Academic literature on the topic 'Representative government and representation – cross-cultural studies'

Abstract Various studies have recently revealed that a political representation crisis is taking place worldwide. The aim of this study is understand the social representations of democracy showed in the narratives of Argentine adolescents (N=32) aged between 16 and 18 years. A semi-structured interview was used, which was based on Piaget’s clinical method. The results obtained show that adolescents represent democracy as a fundamental mechanism for the operation of the representative democratic regime and the inherent principles of this form of government. It is concluded that these ways of representing democracy seem to overshadow the possibility of regarding it as a system of government, that is, a broad political institution.

PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to apply the lens of representative bureaucracy (RB) to women’s representation at management level in governments and government-owned companies in Arab Gulf states (AGS), and to consider the implications for government stability, legitimacy and performance.Design/methodology/approachData were analysed of the numbers of men and women in management positions (8,936), of government and government-owned companies (846), for the six countries of the AGS. Analyses were conducted on the presence/absence of women in management for ten industry types.FindingsGovernments and government-owned companies in the AGS were identified as hybrid (public/private) institutions. Women were found to be underrepresented at management levels in public sector bureaucracy; women clustered in a narrow range of industries; all countries returned a high result of zero female managers in these industries.Research limitations/implicationsThis research is limited by data collected from a single source, “Eikon”, which is a commercial database. The implication of these results is a benchmark for future studies on women’s representation at management level in governments and government-owned companies of Arab Gulf countries.Practical implicationsThe practical implication of this study is for concerted government intervention to address gender inequality in management of governments and government-owned companies across the AGS.Originality/valueThis is the first study of RB in AGS and extends the theory of RB to a new geographical and cultural context. There is value in application of RB to government and government-owned companies as a regional form of hybrid public–private organisation.

The idea of U.S. democracy rests on the assumption that all citizens will see their issues and needs reflected in elected officials. Yet, historically this has not been the case, as racialized minorities have been excluded and systematically marginalized from the representative process. Today, nonwhite populations remain significantly underrepresented in federal and state governments. Although scholars have examined the effects and mechanics of ethnoracial political representation, less is known about how individuals from minoritized populations perceive and make sense of political (under)representation. Drawing on a novel data set of 71 in-depth interviews with Latinos in the Chicagoland area and the San Francisco Bay, this article examines Latino understandings of representation. Our findings show that respondents view Latinos and other “people of color” as largely underrepresented amid an exceedingly white federal government. Yet Latino sentiments on the issue go beyond race, as respondents contend that class and a record of experience advocating on behalf of immigrant and working-class communities also matters for feeling represented by elected officials. Our findings make a case for bridging the sociological literature on racialization and political theories on representation, and have implications for understanding broader notions of political belonging and government trust.

In the early 20th century, zemstvos had the opportunity to take part in the discussion about the fate of the state through elections to the State Duma and the State Council. The connection between the system of representation at the state and local levels was already noted by contemporaries of the political reforms of the second half of the 19th – early 20th centuries. Zemstvo institutions can be considered as social elevators for the transition to the highest level of government. Previously, there was no strict criterion in historiography for assessing the representation of deputies from the zemstvo environment and studying their activities in parliament. The authors discovered that more than half of the members of the State Council were associated with the zemstvos, but they supported imperial power in making political decisions. However, the number of zemstvo deputies in the State Duma gradually increased, leading to a clear “zemstvo face” in the 3rd and 4th convocations. The most common channel of mobility was through elections to the State Duma with the status of a glasnyj of provincial zemstvo. Most deputies were elected from provinces where land management, modernization, and movement towards the rule of law was actively being pursued. While there was successful mobility between the zemstvo and parliament in the 1st and 2nd convocations, zemstvo representatives became less actively involved in the political decision-making process as the parliament evolved. By the 4th convoca-tion, the parliamentary sub-elite had risen to leading positions in the State Duma. The authors propose a solution to the question of the continuity and the possibility of an evolutionary path of development in Russian society of the imperial period. The paper addresses the possibility of turning zemstvos into “parliamentary courses” and the basis for all-Russian representation. The authors state that neither parliament nor zemstvos had the necessary fullness of state power. The existing system of relationships between various branches of government did not provide the neces-sary level of public administration and led to a crisis of power. Although zemstvo and parliamentary reforms opened up opportunities for the evolutionary path of sociocultural transformation and political modernization, they were ul-timately lost.

