights or of advocacy for population control is that they are a backlash against feminism and civil rights. Granting that the backlash thesis has intuitive appeal, the article argues that it is not adequate to a contemporary analysis of these issues. It then claims that what is needed is an account of the contradictory and dynamic way in which capitalism generates anxiety about fertility and family life. The article then uses socialist feminist social reproduction theory to develop an alternative explanatory framework for why market forces form the precondition and basis for context-specific appeals to tradition rather than being antithetical to them. The latter includes both pronatalist ideas and neo-Malthusian ones about population control. The article concludes by suggesting ways in which the analysis can be useful in other contexts.
25
Gao, Runyuan. "Exploring the Inadequacy of Women's Protections in the U.S. from the Supreme Court's Judicial Decisions on Abortion." Lecture Notes in Education Psychology and Public Media 30, no. 1 (December 7, 2023): 208–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.54254/2753-7048/30/20231678.
Full textAbstract:
The prevailing view that women should have the right to their reproductive choices has led to an indissoluble link between feminism and the right to have abortion. The focus of this paper is on the pressing issue of abortion rights controversy in the current protection of women in the United States. With the overturning of Roe v. Wade, there is an urgent need to clarify the debate surrounding abortion rights. The proposed approach to address the subject matter in this paper is to reassess the implications of the right to abortion. A discussion on the inadequate judicial protection afforded to women in abortion cases is required. The paper scrutinizes and evaluates pertinent cases and reviews on the topic, proposing that the Dobbs case will result in various undesirable outcomes. The paper proposes that female reproductive safety is under threat, as is their position in daily life, freedom of production and social status. The reversal of Roe v. Wade has had a detrimental impact on the progression of social and gender equality. The findings propose that the politicization of abortion should be reassessed in light of societal evolution when addressing social issues.
26
Morga, Felipe César González. "Interruption of pregnancy in México within the framework of human rights." Technium Social Sciences Journal 54 (February 9, 2024): 338–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.47577/tssj.v54i1.10517.
Full textAbstract:
The Mexican State is part of the inter-American system, it safeguards the human rights of both the Political Constitution of the United Mexican States and the International Treaties, particularly in the interruption of pregnancy it protects the human rights to life, health, reproductive rights and non-discrimination. These human rights are analyzed in the resolutions of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights, the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights and the Supreme Court of Justice of the Nation, to aknowledge both the international and national interpretation, which has served as a legal basis in the interruption of pregnancy in Mexico. Based on these human rights and resolutions, ten states have legislated to allow the interruption of pregnancy, due to which the legal framework of the former Federal District (D.F.), Oaxaca, Hidalgo, Baja California, Veracruz, Colima, Sinaloa, Guerrero, Baja is studied. California Sur and Quintana Roo, highlighting that they have reformed their Penal Codes and Health Laws, standardizing most of their criteria. Likewise, a legal comparison is made at an international level to highlight differences and similarities between Mexico and other countries. This issue continues in Mexico, the states continue to discuss the interruption of pregnancy
27
Carvajal, Diana N., Ivonne McLean, Lin-Fan Wang, Dalia Brahmi, and Judy C. Washington. "Equity and Justice in Family Medicine Clinical Care and Teaching Must Incorporate a Reproductive Justice Framework." Family Medicine 56, no. 4 (April 4, 2024): 222–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.22454/fammed.2024.973758.
Full textAbstract:
Since European settlement, the United States has controlled the reproduction of communities of color through tactics ranging from forced pregnancies, sterilizations, and abortions to immigration policies and policies that separate children from their families. Lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer (or questioning), asexual, intersex, and gender diverse people (LGBTQIA+) have been persecuted for sexual behavior and gender expression, and also restricted from having children. In response, women of color and LGBTQIA+ communities have organized for Reproductive Justice (RJ) and liberation. The Reproductive Justice framework, conceived in 1994 by the Women of African Descent for Reproductive Justice, addresses the reproductive health needs of Black women and communities from a broad human rights perspective. Since then, the framework has expanded with an intersectional approach to include all communities of color and LGBTQIA+ communities. Notwithstanding, reproductive injustice negatively impacts the health of already marginalized and oppressed communities, which is reflected in higher rates of maternal mortality, infant mortality, infertility, preterm births, and poorer health outcomes associated with race-based stress. While the impact of racial injustice on disparate health outcomes is increasingly addressed in family medicine, Reproductive Justice has not been universally incorporated into care provision or education. Including the RJ framework in family medicine education is critical to understanding how structural, economic, and political factors influence health outcomes to improve health care delivery from a justice and human rights perspective. This commentary describes how an RJ framework can enhance medical education and care provision, and subsequently identifies strategies for incorporating Reproductive Justice teaching into family medicine education.
