Academic literature on the topic 'Representative government and representation – France'
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Journal articles on the topic "Representative government and representation – France"
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Kokotova, M. A. "Criteria for Selecting Members of Municipal Public Chambers and Councils in Russia and Economic, Social and Environmental Councils in France." Lex Russica 73, no. 6 (June 26, 2020): 149–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.17803/1729-5920.2020.163.6.149-159.
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he paper considers the goals implemented in the legal regulation of the formation of public chambers (councils) inArkhangelsk, Barnaul, Volgograd, Yekaterinburg, Surgut (Russia) and social, economic and environmental councils of the Auvergne-Rhone-Alpes, Hauts-de-France, New Aquitaine, Brittany, Normandy regions (France). It is suggested that the main possible goals are to ensure that citizens represent their interests and the city authorities receive assistance from citizens when solving their tasks. There is a similarity between the requirements for candidates for membership in Russian public chambers and French social, economic and environmental councils (the need for representation of those whose lives depend on the level of development of the territorial unit in which the Advisory body operates; the ban on membership for those having been involved in offenses; the need for representation of public organizations). The requirements, both identical and different, are primarily aimed at ensuring the representation of the local population. At the same time, the French legislature sets a requirement for mandatory representation not of any local resident, but of particular groups defined for various reasons and a certain numerical ratio of representatives of these groups. As for the formation procedure, the composition of the considered Russian Advisory bodies is determined by local self-government bodies, while the French ones are determined by state authorities, besides local organizations are involved both in Russia and France. This procedure (as well as part of the requirements for candidates) is aimed at selecting individuals who are qualified enough to help local governments in the implementation of their functions, in case there are guarantees that these individuals will be representatives of the local community. At the same time, it is stipulated that elections are not the only way to ensure the representation of citizens; alternative methods include, in particular, the division of members of the Advisory body into groups based on the categories of the population they represent, provided for in the French law.
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Beaudoin, Gérald-A. "Quelques propositions." La réforme de la Chambre des communes 26, no. 1 (April 12, 2005): 143–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/042653ar.
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The rules of procedure in the House, the powers of the Speaker, the vote of non-confidence, the proportionnai representation vote as well as the future of parliamentary government, are some of the questions the author deals with when expounding upon the reform of the House of Commons. More powers should be given to the Speaker, and there should be a system where sessions and votes are held on a more regular basis, even if the principle of responsible government is maintained. The proportionnai representation vote is not for the immediate future and the author wonders whether a presidential system as in France would be appropriate for Canada.
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Constantinesco, Vlad, and Stéphane Pierré-Caps. "Presidential Elements in Government France: The Quest for Political Responsibility of the President in the Fifth Republic." European Constitutional Law Review 2, no. 3 (October 2006): 341–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1574019606003415.
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Power of state – President as state's and as people's representative – Bicephalism of government – Unity in cabinet – History – Guizot, Chateaubriand – Orleanism – President's arbitration is form of leadership – De Gaulle engaging political responsibility – penal responsibility – Cohabitation – Constitutional amendment and referendum (1962) – President structures parliamentary majority – Weakness of Parliament – Full presidentialization? – Sixth Republic?
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Rouban, Luc. "The uncertainty of French political life: the shift to the right and the crisis of representative democracy." Urgent Problems of Europe, no. 3 (2021): 188–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/ape/2021.03.08.
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This article deals with the evolution of French politics between 2017 and 2020. Using systematic surveys, which are conducted by the Center for the Study of French Political Life and in which the author is directly involved he shows that President Macron’s policies have not succeeded in dissipating a democratic crisis affecting trust in political institution. The sanitary crisis had a great impact on the political situation in the country. In France, the crisis associated with Covid-19 was manifested not in the confrontation of political forces, but in the criticism of the government by civil society and in the growth of populism. In this respect, France is very different from Germany, where there is a general public consensus, and Great Britain, where confidence in the system-forming parties remains. Populism has gained ground in French politics and explains, more than any other factor, both the distrust in the Presidency and in government health policies. The rise of left-wing and rightwing populism has not led to the disappearance of the division between left and right. A shift toward right values and State intervention can be observed in French public opinion, changing the electoral game for the 2022 presidential campaign.