AbstractMuch has been written about the cultural, social and political impact of German popular music within the country, but the role of German popular music outside of Germany has not been sufficiently examined. The research presented here is designed to investigate an example of Germany’s export of contemporary popular music as state-sponsored promotion of its national (pop) culture. San Francisco’s weekly radio programme Radio Goethe – The German Voice, which distributes popular music from German-speaking countries to English-speaking audiences, is explored. The main purposes of this programme are to portray a modern Germany to a foreign audience and to arouse interest in the country. The weekly 60-minute series began airing in 1996 and is sponsored by the German federal government. Radio Goethe is carried by over thirty college radio stations in the USA, Canada and New Zealand, and in 2004 the German creator and host of the series received a Federal Cross of Merit (Bundesverdienstkreuz) for his intercultural work. This article briefly documents the history of the series and critically examines the presentation, style and language of the music. The results of qualitative research on the meanings that listeners assign to the music – based on questionnaires and focus group interviews with American members of the show’s audience – are presented. This case study is framed within existing debates about the relationships between popular music, national identity, cultural representation, and state-supported music export. Data from interviews with the founder of the show and the cultural ambassador of Germany in San Francisco are analysed to clarify the goals of and assumptions behind the radio series.

Recently, cultural heritage scholars and practitioners have questioned how the field evaluates heritage initiatives. This article considers how a collaborative approach to evaluation may enhance heritage initiatives, particularly at critical developmental stages in their design and implementation. We explore how recent developments in evaluation theory and practice serve interests shared by heritage programme managers, funders and other stakeholders. In particular, programme modelling techniques have proven valuable for engaging a wide array of heritage stakeholders (including staff, funders and site owners). A programme model provides a graphic representation of how a programme is intended to achieve its goals. Programme models have become prevalent in other disciplines, and many government and philanthropic funders require their inclusion in funding proposals and progress reports. However, such models—and the collaborative, stakeholder-driven processes used to develop them—are largely absent from heritage studies. Examples from the US National Park Service ( https://www.nps.gov/aboutus/index.htm ) and Cultural Heritage without Borders-Albania ( http://chwb.org /) illustrate how these techniques serve important learning and evaluation needs identified by heritage programmes. These contrasting examples demonstrate how programme modelling can enhance programme design, communications and reflective practice among a cross-section of programmatic actors. The concluding discussion explores the implications of programme modelling for the future of heritage management.

This study aimed to analyze the matrix of ethnic federalism in protecting internal minority rights in Ethiopia via Goba and Robe towns as a case study at Oromia regional state. The post-1990s political formula of Ethiopia was designed considering all ethnolinguistic groups as inhabitants of their own defined territory. It seems that in the architecture of the constitution, there will be ethnic homogeneous states. But, the reality in the ground has shown that none of the units is purely homogenous due to economic migration, (re)settlement, villagization programs, and freedom of movement granted in the constitution. A mixed approach with a cross-sectional survey was used. Questionnaires, interviewees, focused group discussion, and document analyses were used as a primary data. Snowball and purposive sampling were used to select survey respondents. In both town administrations, a kin situation exists; there are constitutional and other legal frameworks gaps, inducing mistrust and tension between minorities and dominant groups, systematic segregation, denying fair and effective representation at levels of government. Therefore, adequately recognizing and legalizing the rights of internal minorities should be the prime duty of the region, establishing particular institutions mandated to protect internal minorities, and government should work on fostering people-to-people integration to reverse the looming mistrust.

Purpose As part of a cross-cultural research, the purpose of this paper is to provide further insights into the existing product-country image (PCI) of the Chinese consumers’ perceptions of Spain, its products, and its people, thereby providing an overall contemporary Spanish PCI within the Chinese market. Design/methodology/approach In total, 215 valid structured questionnaires were gathered throughout China. Following a pre-investigation of 259 usable questionnaires, a 52-item construct was drawn from the existing widely used PCI item scales, designing a structured PCI construct, covering: “country image,” “personal image,” “product image,” “general knowledge about Spain,” and “personal data.” Findings The study provides: a PCI pre-investigation research results as well as a literature review on PCI topic; research results for the five hypotheses concerning Chinese citizens’ view of Spanish product price, quality, technicality, inventiveness, and known brands view; descriptive statistics as well as result graphs for each of the covered PCI sections; our PCI construct variable correlations with the tested five product image variables; and general implications. Research limitations/implications Standardizing PCI longitudinal studies, as well as focusing on how the Spanish Government and private sector should determine the long-term criteria to facilitate a clearer representation of the Spanish PCI evolution within the Chinese market, is advised. Originality/value The current study intends to capture insights for Spain and other country’s public and private sector decision makers to better integrate market and non-market strategies. The results would further assist delineating strategies to avoid the liability of foreignness of Spanish organizations within China.