28
Petterson, Aino, and Robbie M. Sutton. "Sexist Ideology and Endorsement of Men’s Control Over Women’s Decisions in Reproductive Health." Psychology of Women Quarterly 42, no. 2 (December 15, 2017): 235–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0361684317744531.
Full textAbstract:
Feminist scholars have argued that men’s control over women’s reproductive autonomy is a central feature of male dominance. Building on recent research that shows sexist ideology informs support for restricting women’s reproductive autonomy, we examined the relation of sexism and the belief that men should be able to restrict the behavior of women. Study 1 ( N = 366 undergraduate psychology students in the United Kingdom) and Study 2 ( N = 281 Amazon Mechanical Turk workers in the United States) showed that controlling for various demographics and ideological measures (e.g., right-wing authoritarianism, support for abortion rights), hostile sexism was related to support for men having the right to prevent their pregnant partner from having an abortion. Further, hostile sexism was related to the endorsement of men’s right to withdraw financial support for the child if a woman chooses not to terminate her pregnancy. Hostile sexism was also uniquely related to support for men’s right to veto their female partner’s decisions during pregnancy and childbirth. The present studies show that hostile sexism is associated with perceptions that men have the right to constrain women’s reproductive choices. Our findings highlight the adverse pressures on women’s reproductive autonomy, including sexist ideology, and may suggest that practitioners should be mindful of this when assisting women in discussing reproductive questions. Further, by creating awareness about the different factors that shape the perception of men’s role in reproductive decisions, sexual health educators could potentially help affirm women’s autonomy in reproductive health. Additional online materials for this article (measures used in this study) are available on PWQ’s website at http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/suppl/10.1177/0361684317744531 . Data files, together with syntax detailing the statistical analyses, are available at https://osf.io/vwjus/ . Online slides for instructors who want to use this article for teaching are available on PWQ's website at http://journals.sagepub.com/page/pwq/suppl/index
29
Bach-Golecka, Dobrochna. "WOMEN’S RIGHTS AND PRO-LIFE MOVEMENT: OPPOSITION OR HARMONY?" Studia Iuridica 99 (2024): 9–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/2544-3135.si.2024-99.1.
Full textAbstract:
The aim of this article is to focus on women’s rights and how these rights correlate with pro-life stance: Are those in opposition to one another or in harmony? In order to answer this question, an analysis of the notion of women’s rights has been performed. Moreover, the categories of the rights of pregnant women and reproductive rights are also examined. The normative analysis of human rights provisions concerning the scope of the protection of the right to life in the pre-natal phase is made, alongside the examination of relevant judicial decisions, namely: the Court of Justice of the European Union in the "Grogan" case (1991), the Supreme Court of the United States judgments in "Roe v. Wade" (1973) and "Dobbs" case (2022), the European Court of Human Rights in "Bouton v. France" (2022) and the Polish Constitutional Tribunal judgment on prohibition of eugenic abortion (2020). In conclusion, the arguments concerning the mutual relationship between women’s rights and the pro-life and pro-abortion movements are presented, with a final standpoint on the noble character of the pro-life stance, based on human rights protection due to solidarity, altruism and cosmopolitan values.
30
Ahmed, Aziza, Catherine Hanssens, and Brook Kelly. "Protecting HIV-positive women's human rights: recommendations for the United States National HIV/AIDS Strategy." Reproductive Health Matters 17, no. 34 (January 2009): 127–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0968-8080(09)34464-x.
Full text
31
Gupta, Manasvi. "Feminism, Morality and Abortion Rights: A Comparative Study of India and USA." South Asian Law Review Journal 08 (2022): 136–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.55662/salrj.2022.804.
Full textAbstract:
Women’s movement have led to liberalization of rights of women. A women’s body and her reproductive system is her own right. But this is a pretence when we talk of women’s right in regards to abortion. Amongst the moral and legal debates of abortion, the legislature and activists forget the rights of a women and her decision of abortion. Her privacy is violated and denied. The subject of her right over her own body and the choice she makes is condemned and over shadowed by a false sense of justice. In American Jurisprudence, had legalized abortion in the United States of America and secured the rights of women over their own body. But today there is a demand to over-rule this judgement by the anti-abortion law activists. It is sad to deduce that the courts that have supported the rights of women are now once again faced with the jurisprudential question of morality and law in regards to abortion laws. The research analyses the dimension of feminism in relation to comparative studies of the present statutes governing abortion laws in USA and India.