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Medvedev, Aleksei Dmitrievich. "Punishment of the collaborationists in Vichy and other French regions (1944 – 1945)." Genesis: исторические исследования, no. 4 (April 2021): 86–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2021.4.35401.
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The goal of this article lies in examination of the process of preventing collaborationism in the former capital of the French state, as well as in determination of whether the process of suppressing cooperation with the German occupier has any peculiarities associated with the special position of Vichy in relation to other departments. The author examines such aspects of the topic as spontaneous and organized violence in Vichy and other French regions during the postwar period (1944 – 1945). Special attention is given to reprisal against the collaborationists in Vichy and the formation of representation on the unity of France during the occupation imbued by the Gaullist state. The main conclusions of this research consists in the two interpretations of the purges that took place in the postwar years in France. The situation in the agglomeration has several similarities with the situation in multiple departments: shaving of women; government branches responsible for repressions; urgent purges. However, the fact that namely Vichy was the seat of the French government has its own peculiarities: weak first phase of the extrajudicial purge due to the presence of law enforcement forces during the occupation and opposition, and on the other hand, the cruelty of spontaneous violence in June of 1945, numerous arrests in the first two weeks after the liberation, excessive city residents representation in the Court and Civil Chamber, as well as severity of the sentences.
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Saurugger, Sabine. "Democratic ‘Misfit’? Conceptions of Civil Society Participation in France and the European Union." Political Studies 55, no. 2 (June 2007): 384–404. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.2007.00662.x.
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The European Union's attempts to improve its democratic character increasingly often lead to debates about how to include civil society organizations in its decision-making processes. However, this interpretation of participatory democracy seems at odds with democratic traditions in a number of member states. Among those, France is said to be at the diametrically opposite end of the EU democratization debate spectrum. French democratic thought is based on government through electoral representation. The aim of this article is to analyze both theoretically and empirically the discourse and participatory processes in both the EU and France. While normative approaches to democratic patterns in the EU and French political debate show important differences, empirical evidence suggests that the misfit between the European and French conception of democracy is less developed than one might believe.
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FORREST, ALAN. "French urban elites." Urban History 30, no. 1 (May 2003): 98–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s096392680300107x.
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In France, as in the Anglo-Saxon world, social history has undergone a sea change in recent years with the growth of interest in issues of culture and representation, with the result that historians have come to ask rather different questions about cities and their social fabric. The change was not, of course, achieved overnight: since the 1930s the Annalistes have been opening up new approaches to the analysis of power and status, while in the development of micro-history Emmanuel Le Roy Ladurie's Montaillou occupies an honoured place. In this the lingering influence of a Marxist model has played an important part. For decades Marxist theory provided the key which opened up issues of social power and class division, the methodology which led to a widespread study of urban structures and social dominance. And though in some hands it might be criticized for leading to an over-arching concern with the urban economy and the growth of the industrial city, the same Marxist perspective also encouraged studies of such questions as the identity of urban elites, the extent of social mobility within cities and the development of suburbs. More recently French historians have been among the most innovative in exploring the culture of urban life in a variety of different contexts, whether – and here I shall simply cite representative examples – by the study of individual professions (Christophe Charle), of dress and public appearance (Daniel Roche), or of the appropriation of urban space (Bernard Lepetit). The three books under review here all, in their different ways, contribute to our understanding of that urban culture and of the changes which it has undergone. Yannec Le Marec takes up Charle's arguments through a micro-history of the professional development of lawyers and doctors in the south Breton city of Nantes during the nineteenth century. Natacha Coquery, looking at the eighteenth century, explains the representation of social power implicit in the transfer of sumptuous Paris hôtels from private use to that of government ministries and their fast-multiplying staff. And Claude Petitfrère presents an edited collection of papers, emanating from a conference organized by the highly influential Centre d'histoire de la ville moderne et contemporaine in his own university at Tours, which illuminates across time and place the ways in which an urban patriciate was first constructed, then reproduced and represented to contemporaries. Taken together the three volumes go far to illustrate current developments in historiography and offer an overview of the present state of urban social history in France.
