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1
Mora, Cristina, Julie A. Dowling, and Michael Rodríguez-Muñiz. "“Mostly Rich White Men, Nothing in Common”: Latino Views on Political (Under) Representation in the Trump Era." American Behavioral Scientist 65, no. 9 (March 6, 2021): 1180–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764221996768.
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The idea of U.S. democracy rests on the assumption that all citizens will see their issues and needs reflected in elected officials. Yet, historically this has not been the case, as racialized minorities have been excluded and systematically marginalized from the representative process. Today, nonwhite populations remain significantly underrepresented in federal and state governments. Although scholars have examined the effects and mechanics of ethnoracial political representation, less is known about how individuals from minoritized populations perceive and make sense of political (under)representation. Drawing on a novel data set of 71 in-depth interviews with Latinos in the Chicagoland area and the San Francisco Bay, this article examines Latino understandings of representation. Our findings show that respondents view Latinos and other “people of color” as largely underrepresented amid an exceedingly white federal government. Yet Latino sentiments on the issue go beyond race, as respondents contend that class and a record of experience advocating on behalf of immigrant and working-class communities also matters for feeling represented by elected officials. Our findings make a case for bridging the sociological literature on racialization and political theories on representation, and have implications for understanding broader notions of political belonging and government trust.
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Brazil, Noli. "The Unequal Spatial Distribution of City Government Fines: The Case of Parking Tickets in Los Angeles." Urban Affairs Review 56, no. 3 (June 22, 2018): 823–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1078087418783609.
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This study investigates the relationship between government fines and neighborhood composition using data on parking citations in Los Angeles. Parking ticket fines have received significant attention in public debates concerning bias in government and law enforcement practices. In these debates, community advocates claim that parking citations are spatially concentrated in neighborhoods of predominantly economically vulnerable populations. Using parking ticket data in 2016 from the City of Los Angeles, this study shows that the number of parking tickets is higher in neighborhoods with a larger presence of renters, young adults, and Black residents. The study also finds that the burden on Black neighborhoods is not alleviated by Black representation in city council. However, Hispanic neighborhoods with a Hispanic council representative experienced higher parking ticket rates for regulations that are more likely to be violated by visitors, specifically, violations occurring during the evening and overnight hours, and specific to time-limit and permit-related regulations.
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Döner, Fatih, and Samet Şirin. "3D Digital Representation of Cadastral Data in Turkey—Apartments Case." Land 9, no. 6 (June 1, 2020): 179. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/land9060179.
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With the widespread use of three-dimensional (3D) geographic information technologies, studies for 3D digital representation of property units in cadasters have increased in recent years. In Turkey, a project named 3D City Models and Cadasters was initiated by the General Directorate of Land Registries and Cadasters in 2018. With this project, which is planned to last four years, it aims to create 3D models of individual units (apartments) in buildings and provide visual representations of these individual units with legal information. Transition from the current 2D representation towards a 3D digital cadaster requires not only replacing analog drawings with 3D models but also examining the workflow for forming the property units. In this study, the process of registration of property rights for individual units is examined and possibilities and challenges for successful completion of the 3D cadaster project are evaluated from a legal, an organizational, and a technical point of view. Government plays a lead role by adopting the digital transformation as a state policy. However, new regulations and organizational settings may have to be introduced. Modeling and visualization alternatives for 3D data should be studied further.
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Bjørnå, Hilde. "Gender Balance and Institutions in Local Government – Examples from Rural Norway." Lex localis - Journal of Local Self-Government 10, no. 2 (April 26, 2012): 129–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.4335/10.2.129-152.