32
HUGHES, JAMES J. "A Defense of Limited Regulation of Human Genetic Therapies." Cambridge Quarterly of Healthcare Ethics 28, no. 1 (December 20, 2018): 112–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0963180118000440.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract:There is a role for regulatory oversight over new genetic technologies. Research must ensure the rights of human subjects, and all medical products and techniques should be ensured to be safe and effective. In the United States, these forms of regulation are largely the purview of the National Institutes of Health and the Food and Drug Administration. Some have argued, however, that human genetic therapies require new regulatory agencies empowered to enforce cultural norms, protect against hypothetical social harms, or ensure that the human genome remains unchanged. Focusing on the United States, this essay will briefly review these arguments and argue that the current limited regulatory role over human gene therapies is sufficient to protect public health, bodily autonomy, and reproductive freedom.
33
Walkington, Lori. "A Black Feminist Perspective in Response to Roe v. Wade." Ethnic Studies Review 45, no. 2-3 (2022): 75–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/esr.2022.45.2-3.75.
Full textAbstract:
The author writes a “letter” to White feminists and academic allies in order to demand greater modes of solidarity, and to draw attention to the ongoing and too-often ignored work of Black feminists in protecting and creating space for collective and social freedoms. The commentary recalls the legacy of Black feminist thinkers and activists, and positions their insights in a new era of legalized reproductive rights restrictions in the United States.
34
Schmidt, Christine. "Abortion and reflections on racial justice." Psychotherapy & Politics International 20, no. 3 (August 31, 2022): 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/ppi.v20i3.12.
Full textAbstract:
On June 24, 2022, the Supreme Court of the United States dismantled federal protections for access to abortion, allowing a cascade of state laws that criminalize pregnant people, their healthcare providers, and other supporters. Through a racial justice lens, this article examines abortion rights as a demand for reproductive freedom. Psychotherapists on the frontline, listening to girls’ and women’s stories of sexual trauma, are encouraged to see our work in a historical and political frame.
35
Kamalu, Ngozi Caleb, and Hannah Oluchi Kamalu. "From Roe to Dobbs: How the Supreme Court of the United States (Scotus) Muddled Through Half a Century Women’s Reproductive Rights/ Abortion from Enshrinement to Dissolution." Sumerianz Journal of Social Science, no. 73 (June 24, 2024): 21–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.47752/sjss.73.21.30.
Full textAbstract:
This study explores the evolution of U.S. Supreme Court ruling from (Tribe, 1973). That is, how the ruling in Roe which codified the right of women to abortion and the precedent set survived the test of time for more than half century until the Dobbs Case whose ruling overturned the enshrined privacy right of women. It also examines how states took advantage of contradictions and inconsistencies in decades of Supreme Court rulings to pass anti-abortion laws which were challenged with its cases reverted to the courts, thereby creating a revolving door scenario for litigants and states as well as prolife and prochoice groups over abortion. In the analysis, the author identified the role politics played in the “packing” of the Supreme Court with conservative judges who are committed to overturning Roe based on their “judicial restraint” doctrine that follows the lead of the legislature in interpreting the law and denying the enshrined and codified rights of women to abortion. Furthermore, the authors suggest various mitigation strategies to rectify the situation and codify the rights of women to access abortion through scenarios and options such as the use of federal powers through “executive order” to guarantee the principle of free interstate movement and commerce that will allow abortion seeking women to freely move from anti-abortion and pro-life states to those of pro-choice where abortion is allowed without penalty; the institution of term limit for judicial appointees to override the current life-long appointments; expansion of the Supreme Court beyond the current nine justices to allow the inclusion by appointment of more liberal judges who will likely interpret the law based on “Judicial Activism” doctrine and principles and interpretation of the constitution in a manner consistent with the spirit of the time and the challenging needs of the nation; suspension or removal of the “filibuster” to allow vote in the senate and possible passage of federal legislation to codify Roe, and constitutional amendment even though it has a slim chance of ratification. The authors conclude with the clear statement that the fight for women’s right to reproductive rights/abortion and the codification of Roe though legislation does not end with the Dobbs by the U.S. Supreme Court ruling, but rather just a reboot that has triggered the beginning of a new fight to restore the reproductive rights of Americans.