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Kim, Byoung-Yoon, Kyeong-Il Choi, Eunjung Kim, Dowon Kim, and Changhyun Shim. "Overview of Appropriate Technology Research Organizations in France." Academic Society for Appropriate Technology 7, no. 2 (November 20, 2021): 144–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.37675/jat.2021.7.2.144.
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The purpose of this paper is to introduce representative appropriate technology research organizations operating in France. Among them, we would like to investigate and introduce five institutions that have acquired a lot of experience due to their long history. Institut de Recherche pour le Développement (IRD) is a government-funded institution that strengthens science and technology infrastructure in Africa and overseas territories with the aim of supporting and educating science communities in developing countries, and conducts collaborative research with more diverse developing countries. Antenna France is an NGO organization whose main activity is to improve malnutrition in Africa. Ingénieurs sans frontiers is an NGO organization that sets sustainable development as the main goal of the association's activities and leads various activities such as education. Terre & Humanism is an NGO organization that practices ecological agriculture and carries out a social change movement urging to respect life and land, and to constitute an alternative society. Humanitarian Design Bureau is a corporation concept company that mainly carries out R&D for environmentally friendly products necessary for NGO activities.
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Ngamsang, Sirirat. "Confucius Institutes as Instruments of Soft Power: Comparison with International Rivals." Journal of Education and Vocational Research 4, no. 10 (October 30, 2013): Ngamsang. http://dx.doi.org/10.22610/jevr.v4i10.135.
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The Chinese Confucius Institutes, which have become common around the world and particularly in Asia, have followed the examples of the British Council, Alliance Française and the Goethe Institute. Yet by following the earlier examples, Confucius Institutes have the benefit of late development and can learn from the experiences of earlier approaches. This paper studies and analyses the overseas educations institutions of China, Britain, France and Germany to identify similarities and dissimilarities and then draws conclusions from this. It is shown that Confucius Institutes are a representative of the overseas soft power approach of the Chinese government and have multiple intentions and purposes.
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DAVIES, C. S. L. "TOURNAI AND THE ENGLISH CROWN, 1513–1519." Historical Journal 41, no. 1 (March 1998): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x97007620.
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The English occupation of Tournai has recently generated far-reaching claims about its importance; allegedly Tournai provided a foretaste of certain developments of the Henrician Reformation. This article argues that Tournai was treated as an integral part of Henry VIII's ‘kingdom of France’ and its status consistently distinguished from that of the English kingdom. It was not, as has been suggested, granted representation in the English parliament. The argument that advanced ideas of ‘sovereignty’ derived from fifteenth-century French thought entered into English political discourse through Tournai is also countered. Important jurisdictional points were raised, notably over the administration of the bishopric, involving three powers, England, France, and the Habsburg government of Flanders. But Henry's insistence on his rights as a sovereign prince were directed against France, not, as has been claimed, against the papacy. Nothing in Henry's dealings with Tournai transcended well-established English doctrine and practice about the relationship between the political authority and the church. Nor did Henry's treatment of the conquered town evoke novel doctrines of royal power; it followed closely precedents set by Henry V. The conquest of Tournai increased the self-confidence of Henry VIII's government in both domestic and international affairs; but largely through Henry's belief that he was successfully emulating the military achievement of Henry V, not through any input of novel political doctrine.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Representative government and representation – France"
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Kim, Minchul. "Democracy and representation in the French Directory, 1795-1799." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/15874.
