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1
Kokotova, M. A. "Criteria for Selecting Members of Municipal Public Chambers and Councils in Russia and Economic, Social and Environmental Councils in France." Lex Russica 73, no. 6 (June 26, 2020): 149–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.17803/1729-5920.2020.163.6.149-159.
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he paper considers the goals implemented in the legal regulation of the formation of public chambers (councils) inArkhangelsk, Barnaul, Volgograd, Yekaterinburg, Surgut (Russia) and social, economic and environmental councils of the Auvergne-Rhone-Alpes, Hauts-de-France, New Aquitaine, Brittany, Normandy regions (France). It is suggested that the main possible goals are to ensure that citizens represent their interests and the city authorities receive assistance from citizens when solving their tasks. There is a similarity between the requirements for candidates for membership in Russian public chambers and French social, economic and environmental councils (the need for representation of those whose lives depend on the level of development of the territorial unit in which the Advisory body operates; the ban on membership for those having been involved in offenses; the need for representation of public organizations). The requirements, both identical and different, are primarily aimed at ensuring the representation of the local population. At the same time, the French legislature sets a requirement for mandatory representation not of any local resident, but of particular groups defined for various reasons and a certain numerical ratio of representatives of these groups. As for the formation procedure, the composition of the considered Russian Advisory bodies is determined by local self-government bodies, while the French ones are determined by state authorities, besides local organizations are involved both in Russia and France. This procedure (as well as part of the requirements for candidates) is aimed at selecting individuals who are qualified enough to help local governments in the implementation of their functions, in case there are guarantees that these individuals will be representatives of the local community. At the same time, it is stipulated that elections are not the only way to ensure the representation of citizens; alternative methods include, in particular, the division of members of the Advisory body into groups based on the categories of the population they represent, provided for in the French law.
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Beaudoin, Gérald-A. "Quelques propositions." La réforme de la Chambre des communes 26, no. 1 (April 12, 2005): 143–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/042653ar.
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The rules of procedure in the House, the powers of the Speaker, the vote of non-confidence, the proportionnai representation vote as well as the future of parliamentary government, are some of the questions the author deals with when expounding upon the reform of the House of Commons. More powers should be given to the Speaker, and there should be a system where sessions and votes are held on a more regular basis, even if the principle of responsible government is maintained. The proportionnai representation vote is not for the immediate future and the author wonders whether a presidential system as in France would be appropriate for Canada.
3
Constantinesco, Vlad, and Stéphane Pierré-Caps. "Presidential Elements in Government France: The Quest for Political Responsibility of the President in the Fifth Republic." European Constitutional Law Review 2, no. 3 (October 2006): 341–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1574019606003415.
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Power of state – President as state's and as people's representative – Bicephalism of government – Unity in cabinet – History – Guizot, Chateaubriand – Orleanism – President's arbitration is form of leadership – De Gaulle engaging political responsibility – penal responsibility – Cohabitation – Constitutional amendment and referendum (1962) – President structures parliamentary majority – Weakness of Parliament – Full presidentialization? – Sixth Republic?
4
Rouban, Luc. "The uncertainty of French political life: the shift to the right and the crisis of representative democracy." Urgent Problems of Europe, no. 3 (2021): 188–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/ape/2021.03.08.
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This article deals with the evolution of French politics between 2017 and 2020. Using systematic surveys, which are conducted by the Center for the Study of French Political Life and in which the author is directly involved he shows that President Macron’s policies have not succeeded in dissipating a democratic crisis affecting trust in political institution. The sanitary crisis had a great impact on the political situation in the country. In France, the crisis associated with Covid-19 was manifested not in the confrontation of political forces, but in the criticism of the government by civil society and in the growth of populism. In this respect, France is very different from Germany, where there is a general public consensus, and Great Britain, where confidence in the system-forming parties remains. Populism has gained ground in French politics and explains, more than any other factor, both the distrust in the Presidency and in government health policies. The rise of left-wing and rightwing populism has not led to the disappearance of the division between left and right. A shift toward right values and State intervention can be observed in French public opinion, changing the electoral game for the 2022 presidential campaign.
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Medvedev, Aleksei Dmitrievich. "Punishment of the collaborationists in Vichy and other French regions (1944 – 1945)." Genesis: исторические исследования, no. 4 (April 2021): 86–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2021.4.35401.
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The goal of this article lies in examination of the process of preventing collaborationism in the former capital of the French state, as well as in determination of whether the process of suppressing cooperation with the German occupier has any peculiarities associated with the special position of Vichy in relation to other departments. The author examines such aspects of the topic as spontaneous and organized violence in Vichy and other French regions during the postwar period (1944 – 1945). Special attention is given to reprisal against the collaborationists in Vichy and the formation of representation on the unity of France during the occupation imbued by the Gaullist state. The main conclusions of this research consists in the two interpretations of the purges that took place in the postwar years in France. The situation in the agglomeration has several similarities with the situation in multiple departments: shaving of women; government branches responsible for repressions; urgent purges. However, the fact that namely Vichy was the seat of the French government has its own peculiarities: weak first phase of the extrajudicial purge due to the presence of law enforcement forces during the occupation and opposition, and on the other hand, the cruelty of spontaneous violence in June of 1945, numerous arrests in the first two weeks after the liberation, excessive city residents representation in the Court and Civil Chamber, as well as severity of the sentences.
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Saurugger, Sabine. "Democratic ‘Misfit’? Conceptions of Civil Society Participation in France and the European Union." Political Studies 55, no. 2 (June 2007): 384–404. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.2007.00662.x.
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The European Union's attempts to improve its democratic character increasingly often lead to debates about how to include civil society organizations in its decision-making processes. However, this interpretation of participatory democracy seems at odds with democratic traditions in a number of member states. Among those, France is said to be at the diametrically opposite end of the EU democratization debate spectrum. French democratic thought is based on government through electoral representation. The aim of this article is to analyze both theoretically and empirically the discourse and participatory processes in both the EU and France. While normative approaches to democratic patterns in the EU and French political debate show important differences, empirical evidence suggests that the misfit between the European and French conception of democracy is less developed than one might believe.
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FORREST, ALAN. "French urban elites." Urban History 30, no. 1 (May 2003): 98–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s096392680300107x.
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In France, as in the Anglo-Saxon world, social history has undergone a sea change in recent years with the growth of interest in issues of culture and representation, with the result that historians have come to ask rather different questions about cities and their social fabric. The change was not, of course, achieved overnight: since the 1930s the Annalistes have been opening up new approaches to the analysis of power and status, while in the development of micro-history Emmanuel Le Roy Ladurie's Montaillou occupies an honoured place. In this the lingering influence of a Marxist model has played an important part. For decades Marxist theory provided the key which opened up issues of social power and class division, the methodology which led to a widespread study of urban structures and social dominance. And though in some hands it might be criticized for leading to an over-arching concern with the urban economy and the growth of the industrial city, the same Marxist perspective also encouraged studies of such questions as the identity of urban elites, the extent of social mobility within cities and the development of suburbs. More recently French historians have been among the most innovative in exploring the culture of urban life in a variety of different contexts, whether – and here I shall simply cite representative examples – by the study of individual professions (Christophe Charle), of dress and public appearance (Daniel Roche), or of the appropriation of urban space (Bernard Lepetit). The three books under review here all, in their different ways, contribute to our understanding of that urban culture and of the changes which it has undergone. Yannec Le Marec takes up Charle's arguments through a micro-history of the professional development of lawyers and doctors in the south Breton city of Nantes during the nineteenth century. Natacha Coquery, looking at the eighteenth century, explains the representation of social power implicit in the transfer of sumptuous Paris hôtels from private use to that of government ministries and their fast-multiplying staff. And Claude Petitfrère presents an edited collection of papers, emanating from a conference organized by the highly influential Centre d'histoire de la ville moderne et contemporaine in his own university at Tours, which illuminates across time and place the ways in which an urban patriciate was first constructed, then reproduced and represented to contemporaries. Taken together the three volumes go far to illustrate current developments in historiography and offer an overview of the present state of urban social history in France.
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Kim, Byoung-Yoon, Kyeong-Il Choi, Eunjung Kim, Dowon Kim, and Changhyun Shim. "Overview of Appropriate Technology Research Organizations in France." Academic Society for Appropriate Technology 7, no. 2 (November 20, 2021): 144–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.37675/jat.2021.7.2.144.
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The purpose of this paper is to introduce representative appropriate technology research organizations operating in France. Among them, we would like to investigate and introduce five institutions that have acquired a lot of experience due to their long history. Institut de Recherche pour le Développement (IRD) is a government-funded institution that strengthens science and technology infrastructure in Africa and overseas territories with the aim of supporting and educating science communities in developing countries, and conducts collaborative research with more diverse developing countries. Antenna France is an NGO organization whose main activity is to improve malnutrition in Africa. Ingénieurs sans frontiers is an NGO organization that sets sustainable development as the main goal of the association's activities and leads various activities such as education. Terre & Humanism is an NGO organization that practices ecological agriculture and carries out a social change movement urging to respect life and land, and to constitute an alternative society. Humanitarian Design Bureau is a corporation concept company that mainly carries out R&D for environmentally friendly products necessary for NGO activities.
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Ngamsang, Sirirat. "Confucius Institutes as Instruments of Soft Power: Comparison with International Rivals." Journal of Education and Vocational Research 4, no. 10 (October 30, 2013): Ngamsang. http://dx.doi.org/10.22610/jevr.v4i10.135.