This article aims to analyze the cultural representation of Banyuwangi in the Banyuwangi Ethno Carnival (BEC) using Stuart Hall's representation theory approach. The main concepts applied in this analysis are change and resistance, which are used to understand how cultural symbols are represented and interpreted in BEC. The data collection process was carried out through a literature study. Where the data obtained comes from the results of research and other people's scientific works that are studied and then developed. Data analysis was carried out by combining Stuart Hall's representation theory concepts with the findings found in the BEC program. The results of the analysis of the literature study show that BEC is an important vehicle for representing Banyuwangi's cultural identity through modifications of costumes, dances, music, and other performances. In addition, the media plays an important role in the spread and influence of these cultural representations. In the context of Stuart Hall's representation theory, change refers to the transformation of cultural symbols in BEC, while resistance describes the process of building cultural representations through interactions and agreements between BEC actors, government and society. Through this process, Banyuwangi's cultural identity is represented and interpreted in the BEC event. The implication of the results of this research is the need for continuous support in developing and promoting Banyuwangi culture through collaborative efforts between the government, cultural actors and the community. In this case, BEC can be an effective tool to strengthen and broaden understanding and appreciation of Banyuwangi's cultural identity

This article aims to analyze the representation of Jember culture in the Jember Fashion Carnival (JFC) using Stuart Hall's representation theory approach. The main concepts applied in this analysis are change and resistance, which are used to understand how cultural symbols are represented and interpreted in JFC. The data collection process was carried out through literature study. Where the data obtained comes from the results of research and scientific work of other people which is studied and then developed. Data analysis was carried out by combining the concepts of Stuart Hall's representation theory with the findings found in the JFC event. The results of the literature study analysis show that JFC is an important forum for representing Jember's cultural identity through costume modifications, dance, music and other performances. In addition, the media plays an important role in the spread and influence of these cultural representations. In the context of Stuart Hall's representation theory, change refers to the transformation of cultural symbols in the JFC, while resistance describes the process of building cultural representations through interactions and agreements between JFC actors, the government and society. Through this process, Jember's cultural identity is represented and interpreted in JFC events. The implication of the results of this research is the need for continuous support in developing and promoting Jember culture through collaborative efforts between the government, cultural actors and the community. In this case, JFC can be an effective means of strengthening and expanding understanding and appreciation of Jember's cultural identity.

Defence date: 6 June 2011
Examining Board: Professor Mark Franklin, European University Institute (Supervisor); Professor Fabrizio Bernardi, European University Institute; Professor Bernhard Weßels, Social Science Research Center Berlin; Professor Christopher Wlezien, Temple University
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
Democratic politics are structured by elections. Governments come and go, campaigns come and go, policies come and go, and so forth. In representative democracy, the mere existence of elections strongly alters the behavior of representatives who are interested in re-election and of voters who are affected by political communication. Unlike many of our models, the real world structures politics through time, and especially through time between elections. When elections approach, democratic systems seem to be transformed to a degree that facilitates the analysis of a wide variety of campaign effects. Voters and parties do not change significantly through the electoral cycle. Their environment does. The aim of this book is to develop concrete theory for the functioning of political time and to demonstrate its effects with empirical data. At the core of the theory is a dual mobilization cycle. One leg of this cycle concerns the creation and decay of structure in voting behavior. The book traces the causal path preceding the result: the dynamics of voter perceptions, the determinants of party preference, and the logic of turnout and choice. The other leg of the dual cycle concerns the configuration of the party system. Here the causal path leads from the dimensions of conflict within parties over the ability of the leadership to enforce unity in parliamentary behavior to the implementation of campaign strategies. The book also spells out the connections between the two legs and locates them in political time. The methodology developed for this purpose, labeled “Quasi Time Series,” serves to transform cross-sectional data (which are available in abundance) in a way so that they fulfill functions of time series (which are exceedingly rare). The comparative approach exploits data from several decades, dozens of countries, hundreds of parties, thousands of legislators and about 100,000 voters.

This chapter describes the documentation and valorization of a special architectural heritage: the WW2 Cemeteries in Cassino & Montecassino territory. This is for the purpose of preserving and transmitting the memories of different people. Even today, these cemeteries are maintained by Polish, English, German, French and Italian governments and visited by many people of various nationalities. Our research is orientated to not only celebrate the sacrifice and identity of the soldiers who lost their lives in the war events, but also as a call for the reconciliation of peoples and the construction of a culture of peace. The cemeteries are studied by an architectonical point of view. Design aspects and aspects concerning the representation of projects are highlighted based on the documents found.

This study examines gender equality issues in the workplace in Malaysia and New Zealand during the COVID-19 pandemic and their consequences for practicing human resource management (HRM) in light of potential social-economic influences. Based on the literature reviewed, content and thematic analysis are employed. Emerging themes, such as country profile, female representation in employment rate and labor force participation rate, gender wage gap, and women in senior management roles, in these two countries are discussed. The COVID-19 alert and protection systems adopted by these countries are compared and their implications on HR practices are examined. Overall, the workforce in Malaysia appeared to experience relatively more complex challenges than that of New Zealand. The current study highlights the importance of positioning the development stages and roles of HR adopted by an organization so that HR professionals, business managers, government, and higher education institutions can work collaboratively to close gender equality gaps in the workplace in these countries.