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Democracy was no more than a marginal force during the eighteenth century, unanimously denounced as a chimerical form of government unfit for passionate human beings living in commercial societies. Placed in this context this thesis studies the concept of ‘representative democracy' during the French Revolution, particularly under the Directory (1795–1799). At the time the term was an oxymoron. It was a neologism strategically coined by the democrats at a time when ‘representative government' and ‘democracy' were understood to be diametrically opposed to each other. In this thesis the democrats' political thought is simultaneously placed in several contexts. One is the rapidly changing political, economic and international circumstances of the French First Republic at war. Another is the anxiety about democratic decline emanating from the long-established intellectual traditions that regarded the history of Greece and Rome as proof that democracy and popular government inevitably led to anarchy, despotism and military government. Due to this anxiety the ruling republicans' answer during the Directory to the predicament—how to avoid the return of the Terror, win the war, and stabilize the Republic without inviting military government—was crystalized in the notion of ‘representative government', which defined a modern republic based on a firm rejection of ‘democratic' politics. Condorcet is important at this juncture because he directly challenged the given notions of his own period (such as that democracy inevitably fosters military government). Building on this context of debate, the arguments for democracy put forth by Antonelle, Chaussard, Français de Nantes and others are analysed. These democrats devised plans to steer France and Europe to what they regarded as the correct way of genuinely ending the Revolution: the democratic republic. The findings of this thesis elucidate the elements of continuity and those of rupture between the Enlightenment and the French Revolution.
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Green, Dawn Amanda. "Women and the National Assembly in France : an analysis of institutional change and substantive representation, with special reference to the 1997-2002 legislature." Thesis, University of Stirling, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/21894.
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This thesis explores institutional features of the Fifth Republic in France that affect women's representation, both in terms of their access to elected office and in terms of their ability to substantively represent women once elected. After identifying factors that were particularly favourable to women in the 1997 Parliament, it assesses the institutional reforms enacted from 1997-2002, which include not only the Constitutional Amendment and the Parity Law, but also limitations on the cumul des mandats, reform of the Senate, the creation of a statut de l'elu (defining elected officials' benefits and rights) and of the new parliamentary Women's Delegations. It attempts a holistic appraisal of the institutional reforms, and their effect on patterns of political recruitment. The second part analyses practices and power within the Palais-Bourbon to assess gender differences in access to parliamentary posts and tasks. It investigates the National Assembly as a 'gendered institution' and asks whether women are in a position to make a difference to the political process and legislative outcomes. It finds perceptible differences in women's and men's access to power, their committee work and use of parliamentary questions. The thesis concludes with a study of the Women's Delegation. After investigating the rationale and circumstances of its creation, the institutional status of the Delegation within the Assembly is analysed. Its contribution to legislation and its modus operandi in the 1997 Parliament, as well as its integration into the National Assembly are examined, in order to ascertain whether it has the potential to enhance women's substantive representation and to provide' safe space' for women Deputies.
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Chopplet, Antoine. "Adhémar Esmein et le droit constitutionnel de la liberté." Thesis, Reims, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012REIMD004/document.
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Né en le 1er février 1848 et mort le 20 juillet 1913, Adhémar Esmein fut l’un des juristes français les plus célèbres de la « Belle Époque ». Nommé à la Faculté de droit de Paris en 1879, le juriste enseignera dans les plus grands établissements d’enseignements français telles l’École pratique des hautes études ou l’École libre des sciences politiques.Historien du droit reconnu, Esmein produira au cours de sa carrière de nombreux travaux en droit romain, en droit canonique et publiera deux éminents ouvrages d’histoire du droit français tous deux destinés principalement aux étudiants.Toutefois, par sa formation, Esmein fut aussi l’un des plus grands constitutionnalistes de son temps. Chargé du cours de droit constitutionnel à la Faculté de droit dès 1890, il s’intéressera à cette discipline nouvelle tout