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While steps are taken to increase women’s representation in politics, it can often prove difficult to change patterns of recruitment and nomination to political positions. This article argues that not only formal regulation, but also informal institutions, like local norms, beliefs and values, history and traditional codes of conduct matter and should be taken into account in plans to achieve balanced gender representation. The article compares recruitment policies in rural municipalities in Norway. Case studies were conducted to identify factors affecting women’s willingness to stand as candidates, the factors local political parties take into account when nominating candidates, and voting behaviour. The study suggests that local issues, such as religious traditions, distributional conflicts and desire for community representation, affect women representation. Representation policies in local governments are, in other words, not only affected by rules and values “from above”, they must also be understood in a “bottom up” perspective, as the aggregated consequences of the rational behaviour of voters.
Keywords: women representation • representation policies • informal and formal institutions • local democracy
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Ha Thi Hai, Yen, and Linh Nguyen Thi My. "Enhancing Direct Democracy: Case Studies in Vietnam." SHS Web of Conferences 124 (2021): 07002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/shsconf/202112407002.
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Direct democracy is the original and true way to ensure the power and position of the people as the owners of the state and society. Along with representative democracy, the implementation of direct democracy is important and indispensable in modern states in the world. In Vietnam, direct democracy has been recognized in many important legal documents and has been concerned by the Vietnamese Government, especially in recent times. Promoting and expanding direct democracy in Vietnam is evaluated as very correct and consistent actions of the Communist Party and the Government of Vietnam. The implementation of democracy is an important driving force to promote socio-economic development as well as people's sovereignty. It also stimulates the material and spiritual resources among the people to serve socio-economic development and fulfill social tasks. In the recent context of Vietnam, there are a lot of difficulties and challenges in implementing direct democracy, which requires significant solutions to strengthen in the future. In this paper, besides providing general research and opinions on direct democracy, the author focuses on analyzing issues of direct democracy implementation as well as proposing some solutions to improve direct democracy in Vietnam.
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Roqib, Muhammad. "KEWENANGAN DEWAN PERWAKILAN DAERAH DALAM PENGAWASAN PERATURAN DAERAH." Jurnal Justiciabelen 3, no. 2 (March 24, 2021): 36. http://dx.doi.org/10.30587/justiciabelen.v3i2.2446.
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Regional Representative Council (Dewan Perwakilan Daerah/DPD) is a constitution organ. This one of state institutions is established and empowered by the 1945 Constitution. The existence of the Regional Representative Council is regulated in the provision of Chapter VII Article 22 C and Article 22 D of the 1945 Constitution. The authorities and duties of the Regional Representative Council is regulated in No. 2/2018 of Law about the People’s Consultative Assembly (MPR), the House of Representative (DPR), the Regional Representative Council (DPD), and the Regional People’s Representative Council (DPRD). One of the Regional Representative Council’s authorities in the Law No. 2/2018 is able to monitor and evaluate the regional regulations plan and the regional regulations. However, since the verdict of Constitutional Court No. 137/PUU XIII/2015 and 56/PUU-XIV/2016 about revocation of the government authority (central) to nullify (executive review) the regional regulation, the authority of the Regional Representative Council in monitoring the regional regulations plan and the regional regulations is weakened and not clear. The nullification of the regional regulation(s) is owned by judicial institution only, such as the Supreme Court (MA). In fact, the Regional Representative Council should be as a representative council that can associate those two interests at once, the central government in top down way and regional interest in bottom up way. How does the Regional Representative Council align those two waves of interests at once through the regional regulation(s)? This research uses statute approach, by examining the related laws about law issues which is already analyzed and also uses conceptual approach, which starts from the point of views and developed doctrines in the legal studies. Based on the research results, it was known that the verdict of the Constitutional Court did not eliminate the control of the central government, in this case was the Regional Representative Council to the regional government, including the making of the regency/city regional regulations. But, this control was not in the shape of testing or nullifying the regional regulations. The Regional Representative Council in consort with the ministry, and governor as the representative of the central government should do some evaluation process on each regional regulations plan.
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Roqib, Muhammad. "Kewenangan Dewan Perwakilan Daerah Dalam Pengawasan Peraturan Daerah." Jurnal Justiciabelen 4, no. 2 (January 12, 2022): 11. http://dx.doi.org/10.30587/justiciabelen.v4i2.3560.