Chapter 6 examines the context of hybrid regimes and argues that the incentive to mimic democracies in this regime type triggers governments to increase the legislative representation of women, particularly when the state is removing civil rights. That is, because of the stereotype that women are naturally more honest, cooperative, and democratic, women’s descriptive representation is strategically manipulated to signal a commitment to these ideals. This theory is tested through a cross-sectional, time-series model of election results of 27 countries over 16 years, which offers evidence that increases in women’s legislative presence in hybrid regimes correlates with a loss of civil rights. Two case studies are also presented, from Ethiopia and Bangladesh, two hybrid regimes that experienced a dramatic reduction in civil rights while simultaneously adopting gender quotas and increasing the presence of women in politics.

Using the recent COVID-19 crisis and its impact on Latin America as a starting point, this introduction to Healthcare in Latin America: History, Society, Culture suggests that national governments from Mexico to Argentina, whether reactionary or revolutionary, have approached healthcare as a means to pollical legitimacy. This anthology, as the introduction suggests, explores the development and representation of public health throughout Latin America while offering readers a glimpse into the diverse academic fields that intersect through global health studies, including history, sociology, and cultural studies.

The purpose of this chapter is to explore the representation of national political freedom on Web interface design by using power distance, one of the culture dimensions identified by Geert Hofstede, as a measurement. It also aims to determine if there are any differences between government-based Web sites and business-oriented Web sites in representing national political freedom. This study applied seven indicators validated from previous study (Li, 2009) in coding 312 Web sites selected from 39 countries and analyzed national political freedom represented on these Web sites with content analysis method. The result of two-way analysis of variance (ANOVA) indicated that large differences exist in Web interface design, which in turn reflects the aforementioned national political freedom. The research showed that the mean effect of freedom level between free-country group, partly-free-country group and not-free-country group was statistically significant (p = .003). So was the mean effect of Web site type between government-based and business-oriented Web sites (p = .000). Furthermore, the interaction between the freedom level and Web site type was also significant (p = .041). Therefore, we conclude that Web interface design correlates with a country’s political freedom level and government-based Web sites embody more of a nation’s authority and supremacy than business-oriented Web sites do. It is expected that this study furthers our exploration in culture dimensions on Web interface design and advances our knowledge in sociological and cultural studies of the Web.

Abstract Intangible cultural heritage (ICH) and community engagement are sites of contestation. This chapter discusses the complex intersections between the international UNESCO inscriptions and conventions, top-down national policies over the representation of art forms, strategies of local state governments, banning of forms by religious authorities, and the engagement of local cultural bearers in sustaining their ICH. It looks at the development and destinies of the Mak Yong dance theatre of Kelantan (inscribed as a “Masterpiece of the Oral and Intangible Heritage of Humanity” in 2005) and the multicultural ICH of George Town (inscribed as a World UNESCO Site together with Malacca in 2008) as case studies.

This chapter asks: what cultural work did silent film do for Americanization, the active and sometimes coercive campaign to make new immigrants into good Americans? It argues that, just as Americanization did not produce compliant citizens overnight, silent film as a powerful new medium of persuasion influenced American viewers' transformation only in part. The chapter particularly focuses on the use of film in industrial and educational contexts, which sometimes overlapped, purporting to both “educate” and Americanize the new immigrants to the United States, particularly immigrant workers. Delving into the author's chosen films as case studies, the chapter illustrates the potential of silent film as both mimesis (or representation of ideology) and as ideology. It seeks to answer the following questions: How did silent film contribute to the mission of Americanization? Were new immigrants the innocent viewers that the American government, industrialists (like Henry Ford), and Progressive Era educators and Americanizers were imagining for immigrant children and their families? Were they complicit? Were they doubly exploited through the popular images that aimed to “represent” them and in their own uncritical reception of such films, duped by the illusion of the medium? To answer these questions, the chapter draws on scholarship in Immigration Studies and Film Studies, as well as archival materials in the National Archives, the Library of Congress (MBRS), Northeast Historic Film, and the New York Public Library.