au long de sa vie. Outre d’importants articles, il publiera en 1896 les Éléments de droit constitutionnel qui resteront l’un des « monuments » du droit constitutionnel français. L’ouvrage, réédité à sept reprises jusque dans les années 1920, est généralement présenté comme le premier ouvrage de droit constitutionnel républicain. Son auteur paraît ainsi aux yeux des juristes contemporains comme le promoteur infatigable du régime politique de la IIIe République.Mais à la lecture de l’ensemble de son œuvre constitutionnelle, il apparaît que la pensée de l’auteur se fonde essentiellement sur l’idéologie libérale française la plus typique de la seconde moitié du XIXe siècle. Ainsi, on peut affirmer que le républicanisme d’Adhémar Esmein s’explique largement par son libéralisme.Cette étude se propose donc d’étudier la pensée constitutionnelle de l’auteur sous l’angle de la liberté et de montrer que l’ensemble de sa théorie juridique a pour seul objet la protection de la liberté de l’individuBorn on February 1st, 1848, Adhémar Esmein died on July 20th, 1913. He was recognised as one of the most important French lawyers from the ‘Belle Epoque’. Appointed by the University of Law in Paris in 1879, he taught at the most prestigious French educational institutions such as the École des Hautes Études and the École Libre des Sciences Politiques.Esmein was, above all, a Legal historian, but throughout his career, he also published numerous studies on Roman Law, Canon law and he wrote two prominent books on French legal history.During his academic career, Esmein was also regarded as one of the most important constitutional experts of his epoch. He taught Constitutional Law in Paris from as early as 1890 and was involved in constitutional science throughout his life. In 1896 he published ‘Elements de Droit Constitutionnel’ which is still considered as a fundamental text in the field of French Constitutional Law. The book was re-edited seven times until the 1920s, is generally seen as the first published work on republican constitutional law and gained its author a reputation as a tireless instigator of the Third Republic political regime.An analysis of the full body of his constitutional work leads the reader to the conclusion that it seems that Esmein’s philosophy is mainly based on the French liberal ideology which was dominant in the second half of the 19th century: it can be argued that his republicanism can be exclusively explained by his liberalism.This research project intends to study the constitutional thought of the author in terms of liberty and to show that the sole purpose of his legal theories was the protection of the freedom of the individual
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Martin, James Paul. "When repression and elitism are democratic : the 'Republican' theory of representation and its twilight /." Digital version accessible at:, 1999. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/main.
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Mor, Shany Moshe. "Law's author, things personated, political representation." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:142e4065-de3c-47ff-a940-f85215fad920.
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This dissertation proposes a normative theory of political representation grounded in popular sovereignty and positive law, rather than in democracy and efficient labour allocation. The first three chapters assess the contributions to the idea of representation of three early modern thinkers. Hobbes proposes a formal model of authorised action at a distance, but, contrary to a long-standing consensus in political thought, not an actual theory of representation. Rousseau, a well-known opponent of representation, proposes ideas about government, sovereignty, and positive law, which, despite his contrary intentions, form a foundation for a normative theory of representation. Sieyes refines concepts from both to create a more mature practical statement on representation which he attempts to implement in three revolutionary constitutions in France in the 1790's. The next three chapters make an argument connecting representation to law creation. First the concept of a decision is defined, and then abstracted through various levels of political authority and action. Law creation is distinguished from all other classes of authorised political decision making by four unique properties which tie in with problems initially raised by the early modern philosophers regarding popular sovereignty. Various numbers of authorised actors are considered as constituting political bodies credentialed to carry out the relevant decisions identified as meeting the minimal conditions of law, and ultimately only assembly — a body numbering in the hundreds, with a reserved place for making recognised decisions, and a formal connection to expressed popular preferences — meets the conceptual requirements of the class of decisions mooted. The thesis ends with an argument connecting law to representation as the solution to the problem of plurality.
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Ivanovitch, Sarah. "Décentralisation et démocratie locale." Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014AIXM1075.