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The Chinese Confucius Institutes, which have become common around the world and particularly in Asia, have followed the examples of the British Council, Alliance Française and the Goethe Institute. Yet by following the earlier examples, Confucius Institutes have the benefit of late development and can learn from the experiences of earlier approaches. This paper studies and analyses the overseas educations institutions of China, Britain, France and Germany to identify similarities and dissimilarities and then draws conclusions from this. It is shown that Confucius Institutes are a representative of the overseas soft power approach of the Chinese government and have multiple intentions and purposes.
10
DAVIES, C. S. L. "TOURNAI AND THE ENGLISH CROWN, 1513–1519." Historical Journal 41, no. 1 (March 1998): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x97007620.
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The English occupation of Tournai has recently generated far-reaching claims about its importance; allegedly Tournai provided a foretaste of certain developments of the Henrician Reformation. This article argues that Tournai was treated as an integral part of Henry VIII's ‘kingdom of France’ and its status consistently distinguished from that of the English kingdom. It was not, as has been suggested, granted representation in the English parliament. The argument that advanced ideas of ‘sovereignty’ derived from fifteenth-century French thought entered into English political discourse through Tournai is also countered. Important jurisdictional points were raised, notably over the administration of the bishopric, involving three powers, England, France, and the Habsburg government of Flanders. But Henry's insistence on his rights as a sovereign prince were directed against France, not, as has been claimed, against the papacy. Nothing in Henry's dealings with Tournai transcended well-established English doctrine and practice about the relationship between the political authority and the church. Nor did Henry's treatment of the conquered town evoke novel doctrines of royal power; it followed closely precedents set by Henry V. The conquest of Tournai increased the self-confidence of Henry VIII's government in both domestic and international affairs; but largely through Henry's belief that he was successfully emulating the military achievement of Henry V, not through any input of novel political doctrine.
11
Hemström, Örjan. "Attitudes toward Alcohol Policy in Six EU Countries." Contemporary Drug Problems 29, no. 3 (September 2002): 605–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009145090202900306.
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This study explores differences between Sweden, Finland, the United Kingdom, Germany, France and Italy regarding public attitudes toward alcohol control policy (measured by a statement that the government has a responsibility to keep down how much people drink). Cross-national representative samples of around 1,000 respondents 18–64 years old in each country were analyzed. A large majority of people in Italy and Sweden (about 75%) supported governmental responsibility for alcohol control. This was the case for 60% in France and for 48% in the UK, whereas in Finland and Germany those who were supportive constituted a minority (38% and 29%). After controlling for social factors in logistic regressions, this pattern was unaltered and clearly significant. The attitude was strongly related to alcohol consumption: in all six countries, non-drinkers and low consumers were most supportive and high consumers least supportive. Limitations of the data and potential explanations of the findings are discussed.
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Becquart-Leclercq, Jeanne. "Multiple Officeholding in Local and National Elective Positions." Tocqueville Review 9, no. 1 (January 1988): 221–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ttr.9.1.221.
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Combining a national electoral position with one or several local electoral positions is frequent among elected national officials in France, while it is legally prohibited or the object of cultural taboo in other European countries and the United States. This element of the French political system, for example being simultaneously a mayor, a regional councillor and a member of parliament, is referred to in this paper as “multiple officeholding” (cumul des mandats). It is an important part of the relationship betw-een those who govern and those who are governed, of the integration between the center and the periphery, and the quality of democratic representation. The thesis developed here is that multiple officeholding leads to distortion in territorial political representation. From a theoretical point of view, multiple officeholding constitutes the framework of an ideal-typical organization of powers, called here the “oligarchic overlapping model,” as contrasted against a model in which the power is more diffused and fragmented. For example, in the first model, there is little circulation of elites from and to the civilian society, but there is some circulation within the elite from and to various levels of government; In the latter one, each level of government has its own system for recruitment of political leaders, which means more circulation between elites and society
13
Becquart-Leclercq, Jeanne. "Multiple Officeholding in Local and National Elective Positions." Tocqueville Review 9 (January 1988): 221–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ttr.9.221.
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Combining a national electoral position with one or several local electoral positions is frequent among elected national officials in France, while it is legally prohibited or the object of cultural taboo in other European countries and the United States. This element of the French political system, for example being simultaneously a mayor, a regional councillor and a member of parliament, is referred to in this paper as “multiple officeholding” (cumul des mandats). It is an important part of the relationship betw-een those who govern and those who are governed, of the integration between the center and the periphery, and the quality of democratic representation. The thesis developed here is that multiple officeholding leads to distortion in territorial political representation. From a theoretical point of view, multiple officeholding constitutes the framework of an ideal-typical organization of powers, called here the “oligarchic overlapping model,” as contrasted against a model in which the power is more diffused and fragmented. For example, in the first model, there is little circulation of elites from and to the civilian society, but there is some circulation within the elite from and to various levels of government; In the latter one, each level of government has its own system for recruitment of political leaders, which means more circulation between elites and society
14
Margraf, Jürgen, Julia Brailovskaia, and Silvia Schneider. "Behavioral measures to fight COVID-19: An 8-country study of perceived usefulness, adherence and their predictors." PLOS ONE 15, no. 12 (December 7, 2020): e0243523. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0243523.
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Behavioral measures, such as the wearing of facemasks and maintaining of distance to other people, have been central in fighting the COVID-19 pandemic and will continue to be important in curbing its spread. We therefore investigated their perceived usefulness, adherence and their predictors in representative online samples in eight countries (France, Germany, Poland, Russia, Spain, Sweden, U.K., U.S.). Of the 7,658 participants, 77.4% rated governmental measures (highest: Germany, lowest: France) as useful and 91.7% reported adherence to them. Adherence was lowest in Russia and Poland, where people felt particularly left alone and not well supported, and in the U.S. and Sweden, where governments showed ambivalent attitudes towards the measures. The highest adherence was reported in countries with very high mortality (U.K., Spain, France) or very positively perceived government communication (Germany). Female gender, higher age, belonging to a risk group, being affected physically and mentally, perception of governmental communication as guided by the interests of people, feeling of being well informed and the level of positive mental health positively predicted both outcomes, while being affected economically negatively predicted both outcomes. Country-specific results are considered in the light of the protection motivation theory and the theory of planned behavior together with potential ways to improve active participation of the population. Overall, we recommend the governments and authorities to stress that each individual can contribute to the control of the COVID-19 situation by adherence to the measures in the public communication. Moreover, they should emphasize the risk of unconscious infection of older individuals by younger people, as well as the importance of physical activity for the protection of mental and physical health especially during the pandemic.
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Sehgal, M. L. "Are Marxism and Democracy Antithetical? Two Opinions." Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal 7, no. 9 (October 4, 2020): 606–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/assrj.79.9102.
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No doubt, Marx believed that a representative government always overweighed an absolutist regime but he has his own views on democracy. He would neither appreciate the ‘direct’ nor the ‘parliamentary’ democratic forms because he was against the ‘universal franchise’; antithetical to today’s definition of the democracy. He started with Bourgeoisie Democracy’ of France but found it lacking because it was democratic according to CAPITALIST terms and was ‘democracy of the minority’. He was fascinated by ‘Commune Model of Democracy’ which was not a democracy in the true sense as it could neither be applied to the whole of length and breadth of the country nor the Commune was a parliamentary body, rather executive and legislative at the same time. In fact, Marx was too obsessed with ‘Capitalism’ viz.-a-viz the poor plight of the ‘Labour Class’ and always believed that any form of the government that did not emancipate the poor both politically and economically did not worth it.
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Nisiobęcka, Aneta. "Przyczynek do historii dyplomacji kulturalnej II Rzeczypospolitej we Francji." Sprawy Międzynarodowe 73, no. 4 (December 31, 2020): 279–315. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/sm.2020.73.4.10.
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The article describes the circumstances in which the France-Pologne association, led by Henri de Montfort, was established in 1919 and operated to 1940. In the available literature on the subject, the activity of this association has not been given much attention. The Les Amis de la Pologne association established by Rosa Bailly in 1919 played an important role in creating a positive image of Poland in the city on the Seine in the interwar period. The recognition of the Polish National Committee (KNP) by Paris in August 1917 as the official Polish representation paved the way for the creation of the France-Pologne association. Having realised how important it was to use propaganda in international political and military relations, the Polish delegation to the Paris Peace Conference handed over the competences of the KNP Propaganda Office to the France-Pologne association. Its most important task was to conduct the promotional activities in the central press, supported by the government on the Seine. Throughout the interwar period, to advertise the Second Polish Republic’s achievements in France, France-Pologne co-organised readings, lectures, concerts, anniversary celebrations and participated in the scholarship exchange of Polish and French high schoolers and students. It also informed the French public opinion about economic relations with Poland in its magazines: „La Pologne. Politique, économique, littérraire et artistique”, „Bulletin d’information sur la vie économique polonaise” and „La Revue de l’Est Européen”.
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Syssoyeva-Masson, Irina, and Andrade Sousa. "Are PIIGS so different? An empirical analysis of demand and supply shocks." Panoeconomicus 64, no. 2 (2017): 189–222. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/pan1702189s.