India’s female-male divide is revealed in socio-economic indicators. Women are 5 per cent below men in population size, though the female rural population is higher than men. Available studies show greater gender equality affects economic growth positively. Yet inequality prevails in education, employment, income, health, cultural and overall socio-economic environment; and foeticide, infanticide, and a perception of girls as a liability continue. Crimes against women have risen between 2015–19. Widows cannot remarry in most communities. Government has introduced legislation to improve female condition and representation in political positions at national and local levels. Save the Children sources data on children’s condition from UNESCO, UNICEF, World Bank and WHO. Information includes under-five mortality, malnutrition causing stunting, exclusion from primary and secondary schooling, child labour in adult roles, marriage and maternity of teenage girls, displacement through conflict and death by homicide. In overall score and rank, India fared better in 2020–21 than Bangladesh, Nepal and Pakistan, but below China, Brazil, Indonesia and Sri Lanka. India is projected to experience growth in the working age population of 15–64 until 2040. This is termed ‘demographic dividend’, of course if they can be productively employed. This is unlikely under prevailing conditions of the overall child population.

One of the ambitions of the draft Open Learning Policy Framework (OLPF) is to open up learning to students burdened by financial constraints and an inability to meet the full costs of their studies. This case study sought to better understand ways in which the University of the Western Cape (UWC) opened up learning through the provision of funding for financially precarious students. The study focused on UWC’s ‘Access to Success’ campaign which has comprised various fundraising activities including an annual phonathon, a staff pledge campaign, corporate fundraising events, and the #NoStudentWillBeLeftBehind campaign. A qualitative methodological approach was adopted, employing in-depth interviews with key stakeholders to ascertain and explore the ways in which the institution has provided opportunities for access to poor and financially precarious students. Given the OLPF’s ambition to foster social justice, Nancy Fraser’s (2008, 2010) framework of participatory parity was used as a lens for evaluating whether and to what extent social justice was promoted within and across three dimensions: economic, cultural and political. Findings demonstrate that a range of factors are important in considering funding for students including knowledge of institutional history, culture and context, knowledge of students’ contextual challenges and needs, and the importance of supportive leadership. Through the lens of participatory parity, the study shows that UWC has had some success in opening learning to students through funding. In the economic dimension, fundraising efforts have facilitated access through supplementing fees and study expenses, providing nutrition programmes, and sourcing donations of essential goods such as toiletries. Culturally, the phonathon offered students opportunities for recognition through valuing them as important contributors to the academic project, and Access to Success projects fostered community across diverse groups on campus. Politically, the phonathon fostered representation, allowing students to contribute to debates and issues, and highlighted the importance of institutional leadership. Overall, whilst Access to Success provided important and necessary interventions, these tended to be short term and ameliorative rather than transformative measuresfor students and the university itself. For much needed deep and systemic change, significantly more and sustained government funding is needed.

This paper seeks to discuss and expose the correlations between a shifting Wayang Kulit puppet performance in Malaysia and the shifting Malay language over the past half century, that is, from the late 1960s until the present time. The Wayang exhibited a patent shift in its poetics, in its use and type of symbolisms, in its social, cultural and spiritual purpose, and in its representation of community. The paper determines ways in which the Malay language experienced change by observing government mandate to 'rehabilitate' the Malay people, and to employ discourses of rehabilitation so to alter the cultural industry in Malaysia, yet to the detriment of language, social cohesion, and cultural performance in Malaysia. For this the data consists of a multi year ethnography of the Wayang both inside and outside of Kuala Lumpur, cases studies of Wayang Kulit dalangs (puppeteers), observing and conducting Wayang Kulit performances, and documenting language diachronic change. Ultimately, the paper finds that owing to language planning and policy in Malaysia, both cultural performance and language, that is, the written, the standardized, and vernacular have seen significant shift over the past half century, and that these shifts have correlated with altered ideologies in Malaysia that align with intentions to commercialize the country and to increase the mercantile efficiency of the Malay and the Malaysian people.