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La France est composé de deux systèmes - le premier le système national et le second le système local - qui reposent tous deux sur un fondement représentatif. Le citoyen électeur participe aux seules élections. Il ne prend pas part aux décisions publiques. La décentralisation devait permettre de gérer au plus près des citoyens les affaires locales. Or, les habitants locaux n'accordent qu'un faible intérêt à la gestion locale alors que le niveau d'instruction s'élève et que l'accès à l'information croit sensiblement. Afin de permettre une véritable décentralisation démocratisée, il convient de refondre en profondeur les institutions françaises. En effet, il est nécessaire de prohiber tout cumul de mandats et de rendre le système local plus distant du système national. Cela permettra aux entités du système local de s'administrer librement dans les conditions prévues par la loi. Il est ici proposé une méthodologie pour tendre vers la démocratie continue dans un Etat unitaire décentralisé. Le citoyen local doit devenir un véritable acteur du système localFrance is composed of two distinct systems - the first is the national system and the second is the local system, - which both are settled on a representative foundation. The elector citizen takes part only in elections. He/she does not get involved in the public decisions. The decentralization of power should have allowed the citizen to be closer to local decisions and affairs. But, local citizens give little interest to the local management even though the level of education is growing and the access to information is slightly increasing. In order to allow a real democratized decentralization, it is suitable to rebuild deeply the French Institutions. Effectively, it is necessary to ban any mandate plurality and to make the local system at a distance of the national system. Thus will allow a local corporate body to operate freely in a self administrative party respecting the conditions set by law. Here, a methodology to aim toward an uninterrupted democracy in a decentralized joint State will be suggested. A local citizen has to become a bona fide representative of the local system
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Mackinnon, Moira. "A tale of two Parliaments representativeness, effectiveness and industrial citizenship in Argentina and Chile, 1900-1930 /." Diss., [La Jolla] : University of California, San Diego, 2009. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3386748.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2009.Title from first page of PDF file (viewed Jan. 19, 2010). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 320-329).
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McNairn, Jeffrey L. "The capacity to judge public opinion and deliberative democracy in Upper Canada, 1791-1854 /." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp02/NQ27696.pdf.
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Law, Man-wai Anthony. "Representative democracy and the development of electoral law in Hong Kong /." View the Table of Contents & Abstract, 2005. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record/B36162681.
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CINTOLESI, Andrea. "Essays in political economy." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/65524.
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Defence date: 9 December 2019Examining Board: Prof. Andrea Mattozzi, European University Institute (Supervisor); Prof. Andrea Ichino, European University Institute (Co-supervisor); Prof. James M. Snyder, Jr., Harvard University; Prof. Tommaso Nannicini, Università Bocconi
In the first chapter, I study whether the introduction of primary elections induces more or less political polarization. Before 1976, only representatives from Indiana had to pass through the primaries, whereas the reform introduced primaries for Indiana’s US senators too. Using a difference-in-differences, I show that primaries deliver less-polarized politicians and account for one-fifth of the pre-reform average ideological gap between parties. I interpret the results in the light of a conceptual framework in which primaries lower the cost of participating in candidate selection procedures, giving incentives to participate to moderate voters as well. The second chapter is coauthored with D. Iorio and A. Mattozzi. We use a newly collected dataset from 63 democracies, and we construct the tenure accumulated by the ruling party while in office. We merge these data with fiscal policy indicators. We find an expenditure elasticity of 0.061 and a deficit elasticity of 0.055 over the period 1972-2014. Our findings point into the direction of a honeymoon effect: the older is the coalition of parties, the more divisive tend to be the available policy choices, which require costly transfers in the form of public expenditure to keep coalition members together later on. In the third chapter, I exploit newly collected data on ties between local politicians in Italy from 1985 onwards, to study the relation between cross-party connections and future career prospects. Exploiting a difference-in-discontinuities design, I find that ruling coalition members connected with the runner-up are twice as likely to be promoted to the council in which the runner-up leads the opposition. The effect of connections with the leader of the rivals disappears when I consider appointments to boards of state-owned enterprises. These findings suggest that connected politicians act as political brokers and smooth the relationship between government and opposition.
1. Political Polarisation and Primary Elections 2. Good Old Spendthrift. The Fiscal Effects of Political Tenure 3. 'Keep Friends Close, But Enemies Closer': Connections and Political Careers
Books on the topic "Representative government and representation – France"
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La France nouvelle. [Paris]: Perrin, 2012.
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Le député: Une étude comparative, France, Royaume-Uni, Allemagne. Paris: L.G.D.J. Lextenso éditions, 2010.
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Hudon, Raymond. Représentations de la crise de la représentation: Quelques dimensions politiques du mouvement étudiant de l'automne 1986 en France. Québec: Laboratoire d'études politiques et administratives, Département de science politique, Faculté des sciences sociales, Université Laval, 1987.
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Hemour, Jean-Pierre. République, démocratie et société: Lettre ouverte et dialogue avec la France, 2005-2006 : essai. Nantes: Amalthée, 2007.