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This paper analyses responses to supply and demand shocks in PIIGS countries. We compare the results obtained for PIIGS with those of Germany and the USA, and also with those of France, which despite its government?s efforts demonstrate relatively poor recent economic performance. The main objective of this paper is to establish whether it is still reasonable to consider PIIGS as a group apart. Our methodological strategy is based on the Okun Law (OL) which is incorporated in a Structural Vector Autoregression (SVAR) model with Blanchard-Quah (BQ) restrictions. We address two drawbacks that usually present in the OL: the interdependency problem and the non-stationarity problem. By using a non-parametric representation of OL, we identify the heterogeneity between countries. We build stable VAR models for each of the economies and use the BQ SVAR impulses to analyse the importance of contemporary and long-run effects of supply and demand shocks. The main conclusion of this paper is that it does not make any sense today to identify PIIGS as a separate group. Additionally, a country that stands out from our analysis is France. The question can thus be posed that if ?PIIGS? signifies ?countries with poor economic performances? then should not France also belong to this group?
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Ziller, Jacques. "National Constitutional Concepts in the New Constitution for Europe." European Constitutional Law Review 1, no. 3 (October 2005): 452–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1574019605004529.
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Precedents in European Union member states for the negative referenda in France and The Netherlands on the Constitution for Europe. Evolution of the investiture of the Commission: parallel with France under Third and Fourth Republic. Double headed executive (President of the European Council and President of the Commission) and ‘double hats’ (Union Minister for Foreign Affairs) in line of the European constitutional tradition. The unborn ‘Legislative Council’ and its Austrian and German counterparts. The aborted ‘Congress of the Peoples of Europe’: forum for ‘State of the Union’ speech, not a electoral body. Protection of minority rights in the Constitution for Europe due to insistence of the Hungarian government; foreign to the dominant Western constitutional concepts. Representative democracy and the formal concept of law: European Laws and Framework Laws as ‘Acts of Parliament’. Strict limits on the possibility to delegate legislation: German, Italian, French roots. European Laws and Regulations: unachieved hierarchy and French precedent. Judiciary as a relative minor branch of government as in the British and French traditions. No German Verfassungsbeschwerde or Spanish recurso de amparo, but probably more annulment procedures and preliminary questions on legality and constitutionality than before. Parallels with German federal concepts: Union Law über Alles; no rigid Kompetenzkatolog and joint competences; distribution of competences not limited to law-making. More than lip service to decentralisation. Constitutional ping-pong and intertwined constitutionalism: territories d'outre- mer and outermost regions.
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Hordiyenko, Viacheslav, and Halyna Hordiyenko. "Elements of the information and psychological war in the confrontation of king Philip IV and Pope Bonifation VIII." Bulletin of Luhansk Taras Shevchenko National University, no. 4 (352) (2022): 74–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.12958/2227-2844-2022-4(352)-74-90.
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The article is devoted to the conflict between King Philip IV of France and Pope Boniface VIII. We found out that the conflict between the French monarchy and the papal throne arose against the sociocultural background of the transition from the High to the Late Middle Ages and the evolution of the early feudal monarchy into a representative estate in France. It is noted that during this period the papacy significantly lowered its status as a pan-European spiritual and political center, and the theocratic tendencies of the pontiff’s power contradicted the process of forming national states. It is proved that social changes in the system of monarchical power had affected the strengthening of rational and pragmatic aspects of governance. The article emphasizes that the Legionnaires as the closest advisers to Philip IV enriched the arsenal of means of combating the Pope with information and psychological operations. It is shown that the Pope’s criticism and intimidation of the monarch caused the government of Philip IV to use falsifications, forgery of documents in order to permit the king to influence the consciousness of the masses in a nececessary way.
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Aucouturier, Julien, Caroline Ganière, Salomé Aubert, Fabien Riviere, Corinne Praznoczy, Anne Vuillemin, Mark S. Tremblay, Martine Duclos, and David Thivel. "Results From the First French Report Card on Physical Activity for Children and Adolescents." Journal of Physical Activity and Health 14, no. 8 (August 2017): 660–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1123/jpah.2017-0046.
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Background:Many countries publish periodic Report Cards on physical activity for children and youth. This paper presents the results from the first French Report Card providing a systematic synthesis and assessment of the national engagements to facilitate childhood physical activity.Methods:A search for nationally representative data on 8 indicators of physical activity was conducted and the data were assessed by an expert panel according to international procedures. Whether children across France are achieving specific benchmarks was rated using an established grading framework [A, B, C, D, F, or INC (incomplete)]. Data were interpreted, grades assigned and detailed in the 2016 Report Card that was produced and disseminated.Results:The expert panel awarded the following grades: Overall Physical Activity: INC; Organized Sport Participation: D; Active Transportation: D; Sedentary Behaviors: D; Family and Peers: INC; School: B; Community and the Built Environment: INC; Government Strategies and Investment: INC.Conclusions:The grades reveal that efforts must be done to improve youth’s physical activity and that several gaps in the literature still need to be addressed. Collectively the results highlight that children’s physical activity levels are low and that further national supports and investments are needed to promote childhood healthy active living in France.
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YASHLAVSKII, A. E. "Europe’s Anti-immigrant Parties: False Start or Second Wind?" Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 11, no. 3 (August 17, 2018): 230–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2018-11-3-230-244.
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The article makes focus on the rise of Western Europe’s far-right parties which act with anti-immigrant agenda amid 2010s European migrant crisis. Massive influxes of refugees and migrants have accumulated huge political significance and triggered off a wide range of conflicts (both on international and national levels). The migrant crisis has indicated many social-political challenges for European countries. The crisis has been synchronous with a rise of popularity of right populist political movements (old ones as well as new ones), which promote restrictions of immigration etc. At the same time it cannot be ignored that West European right-wing populist political movements achieved some success in previous decades, well ahead of the current migrant crisis. Immigration issue has been a centerpiece of political discourses of West European right-wing parties (National Front in France, for instance) since late 1970s – early 1980s. But it is quite obvious that the 2010s migrant crisis became a trigger for revitalization of the far-right movements which are outspoken critics of the European Union as “a supra- national body” dictating its conditions to the member countries. Besides, the crisis gave a boost to a rise of new populist movements (for example, “Alternative for Germany”). In 2017 the populist right-wing parties in Europe won the largest support over the three past decades. Recently the right populist forces appeared in elections in a number of European countries (Germany, Austria, France etc.) as tough competitor of traditional mainstream political parties and won parliamentary representation and/or representation in the government coalitions. Furthermore, these movements demonstrate attempts to change their image to shift to political mainstream. However, in the foreseeable future, any cardinal breakthrough and far-right anti- immigrant parties’ coming to the power in Western Europe’s coutrnies is hardly possible.
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Burnama, Indrajaya. "ASPEK KEADILAN ATURAN PAJAK INDONESIA DALAM MENGATUR TRANSAKSI EKONOMI DIGITAL: RESPON ATAS INVESTIGASI USTR." Scientax 4, no. 1 (October 31, 2022): 63–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.52869/st.v4i1.242.
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The growth of digital economy around the world is rapidly increasing. According to a study by Google, Temasek, Bain, and Statista, Indonesia should be the largest digital economic market in South East of Asia. Therefore, a lot of people and industry involved in the digital economy from overseas came to Indonesia. However they are not implementing the tax obligation at all, not only income tax but also value added tax. So, they raise injustice among people and industry involved with digital economy. Until the government released Minister of Finance Decree number 35 Year 2019, Act number 2 Year 2020 and Minister of Finance Decree number 48 Year 2020. However, the regulations were being investigated by United States Trades Representative (USTR). This research discusses implementation of the principle of justice in several tax regulations that regulate digital economic activity as well as current example such as France, Australia and Singapore. This research uses a descriptive qualitative approach. The purpose of this research is to find out the application of the principle of justice in tax regulations related to the digital economy that has been carried out by the government.
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Asal, Houda. "Community sector dynamics and the Lebanese diaspora: Internal fragmentation and transnationalism on the Web." Social Science Information 51, no. 4 (November 20, 2012): 502–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0539018412456768.
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The author analyses the presence of Lebanese organizations on the Web and shows the transnational links between associations from different countries, starting from a case study that includes France and Canada. The nature and density of these connections are partly attributable to the importance of linguistic, religious and/or political factors. The graphs indicate that, while there is a real attempt to transcend the divisions in the diaspora cyberspace, the fragmentation of collective dynamics remains important. The most important alliances revolve around a few individual portals and some institutional websites. However, the weakness of the Lebanese government does not allow its institutions to play a unifying role for the Lebanese diaspora. In fact, economic initiatives are more active than political ones. The connections between websites claiming to be apolitical show the persistence of selective alliances, which reflect the usual Christian/Muslim divide. Transnationality is thereby limited, and the Lebanese Canadian and French organizations are interconnected only through portals that are not representative of the grassroots community dynamics.
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Norton, Noelle H. "Has Liberalism Failed Women?: Assuring Equal Representation in Europe and the United States. Edited by Jytte Klausen and Charles S. Maier. New York: Palgrave, 2001. 243p." American Political Science Review 96, no. 3 (September 2002): 665–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055402780362.