36
Wahlström, Helena. "Reproduction, Politics, and John Irving’s The Cider House Rules: Women’s Rights or "Fetal Rights"?" Culture Unbound 5, no. 2 (June 12, 2013): 251–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.3384/cu.2000.1525.135251.
Full textAbstract:
While hotly debated in political contexts, abortion has seldom figured in explicit terms in either literature or film in the United States. An exception is John Irving’s 1985 novel The Cider House Rules, which treats abortion insistently and explicitly. Although soon thirty years old, The Cider House Rules still functions as an important voice in the ongoing discussion about reproductive rights, responsibilities, and politics. Irving represents abortion as primarily a women’s health issue and a political issue, but also stresses the power and responsibility of men in abortion policy and debate. The novel rejects a “prolife” stance in favor of a women’s rights perspective, and clearly illustrates that abortion does not preclude or negate motherhood. This article discusses Irving’s novel in order to address abortion as a political issue, the gender politics of fictional representations of abortion, and the uses of such representations in critical practice. A brief introduction to the abortion issue in American cultural representation and in recent US history offers context to the abortion issue in Irving’s novel. The analysis focuses on abortion as it figures in the novel, and on how abortion figures in the criticism of the novel that explicitly focuses on this issue. The article argues that twentyfirst century criticism of Irving’s text, by feminist scholars as well as explicitly anti-feminist pro-life advocates, demonstrate the pervasive influence of antiabortion discourses illustrates, since these readings of Irving’s novel include, or reactively respond to, the fetal rights discourse and the “awfulization of abortion.” The article further proposes that the novel’s representations of reproductive rights issues – especially abortion – are still relevant today, and that critical readings of fictional and nonfictional representations of reproductive rights issues are central to feminist poli-tics.
37
Annas, George J. "The Impact of Medical Technology on the Pregnant Woman’s Right to Privacy." American Journal of Law & Medicine 13, no. 2-3 (1987): 213–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0098858800008340.
Full textAbstract:
In the context of the bicentennial of the Constitution and science's relationship to society, it has been argued that “the advance of science and technology in the West has changed not only the relation of man to nature but of man to man.“ This seemingly immodest statement may soon prove an understatement. In the arena of human reproduction, the marriage of science and technology in medicine may change not only the relationship of man to nature and man to man, but more significantly, the very concept of what it means to be human. This, in turn, will directly affect how we define the “rights” this “new human” may properly claim.This article begins to explore developing reproductive medical technology with a view toward examining the way it might change our concept of humanness, and how this change might be accommodated, encouraged, or truncated by the relationship between the government and its pregnant citizens as defined by the United States Constitution and the “right to privacy.”
38
Lira, Natalie, and Alexandra Minna Stern. "Mexican Americans and Eugenic Sterilization." Aztlán: A Journal of Chicano Studies 39, no. 2 (2014): 9–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/azt.2014.39.2.9.
Full textAbstract:
This article explores the racial and gendered dynamics of sterilization in California state institutions from the 1920s to the 1950s, with a focus on the experiences of Mexican-origin patients. A set of recently accessed sterilization authorizations reveals that Mexican-origin patients were sterilized at elevated rates, disproportionate to their share of the state population, under California’s eugenic laws. Mexican-origin patients were pathologized as mentally defective and overly fecund in order to justify sterilization. However, these patients and their families challenged California’s eugenic laws and forced sterilization, and their struggles for reproductive rights are an important facet of the pursuit of racial and reproductive justice by Chicana/o communities. This article sheds light on the overlooked role of race in the implementation of California’s sterilization law and in the policing of men and women who transgressed class and gender norms, deepening our understanding of the historical relationship between medicine, public health, race, and reproduction in the United States.
39
McGovern, Theresa. "Building Coalitions to Support Women's Health and Rights in the United States: South Carolina and Florida." Reproductive Health Matters 15, no. 29 (January 2007): 119–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0968-8080(07)29290-0.
Full text
40
Beswick, Spencer. "“To Repulse the State from Our Uteri”." Radical History Review 2024, no. 148 (January 1, 2024): 90–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01636545-10846837.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract This article analyzes how anarcha-feminists in the United States critiqued the state and attempted to build feminist dual power in response to the New Right’s attacks on reproductive freedom. Anarcha-feminists in the Love and Rage Revolutionary Anarchist Federation (1989–98) argued that petitioning the state for reproductive rights was a dead end because, as their political statement put it, patriarchy “operates as a foundation of state power, used to justify a paternalistic relationship between the rulers and the ruled.” Anything the state gives—including Roe v. Wade—can be taken away, for it is ultimately a tool of sexual and class violence in the hands of the patriarchal, capitalist ruling class. Building on the legacy of anarcha-feminists in the women’s liberation movement, Love and Rage argued that the only way to guarantee reproductive freedom was to struggle for autonomy against the state rather than reform within it. This article explores how anarcha-feminists sought to build grassroots infrastructure, knowledge, and organizations with an orientation toward establishing feminist dual power. Ultimately, Love and Rage argued, the only way to guarantee reproductive freedom and women’s liberation is the revolutionary construction of a libertarian socialist society.