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Hemour, Jean-Pierre. République, démocratie et société: Lettre ouverte et dialogue avec la France, 2005-2006 : essai. Nantes: Amalthée, 2007.
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Le peuple introuvable: Histoire de la représentation démocratique en France. Paris: Gallimard, 1998.
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Des élus régionaux à l'image des électeurs: L'impératif représentatif en Allemagne, en Espagne et en France. Paris: L'Harmattan, 2009.
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Peuple et représentations sous le règne de Louis XIV: Les représentations du peuple dans la littérature politiqueen France sous le règne de Louis XIV. Aix-en-Provence: Université de Provence, 1988.
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Ronzeaud, Pierre. Peuple et représentations sous le règne de Louis XIV: Les représentations du peuple dans la littérature politique en France sous le règne de Louis XIV. Aix-en-Provence: Université de Provence, 1988.
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Congrès national des sociétés savantes (110th 1985 Montpellier, France) and Congrès national des sociétés savantes (110th 1985 Montpellier, France). R echerches sur les Etats généraux et les états provinciaux de la France médiévale. Paris: Ministère de l'éducation nationale, Comité des travaux historiques et scientifiques, 1986.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Representative government and representation – France"
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Collins, Sharon. "Beyond the ‘Crisis of Representation’? A Case Study of Innovation in French Local Government." In Reinventing France, 97–109. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781403948182_7.
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Zaller, Robert. "Afterword Representative Government: How Sure a Thing?" In Realities of Representation, 215–24. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230603653_13.
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Rozenberg, Olivier. "Wisdom or Indifference? The Principles of Representative Government in the Eyes of the French Voters." In Parliamentary Representation in France, 68–90. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315090078-5.
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Hoffman, Philip T. "6 Early Modern France, 1450-1700." In Fiscal Crises, Liberty, and Representative Government 1450-1789, 226–52. Stanford University Press, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9781503619500-009.
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Howarth, David, and Scott James. "France." In Bank Politics, 191–214. Oxford University PressOxford, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192898609.003.0007.
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Abstract In Chapter 7 we argue that the French case displays important similarities with Germany. During the 2012 presidential and parliamentary elections, Socialist candidate François Hollande made bold pledges to introduce stringent new rules to force banks to separate risky speculative activities from retail banking. As President, Hollande faced a ferocious backlash from France’s tightly integrated and highly concentrated banking sector. One important difference between the German and French cases is that cooperative financial power reflected not only centralized representation and alliance building with the wider business community, but also tight inter-organizational and interpersonal connections between the French state and the large banks. Steering the process through an in camera government committee with close ties to industry, as well as two parliamentary committees dominated by opponents of major structural reform, the Socialist government was able to backtrack on its campaign commitments. The limited set of restrictions on proprietary and high-frequency trading eventually adopted in July 2013 therefore represented a symbolic response to waning parliamentary and public pressure, justified on the grounds that protecting large French banks against US competition was in the ‘national interest’.
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Broadwater, Jeff. "A New Government Must Be Made." In Jefferson, Madison, and the Making of the Constitution, 126–53. University of North Carolina Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469651019.003.0006.
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In the year leading up to the Constitutional Convention of 1787, Jefferson, now serving as American minister to France, grew increasingly frustrated with Congress’s inability to retaliate against nations that discriminated against U.S. trade. Madison believed an unfavorable balance of trade drained specie out of the United States and created a demand for debt relief, paper money, and the postponement of tax collections, which left the states unable to support Congress financially. Shays’s Rebellion in Massachusetts reaffirmed his view that the preservation of republican government required a much stronger central government. At the Philadelphia convention, Madison supported giving Congress broad powers, including the right to veto state laws, and he proposed that representation in Congress be based on population. His fellow delegates rejected the so-called congressional negative, and small state delegates forced Madison to accept the Great, or Connecticut, Compromise in which in the House of Representatives would reflect a state’s population, but each state would have an equal vote in the Senate. When the convention adjourned, Madison feared the new federal government might still be too weak to survive, while Jefferson, viewing events from Paris, worried the Constitution did too little to protect the people’s liberties.
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O'Connor, Adrian. "Conclusion." In In Pursuit of Politics. Manchester University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9781526120564.003.0010.