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Over the past decade, while the United States effectively decided that liberalism could not accommodate quotas or affirmative action plans designed to alleviate gender and racial inequality, Europe decided that liberalism could accommodate a form of positive discrimination. As the U.S. Supreme Court systematically rolled back affirmative action plans and the state of California led the initiative to curtail government and educational affirmative action, countries like France, Germany, and Norway were implementing a variety of parity policies at both the constitutional and political levels. The parity movement that gained strength in Europe in the 1990s called for equal representation of both men and women in elected assemblies. Methods for achieving parity ranged from reserving parliamentary seats for female legislators by means of constitutional change to legal gender quotas in party lists and party rules. The editors of this volume point out that the Europeans have implemented these electoral reforms with “little public outcry” and “no manifestations of mass protests.”
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Ahmetaj, Prof AS Dr Lavdosh. "DURRES CONGRESS EXPRESSION OF ALBANIA'S POLITICAL MATURITY." EPH - International Journal of Humanities and Social Science 4, no. 1 (February 10, 2019): 40–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.53555/eijhss.v4i1.73.
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The paper reflects the political sense of the Albanians who realized that in the conditions of the end of World War I needed political alliances that could not be realized without the formation of a government and the Albanian state on legal and legal grounds, so that to be represented with the proper sovereignty not only in the face of the Great Powers, which would gather at the Peace Conference in Paris in the beginning of 19119, but it was the best opportunity to avoid any representation which did not have the sovereignty of Albanians.
Whereas, the preparatory stages internally for the organization of the Durrës Congress were accompanied by the initiative for the gathering of a congress in the city of Shkodra. This meeting was held in Lezha on December 9, 1918, organized by Catholic clerics and the mayor of Mirdita Bayribs, Preng Bib Doda as a movement, which included only North Albania, had not found extensive support. Another attempt was that of the city of Tirana, which took place on December 19-20, in which only representatives from some parts of Central Albania participated. These political movements gradually fused to the Durrës Congress, the organizers of the who had previously received Italy's political approval.
The Durrës Congress opened on 25 December 1918 with the participation of 53 delegates, who were accompanied by the mandate of the province they represented, although these provinces were under the control of the Italian army. But delegates from the city of Vlora did not attend the congress because the Italian authorities had received instructions from Rome not to be allowed to be delegates from this city. The representatives of the provinces under the Serbian occupation, Peshkopia and Luma, and even those who were under French occupation, such as the city of Korca, were also missing. The delegates initially expressed political trust in the winners of the war, associating this with a special greeting against President Wilson, who had declared the principles of the selfdetermination of peoples.
The Congress also discussed about the policy that should be followed in relations with Italy and the possibility of supporting it, which, from a strategic point of view, could have an interest in supporting Albania's territorial requirements. Through archival sources, it emerges that the most prominent politician of the Albanians, Mehmet Konica, at the Durrës Congress, had presented the Italian proposal for the formation of an "Enforcement Committee", which would try to send an Albanian delegation to the Peace Conference and acted to ensure the national and political life of the Albanian people. But, in turn, the sources reflect the political will of another part of the decalogue, which they expressed, for the creation of a provisional government, which should politically accept Roma as well. Seeking that, before this was announced, a response from Rome was taken, in the hope that it would accept its formation. While some other delegates stated that the government was a wish of the Albanian people and it did not matter whether it would be accepted by Italy. The Government, based on the minutes of the Senate parliamentary work, had two tasks: First, to send an Albanian delegation to the Peace Conference, and second, to ensure the national political life of the Albanian people. While the formation of a council or a committee would no longer be a helpless institution, leaving at the same time a free path to foreign intrigues and create free ground for antagonistic opponent Esad Toptani.
The analysis also reflects the other side of the discussions, which concerned the view that the Albanian people did not have that degree of maturity to act independently, which would lead Albania to the collapse of relations with the only friend Albania had, which was considered Italy.
So the development of discussions in Congress had naturally reflected the formation of two pillar groups, which were different: first, a group of congressmen was of prominent Orienteering who declared that for the decision of the formation of the government the interim was notified and Rome through the Italian command and expected its response; second, while the other group stated that they had not come to the congress to be presented as "puppets" to judge and act upon the orders of others, but to think about the will and political will of the people, who was looking for one sounds self-restraint.
In fact, the critical spirit of the delegates to the London Underground Treaty of 1915 is considerable in material through three fundamental issues related to Albania. First, on the political plane, through the creation of the government, they were opposed to the Italian protectorate of the Albanian state through the representation of this state from Italy in relations with the world, as envisaged in paragraph VII of the Secret Treaty of London on 26 April 1915. This treaty was also struck from a principled point of view. Congress through the majority managed to consider the decisions of 1913 untouched, coupled with the full independence of the Albanian state already formed. Secondly, Congress could not bypass those decisions of the Treaty of London that heavily affected the territory of Albania. The delegates expressed their sternness about the VIth paragraph of the Treaty through which Italy was recognized sovereignty over Vlora, as well as for Point VII, according to which Italy would not object to the passage of southern Albania to Greece and to the north of Serbia and Montenegro Black, under the conditions that this would require other Treaty firms, such as France and England. Thirdly, Congress reiterated its critical stance on Vth of the Treaty of London, which expressed the existence of a "Muslim" Albanian state in Middle East.
While reflecting on the criticism of Italy's attitude to the obstacles it had created for the representation of Vlora in Congress, which made it possible to sensitize even the question of the city of Vlora, which according to the Secret Treaty of London was in the protectorate of Italy.
By the time the material was refreshed on the morning of December 26th, the main representatives of Congress presented a reminder to Italy's political representative, bringing arguments on the formation of the government to devalue the possible efforts of France and the Balkan states to call delegates of Esad Toptani at the Peace Conference.
The analysis also raises the issue of the Albanian state's legal status and political affiliation to one or the other winning power, for which there were disagreements, they acted silently and in a compromise with each other. While the essence of the subject we are presenting is the political program that underpinned: First, the rights of the Peace Conference by the Government of Durres; Second, the search for Albania's ethnic boundaries; thirdly, maintaining public order and peace in the Albanian political territory.
The material also includes the political support that Albanian Diaspora organizations provided to the congressional work as "Vatra", which saw political compromise with Italy over the formation of the Government of Durres an essential point because it envisioned the anatonomic diversity of the Albanian political streams that would to be presented at the Peace Conference in Paris. But by making a careful study of the period in which this agreement was reached, this attitude seems to be fair. This agreement came about as a result of the change of Albania's historical circumstances at the end of the war, such as: the collapse of political balances in the Balkans as a result of the dissolution of the Austro-Hungarian Empire and the loss of war from it.
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Kang, Myoung won. "Citizen Participation in Response to the Climate Crisis." European Constitutional Law Association 40 (December 30, 2022): 315–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.21592/eucj.2022.40.315.
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Climate change or climate crisis, the cause of global warming, is a problem directly related to the fundamental rights stipulated in our Constitution and can be dealt with from the perspective of environmental rights, equality rights, and social rights. More broadly, it can be discussed from the viewpoint of human dignity and value and the right to pursue happiness. In addition, the climate crisis issue can be approached from the perspective of democracy in addition to the aforementioned fundamental rights.
In other words, in responding to the climate crisis, citizens are no longer an object, but a subject to share and solve problems with the state and local governments. Accordingly, the Korean government established the ‘2050 Carbon Neutrality Committee’ in May 2021, composed of related ministries, experts, and civic groups, to respond to the climate crisis that is becoming a global problem. However, it has been criticized in several respects.
Therefore, I think the case of the Climate Civic Council in France, which is recognized as a representative example of citizen participation in responding to the climate crisis in the European Union, is that Korea's Carbon Neutral Citizens Council, which is being criticized as above, will respond better to the climate crisis and promote citizen participation in the future. It is judged that it will be a good reference for forming social trust by properly reflecting the voice.
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Alamo, Teodoro, Daniel Reina, Martina Mammarella, and Alberto Abella. "Covid-19: Open-Data Resources for Monitoring, Modeling, and Forecasting the Epidemic." Electronics 9, no. 5 (May 17, 2020): 827. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/electronics9050827.
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We provide an insight into the open-data resources pertinent to the study of the spread of the Covid-19 pandemic and its control. We identify the variables required to analyze fundamental aspects like seasonal behavior, regional mortality rates, and effectiveness of government measures. Open-data resources, along with data-driven methodologies, provide many opportunities to improve the response of the different administrations to the virus. We describe the present limitations and difficulties encountered in most of the open-data resources. To facilitate the access to the main open-data portals and resources, we identify the most relevant institutions, on a global scale, providing Covid-19 information and/or auxiliary variables (demographics, mobility, etc.). We also describe several open resources to access Covid-19 datasets at a country-wide level (i.e., China, Italy, Spain, France, Germany, US, etc.). To facilitate the rapid response to the study of the seasonal behavior of Covid-19, we enumerate the main open resources in terms of weather and climate variables. We also assess the reusability of some representative open-data sources.
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Whitehall, Deborah. "The Ship of Democracy." European Journal of International Law 32, no. 1 (February 1, 2021): 91–124. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ejil/chab027.
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Abstract War, exile and democratic crisis organized the world-mind in the early 1940s around the transitive exigences of states. Political in origin, those trials also magnified the pressure points of international legal personality due to the disaggregation of territory, people and legitimate, being democratic, government. France presents the paradigm case worthy of attention for the unexpected recoding of the normative lines of state identity by the cultural internationalism of French scholars in exile. L’École Libre Hautes Etudes (l’ÉLHE) in New York stands out as the representative of a civic and cultural code of state identity framed by the cultural activism of esteemed intellectuals and contingent on ideas or rather, on the ideal of the free state. Their symbolic ship of democracy alerts internationalists to the aleatory meetings between different codes of statehood which disrupt, and might easily progress, the normative rules of state identity during crisis. Three such encounters matter now, anchoring this study about what happens to international law when democracy fails, for the recoding of legal standards by cultural agents of state: of rules of state recognition, of territorial sovereignty and of the meaning of legal internationalism after war.