41
Mihic, Sophia. "Privacy, Dobbs v. Jackson, and the Constitutional Politics of Reproduction." Washington University Review of Philosophy 3 (2023): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/wurop202332.
Full textAbstract:
The Supreme Court’s reversal of the right to abortion has significantly changed reproductive rights in the United States, and adversely affected the lives of potentially pregnant persons. The political fragility of the privacy right to abortion also raises questions about the practice and epistemic rules of American constitutionalism itself. In this essay, I situate the history of privacy under the Fourteenth Amendment’s due process clause in the tradition of legal reasoning. With Ludwig Wittgenstein’s On Certainty, I argue that the majority in Dobbs v. Jackson (2022) departs from this tradition. The upshot of this departure is that we now have a new interpretive language game battling a long established language game of interpretation–battling, that is, a constitutional tradition–in a contest to redefine how disagreement is transacted among justices and between the people and their government.
42
Ludlow, Jeannie. "Sometimes, It’s a Child and a Choice: Toward an Embodied Abortion Praxis." NWSA Journal 20, no. 1 (March 2008): 26–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ff.2008.a236179.
Full textAbstract:
Feminist analyses of recent abortion politics in the United States note that the “abortion debate” has settled into a system of dichotomies, such as the dichotomy between women’s autonomy on the abortion rights side and the value of unborn life on the anti-abortion side. This article posits that these dichotomizations contribute to the erosion of women’s access and rights to abortion through loss of credibility for abortion rights discourse and loss of access to abortion praxis that can handle more complex situations. Maintenance of the dichotomies requires denial or erasure of more complicated situations, like late-second-trimester abortion and situations in which women grieve their aborted fetuses. Drawing on her experiences working in an abortion clinic, the author argues that a more complete consideration of these more complex abortion experiences could interrupt the erosion of our reproductive rights.
43
Bingham, Debra, Nan Strauss, and Francine Coeytaux. "Response to letter to the editor regarding maternal mortality in the United States: a human rights failure." Contraception 85, no. 1 (January 2012): 129. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.contraception.2011.05.006.
Full text
44
Kennedy, Victor. "The Relationship Between Doctors, Patients and the Law in North American and British Literature." Medicine, Law & Society 9, no. 1 (April 15, 2016): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.18690/24637955.9.1.1-10(2016).
Full textAbstract:
In common law jurisdictions today, the relationship between doctors and patients is generally considered to be a private one (Dorr Goold and Lipkin Jr., 1999). Like most professions, doctors are governed to a large extent by professional associations with their own Codes of Ethics. To practice medicine in the United States, Canada, or Britain, doctors must be licensed by their local Board or College1. Government control of doctor-patient relationships is generally limited to funding, but in a few areas, in particular, those that are considered to be matters of public morality or ethics, criminal statutes can apply. Historically, reproductive rights have often fallen under state control. This paper will compare fictional representations of state interference with reproductive rights in three science-fiction dystopias, Margaret Atwood’s The Handmaid’s Tale (Atwood, 1985), P.D. James’s Children of Men (James, 1992), and Harlan Ellison’s “A Boy and His Dog” (Ellison, 1969), and examine the real-world situations and concerns that these stories comment upon.
45
Weinmeyer, Richard M., Seema K. Shah, and Michelle L. McGowan. "Ethical and Legal Obligations for Research Involving Pregnant Persons in a Post-Dobbs Context." Journal of Law, Medicine & Ethics 51, no. 3 (2023): 504–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jme.2023.95.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractIn light of a history of categorical exclusion, it is critical that pregnant people are included in research to help improve the knowledge base and interventions needed to address public health. Yet the volatile legal landscape around reproductive rights in the United States threatens to undue recent progress made toward the greater inclusion of pregnant people in research. We offer ethical and practical guidance for researchers, sponsors, and institutional review boards to take specific steps to minimize legal risks and ensure the ethical conduct of research with pregnant people in an evolving legal environment.