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The conclusion discusses how re-examining the ‘education question’ in Ancien Régime and Revolutionary France offers new insight to the cultural dynamics at work in the political upheavals of late-eighteenth century France. It argues that recognizing the practical nature of many of the debates over education – even into the radical period of the Revolution – helps us to situate revolutionary politics within its historical moment and to better understand how participatory and representative politics were pursued after 1789. The conclusion situates the pursuit of both public instruction and representative government within the broader legacy of the Revolution, a legacy that has shaped modern political culture in lasting and fundamental ways. It also argues that approaching the political and cultural history of revolutionary France through the interplay of ideas about education and practical efforts to establish new institutions (political and pedagogical alike) suggests new ways to think about the relationship between the Enlightenment and the French Revolution and about the legacy of the Revolution for the theory and practice of democratic politics ever since.
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"Representation, representative democracy and representative government." In Representation, 8–27. Routledge, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203978429-6.
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O'Connor, Adrian. "Public instruction: a new pedagogy for a new politics." In In Pursuit of Politics. Manchester University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9781526120564.003.0005.
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The coming of the French Revolution led to a dramatic reconsideration of what was possible and what was practical in eighteenth-century France and, with that, a rejuvenation of the debates over education. Intertwined with debates about the nature, legitimacy, and efficacy of representative government, the revolutionary debates over education gave rise to the ideal of “public instruction.” Public instruction transcended the Ancien Régime’s distinction between moral education and technical instruction, aiming instead to integrate the acquisition of skills, the cultivation of habits, and the development of politically-virtuous sentiments. This ideal underwrote ideas about active and contributory citizenship and reflected the ambitions and expectations of the constitutional regime being designed by the National Assembly.
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Moore, Scott M. "Elites, Civil Society, and Inclusive Institution-Building in the Republic of France." In Subnational Hydropolitics. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190864101.003.0011.
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The Republic of France is in many ways the archetype of the centralized, unitary state, and its political institutions contrast sharply with those of the federations of India and the United States. Following the Revolution of 1789, the new republic undertook a series of political reforms intended to strip power from the landed nobility and vest it instead with a new set of egalitarian institutions, the basis of which was both centralization and uniformity. The revolutionaries believed that “justice requires the republic to be one and indivisible” (Berger 1974, 8). Inherent to this new model was a concentration of political authority, as well as political, legislative, and judicial powers, in the hands of the central government. In contrast to more decentralized and federal political systems, the French system is intended to tightly bind officials at both central and local levels and to minimize conflicts between them. Consequently, a defining feature of French political institutions is the relative cohesion of elite decision-making. According to one prominent observer, France “provides the prime example of a highly coherent administration, whereas the United States and Switzerland constitute the typical cases of lack of such coherence” (Kriesi 1995, 171). However, during the past thirty years even the French state has become more decentralized, and powers and responsibilities for some policy areas, including water resource management, have been devolved to regional governments. In comparative perspective, the outstanding feature of the French political system is in fact the presence of strong regional governance organizations, including several organized around river basin boundaries, that are among the world’s most successful interjurisdictional management institutions. France’s system of river basin governance organizations, called “water agencies” (agences de l’eau), is by many accounts the most collaborative and participatory in the world. A global survey of river basin governance institutions concludes, for example, that the French system “is remarkable for its longevity, in how it tries to formalize representation . . . and perhaps most important, how it has attempted local and decentralized water management within the centralist state tradition in France” (Delli Priscoli 2007, 17).
Conference papers on the topic "Representative government and representation – France"
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Pašuld, Sanda. "THE EUROPEAN CHARTER FOR EQUALITY OF WOMEN AND MEN IN LOCAL LIFE AS A TOOL FOR INCREASING THE REPRESENTATION OF WOMEN IN THE REPRESENTATIVE BODIES OF LOCAL AND REGIONAL SELF-GOVERNMENT." In EU AND MEMBER STATES – LEGAL AND ECONOMIC ISSUES. Faculty of Law, Josip Juraj Strossmayer University of Osijek, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.25234/eclic/9010.
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