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Yan, Zhengqing. "A Case Study of How Netflix Adapts Its Development Strategy to the Media System in Canada." BCP Social Sciences & Humanities 19 (August 30, 2022): 323–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.54691/bcpssh.v19i.1624.
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In recent years, streaming media services such as Netflix, Spotify, and YouTube have been widely used. Netflix, as a representative platform, is a powerful cultural force rising with the emergence of streaming media technology. Streaming media platforms abandon the linear mode of traditional TV and adopt the new mode of multi-channel interaction and digital production, continuing to contribute its unique advantages to high TV ratings. Netflix, headquartered in the United States, has started its global expansion and entered Canada, France, and other countries. In the process of its expansion, Netflix designed its unique global expansion strategy and obtained high-quality target consumers in various streaming media markets. This study will critically explore how Netflix adapts its development strategy to fit into Canadian media systems and policies. This study argues that in order to meet the requirements of the Canadian government, Netflix has made two prominent changes in its development strategy at the content level. First, Netflix has increased the production of local content in Canada and presented some original content in French. Secondly, Netflix is striving to improve its degree of globalization and breaking geographical restrictions to achieve subscribers’ access to equivalent content around the world.
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Lincoln, Andrew. "Anna Barbauld and Charlotte Smith on War and Acquiescence." Eighteenth-Century Life 44, no. 3 (September 1, 2020): 119–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00982601-8718688.
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This essay considers works published by two women writers as Britain was preparing for hostilities against revolutionary France in 1793: a Fast Day sermon, Sins of Government, Sins of the Nation, published anonymously by Anna Barbauld, Charlotte Smith’s novel The Old Manor House, and her blank verse poem The Emigrants. It considers how these works, which condemn the guilt arising from war, expose the problem of necessary acquiescence in what is condemned. Taken together, the writings illuminate two sides of the problem. As a Dissenter, Barbauld belonged to a social group that, during the early years of the French revolution, had reason to feel especially vulnerable to the threat of civil disorder; she therefore had a particular incentive to see the horrors of war abroad in relation to the fear of social unrest at home. For Smith, who identified herself publicly with the landowning classes, and who desired socially appropriate positions for her children, such horrors had to be set against the material opportunities made available by war. In both cases the representation of sympathy for the victims of war provides a way out of the moral impasse they encounter.
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Satskiy, Pavlo. "The Relationship Between the UPR and the Entente in December 1917 ‒ March 1918: Crisis of the Status of Ukraine As a Subject of International Relations." European Historical Studies, no. 7 (2017): 123–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2017.07.103-124.
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On the basis of the archival papers, the research of the relations of Ukrainian People’s Republic with the allies of The Triple Alliance agreement, in particular with France, has been made. The system of relations of the Ukrainian People’s Republic institutions with the representatives of The Triple Alliance in Kyiv has been researched. However, the analysis of these relations has been made in the context of the events taking place in the entire European system of relations. In particular, the analysis of works of the French representative in Kyiv, General J. Tabouis, aimed at establishing systematic relations with the General Secretariat of the Ukrainian People’s Republic. Though, it has been determined that the activity of J. Tabouis in Kyiv had been driven on suppressing the Ukrainian People’s Republic activity and had also been concentrated at creating the situation of political instability at deterring the command of the German-Austrian troops from the movement of the troops from the “Ukrainian” territory from the Eastern front to other areas. General J. Tabouis has also been actively cooperated with the Ukrainian national organizations, among members of which were the prisoners of war of Austrian-Hungarian, German, Polish and Czech and Slovaks armies. After the signing of The Treaty of Brest-Litovsk and the liberation of Kyiv from the Bolshevik army, the Council of Ministers of the Ukrainian People’s Republic clearly expressed the hostile reaction to the mission of the Triple Alliance countries in Kyiv. In particular, some Ukrainian officials expressed the accusation regarding the participation of the French mission in creating chaotic conditions in Ukraine, in their subversive activity and their agreement with the Bolsheviks. Moreover, the Council of Ministers of Ukraine expressed the idea that due to the fact that the participation of Ukraine in the First World War was over, and The Triple Alliance did not accept the Ukrainian People’s Republic, the presence of the representatives of these countries in Kyiv was unsuitable. Thus, the Council of Ministers of Ukrainian People’s Republic and the command of the German troops in Ukraine demanded from the representatives of The Triple Alliance to leave the Ukrainian territory. So, the Ukrainian People’s Republic constrainedly put itself in the position of the actual collaborationist government, which had to withdraw the missions of the countries of The Triple Alliance because of the demand of occupation troops, which was not politically profitable in comparison to the state of the government of the Russian Federation.
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Arlauskas, Saulius. "SOVEREIGNTY OF A NATION IN THE PARLIAMENTARY SYSTEM OF LITHUANIA: PROBLEMS AND PROPOSALS." CREATIVITY STUDIES 3, no. 2 (December 31, 2010): 99–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.3846/limes.2010.11.
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The aim of the article is to show in what way it is possible to guarantee the proper representation of human interests in the parliamentary form of government. To quote ideas of Mykolas Romeris concerning relationships between sovereign and State powers, it is stated that a special function of safeguarding of constitutionality as an expression of the Sovereign's will ought to be provided in the Constitution of Parliamentary Republic. In the article, it is demonstrated that such function is implemented in the Constitutions of France and Germany by granting a President to guarantee a proper work of parliamentary system (the function of political and legal reserve). It is also shown that in Lithuania, which is considered to be a Parliamentary Republic, the President does not perform a function of political and legal reserve and does not have appropriate authorizations. The author of the article proposes to follow the standards of Constitutions of France and Germany and to reconsider the competences between the institutions of the Seimas and the President. Tautos suverenitetas parlamentinėje Lietuvos sistemoje: problemos ir pasiūlymai Santrauka Straipsnyje siekiama parodyti, kaip parlamentinė valdymo forma gali užtikrinti deramą žmonių interesų atstovavimą. Remiantis Mykolo Romerio idėjomis apie suvereno ir valdžios santykį teigiama, kad parlamentinės valstybės Konstitucijoje privalo būti numatyta speciali konstitucingumo apsaugos funkcija kaip suvereno valios išraiška. Parodoma, kad tokia funkcija numatyta Prancūzijos ir Vokietijos Konstitucijose, suteikiant Prezidentui funkciją užtikrinti deramą parlamentinės sistemos veikimą (politinio ir teisinio rezervo funkcija). Atskleidžiama, kad Lietuvoje, kuri taip pat yra laikoma parlamentine respublika, Prezidentas politinio ir teisinio rezervo funkcijos neatlieka ir atitinkamų įgaliojimų neturi. Straipsnyje siūloma pasekti Prancūzijos ar Vokietijos Konstitucijų pavyzdžiu ir peržiūrėti Seimo bei Prezidento kompetencijas.
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Semley, Lorelle D. "“Evolution Revolution” and the Journey from African Colonial Subject to French Citizen." Law and History Review 32, no. 2 (May 2014): 267–307. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248014000157.
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Soon after Marc Kojo Tovalou Houénou hurried from his tour of the United States to the French West African colony of Dahomey in 1925 to be at his dying father's side, the French governor there launched an inquiry to find out whether Houénou was the French citizen he claimed to be. Houénou had been born in Dahomey in 1887, but had spent most of his life studying and residing in France. Alhough he had only returned to Dahomey briefly in 1921, with his father's death in 1925, Houénou wanted to claim what he saw as his rightful position aschef de familleor head of his extended family in Dahomey. With this title, Houénou would have gained administrative control over his father's expansive wealth in land and property in several towns in Dahomey, and would have been the official representative for his family, especially in interactions with the French colonial government. However, Houénou was already emerging as a thorn in the side of French colonial authorities because of a series of critical articles he had written in Paris about French colonialism. Therefore, when Governor Gaston Fourn found that Houénou had, in 1915, obtained his French citizenship rights, literally permission “to enjoy (jouir) the rights of French citizen,” why was the governor relieved?
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Salmon, J. H. M. "Constitutions old and new: Henrion de Pansey before and after the French revolution." Historical Journal 38, no. 4 (December 1995): 907–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00020501.
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ABSTRACTHenrion de Pansey (1742–1829) is an important but neglected constitutional historian whose views on the French past served as a commentary on the unwritten and written constitutions of his own age. A feudal lawyer before the revolution and an appeal judge under Napoleon and the restored Bourbons, he published a variety of works combining liberal sentiment with judicial traditionalism. His career illustrates the shift of moderate conservative opinion across the revolutionary divide. The alteration in his political thought is best understood through its conjunction with the three historical modes prevalent in his time: a discontinuous approach, accepting the past as a series of different regimes interrupted by revolutions; a developmental view, charting the progressive growth of institutions from seeds planted in antiquity; and a fundamentalist habit of thought that saw change as decline from pristine perfection. The jurists of sixteenth-century France remained Henrion's most admired models, and he used his roseate vision of the early modern French monarchy as a sometimes critical commentary on the constitutions designed in his own day. In prerevolutionary days he recast the ideas of the sixteenth-century rationalizer of feudalism, Charles Dumoulin, into Enlightenment terms. After the revolution, De l'Autoritéjudiciaire (1810) depicted the moderating role of the judiciary as defenders of past constitutions, and formed an oblique commentary on Napoleon's civil code. Des Pairs et de l'ancienne constitution (1816) appraised the charter of 1814. It accepted a measure of popular participation in government, but held judicial expertise essential in legislation. Des Assemblées nationales (1826) shifted the emphasis from judicial oversight to the separation of powers and representative government, although Henrion, like Guizot and the doctrinaires, remained critical of popular democracy.