This paper traces the digital transformation occurring as a result of the application of computer information and communication technologies. Digital transformation is the digitization of the economy, complete change of the organization's structure, its relationships with the environment in which it operates, and the products and services it creates. Digitalization and related transformative processes lead to the creation of pervasive connectivity between people and institutions, diversification of activities, resources and data in the online space and parallel work in the digital and real worlds. The main goals of the paper are to show that the digital transformations enter all areas of the economy, social life, civil society, which also changes people's quality of life. Digital transformations enable people, businesses and governments to operate efficiently and at lower costs. This creates a huge potential for a large number of enterprises, banks, telecommunications companies, companies providing payment services; start-ups; retailers, as well as institutions in the fields of education, culture, healthcare, politics, etc. Today, even the smallest organization has the opportunity to function as a global one, carrying out cross-border activity in some form. The digital networks that connect everything and everyone span ever larger spaces, so companies, communities and individuals are challenged to rethink what it means to function globally connected. Digital networks are important for the development and promotion of business and communication both at work and in leisure. Therefore, their management is time-consuming and requires both technical and marketing knowledge.The analysis in this article was made within the framework of the project "Quality of Life and well-being in the context of professional communities and their activity" КП-06-ПН80/12, funded by the National Science Fund. The research work is theoretically based on already conducted empirical surveys that track the digital skills of employees in different economic sectors and professions. Five professional communities are studied - teachers; computer specialists and programmers; researchers and university lecturers; technical staff; people employed in trade and services. On the basis of nationally representative surveys for the respective professions, the level of basic and specific digital skills possessed by employees in these professions and the level that the current development of information and communication technologies and the needs of the respective profession require as necessary for the performance of professional activities were identified. On this basis, the need for up-skilling training and the importance of the company's training offerings for enhancing employees' digital skills is highlighted. The role of enhancing employees' digital skills in improving their quality of life is outlined in terms of creating better opportunities for professional and career development, higher incomes and achieving a better balance between work and leisure and work and family life. The article also traces the risks and prospects that digitization creates and that the economy and society face. The main conclusion is that digital technologies contribute to improving the quality of life, as well as to a more economical and efficient use of available resources.

UKAEA’s mission at its Dounreay establishment in the north of Scotland is to restore the site so that it can be used for other purposes, with a minimal effect on the environment and requiring minimal attention by future generations. A Dounreay Site Restoration Plan (DSRP) has been produced. It sets out the decommissioning and radioactive waste management activities to restore the site within the next 60 years. Management of solid low level radioactive waste (LLW) that already exists, and that which will be produced as the DSRP progresses is an essential site restoration activity. Altogether around 150,000m3 (5.3Mft3) of untreated LLW could arise. This will then need to be treated, packaged and managed, the resulting volume being around 200,000m3 (7Mft3). A project to develop a long term strategy for managing all Dounreay’s existing and future LLW was initiated in 1999. The identification of complete solutions for management of LLW arising from the site restoration of Dounreay, an integrated reactor and reprocessing site, is novel in the UK. The full range of LLW will be encountered. UKAEA is progressing this specific project during a period when both responsibility and policy for UK decommissioning and radioactive waste management are evolving in the UK. At present, for most UK nuclear operators, there are no recognised routes for disposing of significant volumes of decommissioning LLW that has either lower or higher radioactivity than the levels set by BNFL for disposal at the UK national LLW disposal site at Drigg. A large project such as this has the potential to affect the environmental and social conditions that prevail in the area where it is implemented. Local society therefore has an interest in a project of this scale and scope, particularly as there could be a number of feasible solutions. UKAEA is progressing the project by following UK established practice of undertaking a Best Practicable Environmental Option (BPEO) study. UKAEA has no preconceptions of the outcome and is diligently not prejudging issues prematurely. The BPEO process draws experts and non-experts alike into the discussions and facilitates a structured analysis of the options. However to permit meaningful debate those options have to be at first generated, and secondly investigated. This has taken UKAEA two and a half years in technical assessment of options at a cost of around £23/4M. The options and issues have been investigated to the depth necessary for comparisons and valid judgements to be made within the context of the BPEO study. Further technical evaluation will be required on those options that eventually emerge as the BPEO. UKAEA corporate strategy for stakeholder participation in BPEO studies is laid out in “Restoring our Environment”, published in October 2002. This was developed by a joint approach between project managers, Corporate Communications, and discussion with the regulators, government departments and Scottish Executive. An Internal Stakeholder Panel was held in March 2003. The Panel was independently facilitated and recorded. Eight Panel members attended who provided a representative cross-section of people working on site. Two External Stakeholder Panels were held in Thurso at the end of May 2003. A Youth Stakeholder Panel was held at which three sixth form students from local High Schools gave their views on the options for managing Dounreay’s LLW. The agenda was arranged to maximise interactive discussion on those options and issues that the young people themselves considered important. The second External Stakeholder Panel was based on the Dounreay Local Liaison Committee. Additional participants were invited in acknowledgement of the wider issues involved. As the use of Drigg is an option two representatives from the Cumbrian local district committee attended. From all the knowledge and information acquired from both the technical and stakeholder programmes UKAEA will build up the objective line of argument that leads to the BPEO emerging. This will be the completion of this first stage of the project and is planned for achievement in March 2004. Once the BPEO has been identified the next stage will be to work up the applications for the authorisations that will be necessary to allow implementation of the BPEO. Any facilities needed will require planning permission from the appropriate planning authority. The planning application could be called in by a Minister of State or a planning inquiry convened. During this next stage attention will be paid to ensure all reports and submissions are consistent and compliant with regulations and possible future legal processes. Stakeholder dialogue will continue throughout this next stage moving on from disussion of options to the actual developments. The objective will be to resolve as many issues stakeholders might raise prior to the submissions of applications and prior to the regulators’ formal consultation procedures. This will allow early attention to those areas of concern. Beyond the submission of applications for authorisations it is unwise to speculate as nuclear decommissioning will be then organised in the UK in a different way. The Nuclear Decommissioning Authority will most probably be in overall control and, particularly for Dounreay, the Scottish Executive may have developed its policy for radioactive waste management in Scotland.