46
Eberhardt, Maeve. "The social meaning of abortion and the perils of a neoliberal rights-based discourse." Gender and Language 17, no. 3 (November 20, 2023): 250–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/genl.24480.
Full textAbstract:
In 2022, the United States Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade and thus ended the legal protection of access to abortion at the federal level. Using techniques of corpus linguistics paired with critical discourse analysis, this article examines how the word abortion is used in a corpus of newspaper reports covering the decision. The analysis uncovers a staunch position of the right to abortion as an abstracted notion, alongside a simultaneous legitimation of individuals acting on those rights in order to construct them as worthy. In essence, the news media discursively reproduce a hegemonic order that demands adherence to the system, valorises responsible subjects and obscures structural inequities of gender, race and class in the name of freedom of choice. Echoing the call of Black and Indigenous feminist activists, this article argues for a shift in discourse towards one of reproductive justice.
47
Heise, Lori L. "Reproductive Freedom and Violence against Women: Where are the Intersections?" Journal of Law, Medicine & Ethics 21, no. 2 (1993): 206–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-720x.1993.tb01243.x.
Full textAbstract:
There isn’t much understanding in some marriages. My sister has six [children] and another has eight. I said to one of them that she shouldn’t have any more. And she said “What can I do? When my husband comes home drunk, he foxes me to sleep with him.” And that is what happens to a lot of women. And if the women don’t do it, the men hit them, or treat them badly. Or the men get jealous and think their wives are with other men.—Rene, a 29-year old Peruvian womanGender violence is a major yet often underrecognized obstacle to reproductive choice. In both the abortion rights movement in the United States and the reproductive health movement globally, the “enemy” of self-determination and choice is usually seen as imposing from the top down. In the North, it is the government—through the courts, the legislature, and bureaucratic rulemaking—that threatens to “take away” women’s reproductive autonomy. The image is one of the public sphere invading that which is private—of the state interfering with a woman’s right to control her own body.
48
Baker, Maureen. "Restructuring reproduction." Journal of Sociology 44, no. 1 (March 2008): 65–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1440783307085843.
Full textAbstract:
In 1968, the United Nations began viewing family planning as a human rights issue, relaxing the previous focus on population control. By the 1990s, UN documents empowered women in reproductive matters and urged governments to ensure women's access to a wider range of family planning services. However, after decades of widespread contraceptive usage, below-replacement fertility rates are once again worrying some governments in developed countries. This article traces policy and discourse changes relating to contraception, abortion and fertility decline, focusing on the `liberal' welfare states. Despite international pressure on governments, programs and discourse remain cross-nationally diverse, influenced by domestic politics and the relative strength of competing interest groups arguing about public funding, alternatives to `natural increase', maternal employment and the politics of choice.
49
Davis, Angela Y., and Cassandra Shaylor. "Race, Gender, and the Prison Industrial Complex." Meridians 19, S1 (December 1, 2020): 87–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/15366936-8565858.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract Despite the transnational growth of the prison industrial complex and the rapid expansion of the carceral state in the United States and beyond, violence against women in prisons has remained largely invisible. Reports from people inside prisons, amplified by activists on the outside and international human rights organizations documenting prison conditions, highlight rampant violations of human rights behind walls. The gendered nature of racism, which fuels the growth of the prison industrial complex, results in experiences of violence, including medical neglect, sexual abuse, lack of reproductive control, loss of parental rights, and the devastating effects of isolation, that manifest in particular ways in women’s prisons. Advocates who are challenging conditions inside increasingly are connecting with activists across the globe and organizing their efforts to resist this violence in concert with a broader resistance to carcerality overall.
50
Drushel, Bruce E. "Ma Vie en (Etats) Rouges (‘My life in red [states]’)." Queer Studies in Media & Popular Culture 8, no. 2 (July 1, 2023): 133–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/qsmpc_00094_2.
Full textAbstract:
The cancellation of a student-sponsored drag show by the president of a public university in Texas was one of a number of recent moves by officials in so-called ‘red states’ in the United States targeting sexual and gender diversity and reproductive rights. Those actions are part of broader assaults on diversity, equity and inclusion efforts at state-supported institutions that may be seen as attempts at reinforcing traditional social power structures. Moreover, they seek to push into hiding legitimate and constitutionally protected cultural practices that are imbedded in the heritage of the LGBTQ+ communities. They stand in sharp contrast to the work of this journal, which celebrates difference and inclusiveness, and which has devoted significant space to such subjects as post-human drag, trans* invisibility, and gender fluidity and disruption. That important work continues in the pages of this issue.