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Regional Representative Council (Dewan Perwakilan Daerah/DPD) is a constitution organ. This one of state institutions is established and empowered by the 1945 Constitution. The existence of the Regional Representative Council is regulated in the provision of Chapter VII Article 22 C and Article 22 D of the 1945 Constitution. The authorities and duties of the Regional Representative Council is regulated in No. 2/2018 of Law about the People’s Consultative Assembly (MPR), the House of Representative (DPR), the Regional Representative Council (DPD), and the Regional People’s Representative Council (DPRD). One of the Regional Representative Council’s authorities in the Law No. 2/2018 is able to monitor and evaluate the regional regulations plan and the regional regulations. However, since the verdict of Constitutional Court No. 137/PUU XIII/2015 and 56/PUU-XIV/2016 about revocation of the government authority (central) to nullify (executive review) the regional regulation, the authority of the Regional Representative Council in monitoring the regional regulations plan and the regional regulations is weakened and not clear. The nullification of the regional regulation(s) is owned by judicial institution only, such as the Supreme Court (MA). In fact, the Regional Representative Council should be as a representative council that can associate those two interests at once, the central government in top down way and regional interest in bottom up way. How does the Regional Representative Council align those two waves of interests at once through the regional regulation(s)? This research uses statute approach, by examining the related laws about law issues which is already analyzed and also uses conceptual approach, which starts from the point of views and developed doctrines in the legal studies. Based on the research results, it was known that the verdict of the Constitutional Court did not eliminate the control of the central government, in this case was the Regional Representative Council to the regional government, including the making of the regency/city regional regulations. But, this control was not in the shape of testing or nullifying the regional regulations. The Regional Representative Council in consort with the ministry, and governor as the representative of the central government should do some evaluation process on each regional regulations plan.
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Fasone, Cristina. "Catalysing Marginalisation? The Effect of Populist Governments on the Legislative and Scrutiny Functions of the Italian Parliament." Parliamentary Affairs 74, no. 4 (June 7, 2021): 802–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pa/gsab009.
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Abstract The article analyses whether and how the activity of populist governments in Italy has affected the performance of parliament’s legislative and scrutiny functions. The analysis covers the government of Five Star Movement (5SM) and the Lega as well as the coalition government made up of the 5SM, the Democratic Party and centre-left junior allies up to the COVID-19 outbreak. The article uses selected bills and decree-laws to investigate the impact on the legislative function, while question time sessions and committees of inquiry are examined as case studies on the scrutiny function. The analysis demonstrates that although ‘subversive’ constitutional and parliamentary conduct was already in place beforehand, when populists entered government in the 18th legislative term there was a worsening of a trend towards eroding representative democracy.
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Sanders, Amy. "Examining How Equalities Nonprofit Organizations Approach Policy Influencing to Achieve Substantive Representation in Sub-State Government Policymaking." Societies 13, no. 2 (February 20, 2023): 49. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/soc13020049.
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This article is concerned with equalities nonprofit organizations’ activities to achieve substantive representation in policy-making through a sub-state government. It draws on three strands of the interest representation literature from equalities theory, nonprofit sector studies, and social movements theory. The analytical framework synthesizes these to provide a new approach for examining equalities nonprofit organizations’ policy influencing. Drawing on equalities theorists’ accounts of mainstreaming, and understandings of campaigns from social movement literature, it explores nonprofit organizations’ positioning in relation to government in order to advance equality. This analysis engages with questions raised by nonprofit scholars about nonprofit organizations’ independence from government and their capacity to retain a critical voice. An overarching institutionalist lens enables an examination of the formal and informal facets that shape policy influencing approaches. The research question is: How have equalities organizations engaged with the institution of a nonprofit-government partnership to promote substantive representation in policy? This research uses semi-structured elite interviews to explore key policy actors’ accounts. The case study is the statutory Welsh nonprofit sector–government partnership. Findings suggest the equalities nonprofit organizations involved in this partnership deploy a sophisticated array of action repertoires as part of an interrelated web of nuanced, multi-positioned influencing activities. This agility enables the sector to maintain some capacity to be critical of the state whilst sustaining informal relations with state policy actors.