Aim/Purpose: This paper provides the results of the preliminary analysis of the findings of an ongoing study that seeks to examine the social media use, cultural and political awareness, civic engagement, issue prioritization, and social activism of Gen Z students enrolled at four different institutional types located in the Mid-Atlantic region of the United States. The aim of this study is to look at the group as a whole as well as compare findings across populations. The institutional types under consideration include a mid-sized majority serving or otherwise referred to as a traditionally white institution (TWI) located in a small coastal city on the Atlantic Ocean, a small Historically Black University (HBCU) located in a rural area, a large community college located in a county that is a mixture of rural and suburban and which sits on the border of Maryland and Pennsylvania, and graduating high school students enrolled in career and technical education (CTE) programs in a large urban area. This exploration is purposed to examine the behaviors and expectations of Gen Z students within a representative American region during a time of tremendous turmoil and civil unrest in the United States. Background: Over 74 million strong, Gen Z makes up almost one-quarter of the U.S. population. They already outnumber any current living generation and are the first true digital natives. Born after 1996 and through 2012, they are known for their short attention spans and heightened ability to multi-task. Raised in the age of the smart phone, they have been tethered to digital devices from a young age with most having the preponderance of their childhood milestones commemorated online. Often called Zoomers, they are more racially and ethnically diverse than any previous generation and are on track to be the most well-educated generation in history. Gen Zers in the United States have been found in the research to be progressive and pro-government and viewing increasing racial and ethnic diversity as positive change. Finally, they are less likely to hold xenophobic beliefs such as the notion of American exceptionalism and superiority that have been popular with by prior generations. The United States has been in a period of social and civil unrest in recent years with concerns over systematic racism, rampant inequalities, political polarization, xenophobia, police violence, sexual assault and harassment, and the growing epidemic of gun violence. Anxieties stirred by the COVID-19 pandemic further compounded these issues resulting in a powder keg explosion occurring throughout the summer of 2020 and leading well into 2021. As a result, the United States has deteriorated significantly in the Civil Unrest Index falling from 91st to 34th. The vitriol, polarization, protests, murders, and shootings have all occurred during Gen Z’s formative years, and the limited research available indicates that it has shaped their values and political views. Methodology: The Mid-Atlantic region is a portion of the United States that exists as the overlap between the northeastern and southeastern portions of the country. It includes the nation’s capital, as well as large urban centers, small cities, suburbs, and rural enclaves. It is one of the most socially, economically, racially, and culturally diverse parts of the United States and is often referred to as the “typically American region.” An electronic survey was administered to students from 2019 through 2021 attending a high school dual enrollment program, a minority serving institution, a majority serving institution, and a community college all located within the larger mid-Atlantic region. The survey included a combination of multiple response, Likert scaled, dichotomous, open ended, and ordinal questions. It was developed in the Survey Monkey system and reviewed by several content and methodological experts in order to examine bias, vagueness, or potential semantic problems. Finally, the survey was pilot tested prior to implementation in order to explore the efficacy of the research methodology. It was then modified accordingly prior to widespread distribution to potential participants. The surveys were administered to students enrolled in classes taught by the authors all of whom are educators. Participation was voluntary, optional, and anonymous. Over 800 individuals completed the survey with just over 700 usable results, after partial completes and the responses of individuals outside of the 18-24 age range were removed. Findings: Participants in this study overwhelmingly were users of social media. In descending order, YouTube, Instagram, Snapchat, Twitter, Facebook, Pinterest, WhatsApp, LinkedIn and Tik Tok were the most popular social media services reported as being used. When volume of use was considered, Instagram, Snapchat, YouTube and Twitter were the most cited with most participants reporting using Instagram and Snapchat multiple times a day. When asked to select which social media service they would use if forced to choose just one, the number one choice was YouTube followed by Instagram and Snapchat. Additionally, more than half of participants responded that they have uploaded a video to a video sharing site such as YouTube or Tik Tok. When asked about their familiarity with different technologies, participants overwhelmingly responded that they are “very familiar” with smart phones, searching the Web, social media, and email. About half the respondents said that they were “very familiar” with common computer applications such as the Microsoft Office Suite or Google Suite with another third saying that they were “somewhat familiar.” When asked about Learning Management Systems (LMS) like Blackboard, Course Compass, Canvas, Edmodo, Moodle, Course Sites, Google Classroom, Mindtap, Schoology, Absorb, D2L, itslearning, Otus, PowerSchool, or WizIQ, only 43% said they were “very familiar” with 31% responding that they were “somewhat familiar.” Finally, about half the students were either “very” or “somewhat” familiar with operating systems such as Windows. A few preferences with respect to technology in the teaching and learning process were explored in the survey. Most students (85%) responded that they want course announcements and reminders sent to their phones, 76% expect their courses to incorporate the use of technology, 