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Lavallee, Kristen L., Julia Brailovskaia, Saskia Scholten, Silvia Schneider, and Jürgen Margraf. "Perceptions of Macro- and Micro-Level Factors Predict COVID-19 Self-Reported Health and Safety Guidelines Adherence." European Journal of Psychology Open 80, no. 4 (December 2021): 152–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1024/2673-8627/a000016.
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Abstract. Introduction: Adherence to Covid-19 safety measures reduces the spread of the pathogen and lowers mortality rates. The present study examines microlevel (including sociodemographics, health risk factors, and mental health) and perceived macrolevel variables (including freedom, justice, and wealth) concerning self-perceived and self-reported Covid-19 safety measure adherence across eight countries. Methods: Self-reported adherence to Covid-19 safety measures and its potential predictors were assessed in representative samples from eight countries (total N = 7,437; Germany, France, Spain, Poland, Russia, Sweden, UK, US) by online surveys (end of May 2020 to the beginning of June 2020). Results: Self-reported adherence was positively predicted by female sex, higher age, higher social status, belonging to a Covid-19 risk group, being personally affected (physically, economically, and mentally), and positive mental health. Adherence was negatively predicted by depression and anxiety. Perceptions of governmental communication as credible and honest, government communication being guided by political interests, the feeling of being well informed, and perceived country-level freedom positively predicted self-reported adherence. Perceived country-level justice negatively predicted adherence, and perceived country-wide wealth was unrelated to it. Conclusions: Self-reported adherence to COVID-19 safety protocols is negatively predicted by depression, anxiety, and perceived justice, is positively predicted by perceived freedom, and not predicted by perceived country-level wealth.
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Jopp, Tobias A. "How Does the Public Perceive Alliances?" Jahrbuch für Wirtschaftsgeschichte / Economic History Yearbook 59, no. 1 (May 25, 2018): 187–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jbwg-2018-0008.
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Abstract World War I was fought by numerous countries siding together as the Central Powers and, respectively, the Allied Powers. The former began with the German Empire and Austria-Hungary and grew to four allies when the Ottoman Empire entered the scene in late 1914 and Bulgaria in late 1915; the latter centred on the alliance between England, France, and Russia and was informally extended to many more countries as they entered into the war ad-hoc by signalling common interests with the core Allied Powers. This article addresses a neglected dimension of the alliance formation phenomenon, namely how alliances were perceived by the public, in contrast to the perceptions of political and military leaders. Were the Central and Allied Powers perceived to be credible alliances – monolithic blocks – in the eyes of contemporaries? We seek to determine the degree of “alliance integration” among pairs of countries by applying cointegration analysis based on prices for securities. It is assumed that the prices of countries perceived as “integrated” should show signs of co-movement. In particular, we focus on the Amsterdam market for foreign government bonds providing us with a neutral perspective. Our analysis is based on the yields for representative bonds traded by 13 belligerent countries not only during the war, but also before and after. Among other findings, we cannot corroborate that investors simply recognized two monolithic blocks fighting the war against each other.
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Cobban, James L. "Kampungs and Conflict in Colonial Semarang." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 19, no. 2 (September 1988): 266–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463400000564.
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By the beginning of the twentieth century, Semarang was a major port city and administrative centre on Java. Attainment of this position was due partly to the expansion of its hinterland during the nineteenth century. This expansion was closely related to developments in the means of transportation and the consequent ability of plantation owners to bring the products of their plantations to the port for shipment to foreign markets. By the end of the century virtually the whole economic life of central Java focused upon Semarang. The city also exercised administrative functions in the Dutch colonial administration and generally had been responsible for Dutch interests in the middle and eastern parts of the island. The importance of Semarang as an administrative centre increased after 1906. In that year the government incorporated the city as an urban municipality (stadsgemeente). In 1914 it had consular representation from the United States, Belgium, Denmark, France, Great Britain, Italy, Norway, Germany, and Thailand. Subsequently, in 1926 it became the capital of the Province of Central Java under the terms of an administrative reform fostered by the colonial government at Batavia. Status as an urban municipality meant that local officials sitting on a city council would govern the domestic affairs of the city. The members of the city council at first were appointed from Batavia, subsequently some of them were elected by residents of the city. By the beginning of the twentieth century Semarang had enhanced its position as a major port on the north coast of the island of Java. It was one of the foremost cities of the Dutch East Indies, along with Batavia and Surabaya, a leading port and a centre of administration and trade. This article outlines the growth of the port of Semarang during the nineteenth century and discusses some of the conflict related to this growth over living conditions in parts of the city during the twentieth century, a conflict which smouldered for several decades among the government, members of the city council, and the non-European residents of the city, one which remained unresolved at the end of the colonial era.
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Frossard, Joseph. "La grève dans les services publics en droit français." Les Cahiers de droit 21, no. 3-4 (April 12, 2005): 699–713. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/042409ar.
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This paper describes the limitations on the constitutional right to strike that apply to public employees in France. While recognizing the right to strike for all salaried workers, whether employed in the private or public sector, the Preamble to the 1946 Constitution, incorporated by reference into the present Constitution, allows for limitations being imposed on that right by statute. Indeed, specific legislation has either prohibited or limited the right to strike for various classes of public employees. This has been held constitutionally valid insofar as the statutory bar or restriction is required to prevent essential functions of the State from being interrupted or to ensure that the vital needs of the country are being provided for. Even where no specific restrictive legislation applies, strikes by the staff of « public services » — including not only central and local government employees, but also employees of major nationalized industries, institutions such as hospitals, and even private undertakings providing some public utility or service — are subject, under the Labour Code, to a number of restrictions. In particular, five days' notice of the strike must be given by a representative union. And certains forms of striking, such as rotating strikes, are prohibited. In addition, the employer authority may, under the doctrine of « essential services », make administrative regulations identifying which units or staff positions are considered essential. These regulations are subject to review by the administrative courts on the basis that the constitutional right to strike may only be curtailed insofar as is needed to preserve State authority and security or the safety of the public.
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XI, LIAN. "The Search for Chinese Christianity in the Republican Period (1912–1949)." Modern Asian Studies 38, no. 4 (October 2004): 851–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x04001283.
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For more than a century after its introduction into China in 1807, Protestant Christianity remained an alien religion preached and presided over by Western missionaries. In fact the Christian enterprise, both Protestant and Roman Catholic, was given protection as Western interests by the Qing court after China's defeat in the Opium War of 1839–42. According to the treaty signed with the United States in 1858, for instance, the Qing government was to shield from molestation ‘any persons, whether citizen of the United States or Chinese convert, [who] peaceably teach and practise the principles of Christianity.’ In the Convention of 1860 signed with France, the imperial court promised that in addition to the toleration of Roman Catholicism throughout China, all Catholic properties previously seized should be ‘handed over to the French representative at Beijing’ to be forwarded to the Catholics in the localities concerned. By the time of the Boxer Uprising of 1900, Protestant converts numbered about 80,000 and the Catholic Church (whose modern missions to China had begun in the late sixteenth century) claimed a membership of some 720,000—a following that was perhaps disappointing to the Western missions yet aggravating to those who saw both the Confucian tradition and Chinese sovereignty eroded by the coming of the West. As a perceived foreign menace the Christian community became the target of the bloody rampage by famished North China peasants known as the Boxers. Before the revolt was quelled in August by the eight-power expedition forces, it had visited death on more than 200 Westerners and untold thousands of native converts.
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Lewandowski, Maciej, Pawel Mlodkowski, and Marek Wróbel. "DIGITAL PLATFORMS FOR POSTAL SERVICES IN EU AND JAPAN." European Integration Studies, no. 13 (October 29, 2019): 117–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.5755/j01.eis.0.13.22897.
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This paper offers a biased review of digital platforms introduced recently and operated by national posts in several European Union countries. Authors chose the most interesting cases, including those deemed as most successful, those that failed, and the most modern ones. The paper compares diverse European experience with modern solutions introduced by the Japan Post. Methods used for delivering the study included direct interviews with Japan Post officials and systematic review of official documents and announcements by national post operators in European countries covered bin the paper. European Union Member States, and their national postal operators seem to be well ahead of Japan in the way modern technology is utilized in the process of providing traditional (and new) postal services. Paper makes an attempt to show how representative national postal operators benefit from advanced Information and Telecommunication technology and by replacing the manner in which postal services are rendered. There are numerous successful cases of digital platform implementation, like those from Denmark, France, Czech Republic, and Poland, among others. One will find interesting insight into reasons for failed case from Italy among conclusions, at the end of the paper. Environmental issues are also addressed, along with e-government issues. It happens that European Union postal operators optimize their operations with modern technology in the form of digital platforms in a much wider scope than the Japan Post. Japanese organizations deal with extremely challenging geographic conditions. This, in turn, should motivate much more advanced optimization by the means of solutions enabled by digital platforms.