71% want their courses to have course websites, and 71% said that they would rather watch a video than read a book chapter. When asked to consider the future, over 81% or respondents reported that technology will play a major role in their future career. Most participants considered themselves “informed” or “well informed” about current events although few considered themselves “very informed” or “well informed” about politics. When asked how they get their news, the most common forum reported for getting news and information about current events and politics was social media with 81% of respondents reporting. Gen Z is known to be an engaged generation and the participants in this study were not an exception. As such, it came as no surprise to discover that, in the past year more than 78% of respondents had educated friends or family about an important social or political issue, about half (48%) had donated to a cause of importance to them, more than a quarter (26%) had participated in a march or rally, and a quarter (26%) had actively boycotted a product or company. Further, about 37% consider themselves to be a social activist with another 41% responding that aren’t sure if they would consider themselves an activist and only 22% saying that they would not consider themselves an activist. When asked what issues were important to them, the most frequently cited were Black Lives Matter (75%), human trafficking (68%), sexual assault/harassment/Me Too (66.49%), gun violence (65.82%), women’s rights (65.15%), climate change (55.4%), immigration reform/deferred action for childhood arrivals (DACA) (48.8%), and LGBTQ+ rights (47.39%). When the schools were compared, there were only minor differences in social media use with the high school students indicating slightly more use of Tik Tok than the other participants. All groups were virtually equal when it came to how informed they perceived themselves about current events and politics. Consensus among groups existed with respect to how they get their news, and the community college and high school students were slightly more likely to have participated in a march, protest, or rally in the last 12 months than the university students. The community college and high school students were also slightly more likely to consider themselves social activists than the participants from either of the universities. When the importance of the issues was considered, significant differences based on institutional type were noted. Black Lives Matter (BLM) was identified as important by the largest portion of students attending the HBCU followed by the community college students and high school students. Less than half of the students attending the TWI considered BLM an important issue. Human trafficking was cited as important by a higher percentage of students attending the HBCU and urban high school than at the suburban and rural community college or the TWI. Sexual assault was considered important by the majority of students at all the schools with the percentage a bit smaller from the majority serving institution. About two thirds of the students at the high school, community college, and HBCU considered gun violence important versus about half the students at the majority serving institution. Women’s rights were reported as being important by more of the high school and HBCU participants than the community college or TWI. Climate change was considered important by about half the students at all schools with a slightly smaller portion reporting out the HBCU. Immigration reform/DACA was reported as important by half the high school, community college, and HBCU participants with only a third of the students from the majority serving institution citing it as an important issue. With respect to LGBTQ rights approximately half of the high school and community college participants cited it as important, 44.53% of the HBCU students, and only about a quarter of the students attending the majority serving institution. Contribution and Conclusion: This paper provides a timely investigation into the mindset of generation Z students living in the United States during a period of heightened civic unrest. This insight is useful to educators who should be informed about the generation of students that is currently populating higher education. The findings of this study are consistent with public opinion polls by Pew Research Center. According to the findings, the Gen Z students participating in this study are heavy users of multiple social media, expect technology to be integrated into teaching and learning, anticipate a future career where technology will play an important role, informed about current and political events, use social media as their main source for getting news and information, and fairly engaged in social activism. When institutional type was compared the students from the university with the more affluent and less diverse population were less likely to find social justice issues important than the other groups. Recommendations for Practitioners: During disruptive and contentious times, it is negligent to think that the abounding issues plaguing society are not important to our students. Gauging the issues of importance and levels of civic engagement provides us crucial information towards understanding the attitudes of students. Further, knowing how our students gain information, their social media usage, as well as how informed they are about current events and political issues can be used to more effectively communicate and educate. Recommendations for Researchers: As social media continues to proliferate daily life and become a vital means of news and information gathering, additional studies such as the one presented here are needed. Additionally, in other countries facing similarly turbulent times, measuring student interest, awareness, and engagement is highly informative. Impact on Society: During a highly contentious period replete with a large volume of civil unrest and compounded by a global pandemic, understanding the behaviors and attitudes of students can help us as higher education faculty be more attuned when it comes to the design and delivery of curriculum. Future Research This presentation presents preliminary findings. Data is still being collected and much more extensive statistical analyses will be performed.