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Granero, Anita, Anne Isabelle Bertozzi, Eloise Baudou, and Kathy Oliver. "SWK-01. Partnership between caregivers, patients and healthcare professionals: promoting collaboration in a complex care pathway in pediatric neuro-oncology." Neuro-Oncology 24, Supplement_1 (June 1, 2022): i180—i181. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/neuonc/noac079.673.
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Abstract Children with a brain tumor and their families encounter, from the moment of diagnosis, a complex, multidisciplinary and multisite journey. Oscar's Angels (OA) is an association of trained patient advocate volunteers within a hospital structure who provide daily support to pediatric neuro-oncology patients and their families in complex care pathways. The association promotes collaboration in healthcare by facilitating a strong link between the daily reality of patients and their families and that of the hospital. OA volunteers are active and fully accepted members of the hospital multi-disciplinary team and collaborate on a very high level in the care of pediatric patients. Such a collaborative setting is possible because the work of OA is structured around three principles: Innovative, practical and theoretical initial and ongoing training and quality assessment of volunteers Patient and family support from Oscar’s Angels volunteers throughout the care pathway Government certification, institutional representation and active collaboration in educating healthcare professionals about the importance of patient advocacy and patients’ needs Operating in France since 2001 and in Italy since 2017 (with more than 600 and 200 families respectively supported last year), the OA volunteering program is specifically tailored to the needs and demands of hospitals and families. It can therefore be successfully reproduced in many settings. OA’s services come at no cost to hospitals. This is particularly important for implementing the program in developing countries where healthcare resources are extremely limited. But it is also relevant in developed countries as well where healthcare budgets are under strain. In 2020 an informal internal OA survey highlighted that the patient/family/volunteer/healthcare professional interface provides added value for all of these stakeholders. A formal survey will be conducted in 2022 to corroborate these results.
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Cao, Jinming, Xia Jiang, and Bin Zhao. "Models and data Analysis of the Outbreak Risk of COVID-19." International Journal of Coronaviruses 1, no. 4 (September 3, 2020): 26–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.14302/issn.2692-1537.ijcv-20-3383.
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With the spread of the new coronavirus around the world, governments of various countries have begun to use the mathematical modeling method to construct some virus transmission models assessing the risks of spatial spread of the new coronavirus COVID-19, while carrying out epidemic prevention work, and then calculate the inflection point for better prevention and control of epidemic transmission. This work analyzes the spread of the new coronavirus in China, Italy, Germany, Spain, and France, and explores the quantitative relationship between the growth rate of the number of new coronavirus infections and time. In investigating the dynamics of a disease such as COVID-19, its mathematical representation can be constructed at many levels of details, guided by the questions the model tries to help answer. Mathematical sophistication may have to yield to a more pragmatic approach closer to the ability to make predictions that inform public health policies. Background In December 2019 , the first Chinese patients with pneumonia of unknown cause is China admitted to hospital in Wuhan, Hubei Jinyintan , since then, COVID-19 in the rapid expansion of China Wuhan, Hubei, in a few months time, COVID-19 is Soon it spread to a total of 34 provincial-level administrative regions in China and neighboring countries, and Hubei Province immediately became the hardest hit by the new coronavirus. In an emergency situation, we strive to establish an accurate infectious disease retardation growth model to predict the development and propagation of COVID-19, and on this basis, make some short-term effective predictions. The construction of this model has Relevant departments are helpful for the prevention and monitoring of the new coronavirus, and also strive for more time for the clinical trials of Chinese researchers and the research on vaccines against the virus to eliminate the new corona virus as soon as possible. Methods According to the original data change law, Establish a Logistic growth model, we collect and compare and integrate the spread of COVID-19 in China, Italy, France, Spain and Germany, record the virus transmission trend among people in each country and the protest measures of relevant government departments. Findings Based on the analysis results of the Logistic model model, the Logistic model has a good fitting effect on the actual cumulative number of confirmed cases, which can bring a better effect to the prediction of the epidemic situation and the prevention and control of the epidemic situation. Interpretation In the early stage of the epidemic, due to inadequate anti-epidemic measures in various countries, the epidemic situation in various countries spread rapidly. However, with the gradual understanding of COVI D -19, the epidemic situation began to be gradually controlled, thereby retarding growth
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Zhao, Bin, Jinming Cao, and Xia Jiang. "Models and data analysis of the outbreak risk of COVID-19." MOJ Applied Bionics and Biomechanics 4, no. 3 (June 15, 2020): 59–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.15406/mojabb.2020.04.00135.
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With the spread of the new corona virus around the world, governments of various countries have begun to use the mathematical modeling method to construct some virus transmission models assessing the risks of spatial spread of the new corona virus COVID-19, while carrying out epidemic prevention work, and then calculate the inflection point for better prevention and control of epidemic transmission. This work analyzes the spread of the new corona virus in China, Italy, Germany, Spain, and France, and explores the quantitative relationship between the growth rate of the number of new corona virus infections and time. In investigating the dynamics of a disease such as COVID-19, its mathematical representation can be constructed at many levels of details, guided by the questions the model tries to help answer. Mathematical sophistication may have to yield to a more pragmatic approach closer to the ability to make predictions that inform public health policies. Background: In December 2019, the first Chinese patients with pneumonia of unknown cause is China admitted to hospital in Wuhan, Hubei Jinyintan, since then, COVID-19 in the rapid expansion of China Wuhan, Hubei, in a few months time, COVID-19 is Soon it spread to a total of 34 provincial-level administrative regions in China and neighboring countries, and Hubei Province immediately became the hardest hit by the new corona virus. In an emergency situation, we strive to establish an accurate infectious disease retardation growth model to predict the development and propagation of COVID-19, and on this basis, make some short-term effective predictions. The construction of this model has Relevant departments are helpful for the prevention and monitoring of the new corona virus, and also strive for more time for the clinical trials of Chinese researchers and the research on vaccines against the virus to eliminate the new corona virus as soon as possible. Methods: According to the original data change law, Establish a Logistic growth model, we collect and compare and integrate the spread of COVID-19 in China, Italy, France, Spain and Germany, record the virus transmission trend among people in each country and the protest measures of relevant government departments. Findings: Based on the analysis results of the Logistic model model, the Logistic model has a good fitting effect on the actual cumulative number of confirmed cases, which can bring a better effect to the prediction of the epidemic situation and the prevention and control of the epidemic situation. Interpretation: In the early stage of the epidemic, due to inadequate anti-epidemic measures in various countries, the epidemic situation in various countries spread rapidly. However, with the gradual understanding of COVI D -19, the epidemic situation began to be gradually controlled, thereby retarding growth.
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Le, Cong Chi, and Dam Xuan Dong. "Factors affecting European tourists’ satisfaction in Nha Trang city: perceptions of destination quality." International Journal of Tourism Cities 3, no. 4 (December 4, 2017): 350–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijtc-04-2017-0022.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to provide a deeper understanding of the different factors of destination quality in explaining European tourist satisfaction in Nha Trang city, which has one of the 29 most beautiful bays in the world and more than one million international tourists per year. The authors will also make some recommendations to attract more European visitors to Nha Trang and to increase satisfaction, as measured by their intention to return in the future. Design/methodology/approach A sample of 356 European visitors participated in this study. A structural equation modelling was applied in order to test the relationship between the constructs, and to evaluate their reliability and validity. Findings The results indicate satisfactory reliability and validity of the constructs and support the five hypotheses within a structural equation modelling. The findings highlight the importance of incorporating the roles of different factors in explaining tourists’ satisfaction. Specially, in some previous studies, the composition of the destination quality such as accommodation, food services, the retail and souvenir shops and destination attractions has a great impact on domestic tourist’s satisfaction. While the study found that the biggest factor affecting European tourist’s satisfaction was the friendliness and hospitality of the local people in Nha Trang city. Research limitations/implications Future studies should test the difference in satisfaction with the quality of destinations of European tourists to Nha Trang city. Research sample surveys should be collected in order to the magnitude and priority of key European tourist markets such as Russia, England, France, Spain and Germany. In addition, future studies should include more representative samples in other cities and include both domestic and international visitors. The proposed model intends to combine some components of tourism behaviour dimensions (value, involvement, knowledge, ambivalence, certainty, preference, trust, etc.) to test the satisfaction and destination intentional loyalty within this multidimensional perspective in a tourist destination context. The study has not considered the relationship between the increase of Russian tourists to the Nha Trang city in recent years and the decline of the European tourists (England, France, Spain, and so on). Thus, future studies should extend the model to have a more comprehensive picture about the cultural differences and cultural conflict in explaining the loyalty destination of European tourists. Practical implications Based on the research findings, the paper strongly recommends the city government to build an image of Nha Trang with friendly and hospitable people. Schools, tourism companies, and local authorities should pay attention to education and training to raise public awareness for tourism development and respect for tourists. The local government needs to develop activities to help the city residents become the typical citizen in the eyes of European tourists, contributing to the sustainable development of tourism in the city. Originality/value This study explores and tests the different factors of destination quality in explaining European tourists’ satisfaction. The research findings confirm that different dimensions of perceived destination quality are important variables to explain European tourist satisfaction.
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Drejer, Bert. "Representative Government in the Dutch Provinces." Contributions to the History of Concepts 15, no. 1 (June 1, 2020): 76–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/choc.2020.150105.
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This article reconsiders the way political representation was understood in the early modern Netherlands by focusing on the contemporary contribution of Simon van Slingelandt. His views of the representative nature of the government of the Dutch Republic were deeply polemical when he developed them, but went on to have a profound influence on the later literature and are notably sustained in modern histories of the subject. The best way to nuance the view of political representation our historiography has inherited from Van Slingelandt is by returning to the earlier views he set out to discredit. By examining both views, I thus hope to shed some new light on the representative nature of early modern Dutch government.
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Roché, Sebastian, and Guillaume Roux. "The “silver bullet” to good policing: a mirage." Policing: An International Journal 40, no. 3 (August 21, 2017): 514–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/pijpsm-05-2016-0073.
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Purpose Procedural justice (PJ) during police-citizen interactions has often been portrayed as a “silver bullet” to good policing, as it could function as a means to gain trust, voluntary obedience and public cooperation. PJ research is based on the assumption that there exists “true fairness.” However, it is still unclear what people actually mean when they evaluate the police as “fair” in surveys. By focusing the analysis to underexplored aspects of PJ, namely, the identity and political antecedents of the attribution of procedural fairness, the authors highlight the social and ideological reasons that influence people’s perceptions of police fairness. The paper aims to discuss these issues. Design/methodology/approach In order to explain the attribution of fairness of police, the study comprises a range of independent variables organized into five overarching domains: prior experience with police, victimization, socioeconomic status and (disadvantaged) context of residence, ethnicity and political attitudes and punitive values. The analysis is based on a representative sample of France, as well as a booster sample of a deprived, urban province (Seine-Saint-Denis) in order to better incorporate ethnic effects into the model (March 2011; n=1.498, 18+). Findings The present study finds support for the notion that aggressive policing policies (police-initiated contacts, e.g. identification checks, road stops) negatively impacts attributions of fairness to police. In addition, the findings show that attributions of fairness are not only interactional (i.e. related to what police do in any given situation) or related to individual cognitive phenomena, but for the most part pertain to broader social and political explanations. Political and ethnic cleavages are the key to understanding how police are judged by the public. The findings therefore question the nature of what is actually measured when fairness is attributed to police, finding that more punitive and conservative respondents tend to assess the police as fair. The authors find that the attribution of fairness seems to correspond to upholding the existing social order. Research limitations/implications This study has limitations inherent to any cross-sectional survey and the findings pertain only to a single country (France). Furthermore, the authors did not analyze all possible confounding variables to perceived fairness. Social implications The findings pose a practical problem for police and government to implement, as the authors ultimately find that there is no single recipe, or “silver bullet,” for being deemed fair across all social, ethnic and political groups – and, of course, the expectations of one group might conflict with those of another. Originality/value The study demonstrates that existing theory needs to better incorporate those explanations of fairness which extend beyond interactional processes with police, and refer instead to the social and political cleavages in society.
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Weidenfeld, Katia, and Alexis Spire. "Punishing tax offenders in France and Great Britain: two criminal policies." Journal of Financial Crime 24, no. 4 (October 2, 2017): 574–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jfc-05-2016-0030.
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Purpose Since 2008-2009, the governments in France and Great Britain have encouraged more rigorous penalization of tax evaders. This paper aims to investigate the implementation of these policies on the basis of an important and original empirical material. Design/methodology/approach The study done in France relies on interviews conducted with representatives of law enforcement agencies on public statistics and on an innovative database compiled from nearly 600 cases submitted to the judiciary. The comparison with Great Britain is developed through interviews conducted with different participants in the fight against tax fraud and statistical information. Findings This paper describes the recent evolution of the machinery for screening tax-related wrongdoings in France and in the UK. It demonstrates that whilst publicly calling for harsh punishment against tax dodgers, in practice, both governments tend to seek a balance between the growing demand for tax equality and the belief that the State should not intervene in the economic realm. This strategy leads to the over-representation of certain categories of taxpayers. Despite the commonalities resulting from the numerous filters before prosecution, the penal strategy takes on two different shapes on either side of the Channel: whereas the British institutions support an “exemplary punitive” system, French regulatory system favours a “quasi-administrative” treatment. The French tax authority continues to use the criminal procedures mainly as a financial instrument for the improved restitution of stolen taxes. The policy of Her Majesty’s Revenue and Customs, supported by the “Sentencing Guidelines”, aims much more at obtaining exemplary convictions. Originality/value Based on a large empirical material, this paper highlights the different outcomes of the criminal trials against tax evaders in the two countries.
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Krauze-Karpińska, Joanna. "EMIGRANT RESEARCHERS OF OLD LITERATURE." Polish Studies of Kyiv, no. 35 (2019): 27–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/psk.2019.35.27-31.
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In the geopolitical area of Eastern and Central Europe 20th century was a period of unwilling and un- planned migration of huge numbers of individuals, groups of people, societies or even whole nations, and the displace- ment of borders and states. Two destructive wars, two totalitarian systems fighting against each other forced millions of human beings to change the place of living. Especially the experience of the World War II settled the fate of many people in the region and caused several waves of political emigration. The author uses the term ‘old literature’ in broad sense, including also 19th century literary output, as for the big number of young researchers this period of history seems to be a very old one. Among the Polish refugees fleeing the country in various times and circumstances there were also politicians, soldiers, artist, writers, people of culture and scholars. The article presents and reminds of some Polish researchers of literature who had to change their country of living by political reasons, but did not abandon their research. The first group of emigrants formed those who left Poland short before or during the world war II. Some of them worked as professors at west European universities, an decided not to returned into the country occupied by Germans or emigrated with Polish Government, others get in Western Europe leaving Soviet Union with the Polish army formed by general Anders. They continued scholar work abroad and took part in formation of several new generations of researchers in Slavonic litera- ture. Another wave of emigration took place after the war, in late 40. and included mainly Polish citizens of Jewish origin who in spite of surviving the holocaust and returning home decided to leave Poland for fear of communism. A numerous emigration of Polish Jews was also provoked by communist government of Poland in march 1968. The author presents briefly the silhouettes of such scholars as Stanisław Kot, Wacław Lednicki, Józef Trypućko, Wiktor Weintraub, Jadwiga Maurer, Rachmiel Brandwajn and Jan Kott. The situation of 20th century Polish emigrants seems very similar to that of 19th and also represents the common experience of many Eastern and Central European countries and societies. Losing the homeland scholars of these countries also lost the close contact with their cultural roots, but on the other hand they gained a wider glance, distanced outlook of national literature and art and common platform of dialog and confrontation. Many times the foreign Universities, where they found the possibility to provide their research and meet the representative émigrés of other nations, became for them such places as Collège de France for Adam Mickiewicz and constitute the space where they all could meet together without mutual distrust and give lectures about Slavonic literature and culture for German, British of American students, inspiring them to pursue studies in Slavonic philology.
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Guasti, Petra, and Brigitte Geissel. "Rethinking Representation: Representative Claims in Global Perspective." Politics and Governance 7, no. 3 (September 24, 2019): 93–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v7i3.2464.
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The established notion of political representation is challenged on multiple accounts—theoretically, conceptually, and empirically. The contributions to this thematic issue explore the constructivist turn as the means for rethinking political representation today around the world. The articles included here seek to reconsider representation by theoretically and empirically reassessing how representation is conceptualized, claimed and performed—in Western and non-Western contexts. In recognition that democratic representation in Western countries is in a process of fundamental transformation and that non-Western countries no longer aim at replicating established Western models, we look for representation around the world—specifically in: Belgium, Brazil, France, Germany, China, and India. This enables us to advance the study of representative democracy from a global perspective. We show the limits and gaps in the constructivist literature and the benefits of theory-driven empirical research. Finally, we provide conceptual tools and frameworks for the (comparative) study of claims of representation.
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Kemp, Linzi J., Megan Mathias, and Maryam Raji. "Representative bureaucracy in the Arab Gulf states." International Journal of Public Sector Management 32, no. 3 (April 8, 2019): 230–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijpsm-07-2017-0198.
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PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to apply the lens of representative bureaucracy (RB) to women’s representation at management level in governments and government-owned companies in Arab Gulf states (AGS), and to consider the implications for government stability, legitimacy and performance.Design/methodology/approachData were analysed of the numbers of men and women in management positions (8,936), of government and government-owned companies (846), for the six countries of the AGS. Analyses were conducted on the presence/absence of women in management for ten industry types.FindingsGovernments and government-owned companies in the AGS were identified as hybrid (public/private) institutions. Women were found to be underrepresented at management levels in public sector bureaucracy; women clustered in a narrow range of industries; all countries returned a high result of zero female managers in these industries.Research limitations/implicationsThis research is limited by data collected from a single source, “Eikon”, which is a commercial database. The implication of these results is a benchmark for future studies on women’s representation at management level in governments and government-owned companies of Arab Gulf countries.Practical implicationsThe practical implication of this study is for concerted government intervention to address gender inequality in management of governments and government-owned companies across the AGS.Originality/valueThis is the first study of RB in AGS and extends the theory of RB to a new geographical and cultural context. There is value in application of RB to government and government-owned companies as a regional form of hybrid public–private organisation.