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Pennell, C. R. "A killing in Tripoli (1843): principle and contingency and personal diplomacy." Libyan Studies 36 (2005): 59–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263718900005501.
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AbstractThis article examines the trial in 1843 and 1844 of Giovanni Battista Caruana, a Maltese, for the murder of a Jew in Tripoli. He was found guilty but was not executed because the victim's impoverished wife agreed to accept compensation. The case took place against the background of the British government's increasing impatience with what they saw as uncontrolled Maltese and Ionian communities, leading to the enactment of the Foreign Jurisdiction Act of 1844. It also demonstrated the importance of the individual authority of the Consul, Hanmer Warrington, and the extent to which consuls' personal objectives and opinions weighed on the development of British policy, and the extent to which Warrington's concern to uphold the law coincided with that of the Pasha of Tripoli, so that the case led to a close identification between the local government and the British consular representative.
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Körner, Axel. "Local Government and the Meanings of Political Representation: A Case Study of Bologna between 1860 and 1915." Modern Italy 10, no. 2 (November 2005): 137–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940500284168.
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SummarySince the early nineteenth century political opposition became a central concept of political representation in constitutional monarchies. While this concept marked the political language of unified Italy on the national level, in local administration the legitimacy of political opposition remained an issue of dispute, as illustrated in this analysis of the political language in Bologna's local council. Local perceptions of national events, like the government's reaction to Garibaldi's unsuccessful Mentana-campaign, assumed major symbolic meaning in local politics and challenged traditional understandings of municipal administration by introducing the concept of political opposition. In Bologna, after Rome the second city of the former Papal State, the Moderates were able to grow into a position of political hegemony after the Unification of Italy and remained the predominant political force also after Italy's “parliamentary revolution” of 1876 and the electoral reforms of the 1880s. As a consequence of its limited influence on the local administration, Bologna's Left defined its ideological profile earlier and more clearly than the Left in other parts of Italy and integrated issues of national importance into local political discourse. Analysing the relationship between central administration and periphery, the article reveals the development of political language and the changing meanings of political representation between Unification and World War One and explains on this basis the escalation of social and political conflict in Finesecolo Italy.
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Hansson, Karin, and Love Ekenberg. "Managing deliberation: tools for structuring discussions and analyzing representation." Transforming Government: People, Process and Policy 10, no. 2 (May 16, 2016): 256–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/tg-03-2015-0011.
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Purpose In this paper, the authors address the lack of methodologies and tools that support community and consensus processes in online settings while also acknowledging agonistic conflicts and a diversity of interest communities. The purpose of this paper is to develop a methodology and tool support for analysing discursive processes, as well as for creating structural support for better informed deliberative processes. Design/methodology/approach This participatory design is based on two case studies of urban planning projects in Swedish municipalities. An ethnographic study of information practises among municipality officials and residents exposed a need for supporting the direct communication with citizens and non-governmental organisations (NGOs), as well as democratic processes within groups. Findings The authors show how a general participatory methodology on different levels of governance can be supported using a standard type of interface and analytical tools for structured discussions and statistics. Research limitations/implications The tool design has not been tested in any larger scale. The tool is at present foremost useful for communicating in participatory contexts. The actor perspective in the methodology used means that the actors, rather than organisations, are highlighted as the owners of specific questions. It also means that a survey or discussion initiated by a government can have competition from other actors using the same instruments or data. Practical implications Except for being an analytical tool for analysing participatory attributes and for better understanding of how decisions are formed, the platform also includes tools for more elaborated decision support, as well as support for voting and pro/con argumentation integrated with discussion forum for providing reasonable conditions for a broader more well-structured participation. Social implications The actor perspective in the suggested methodology and tool support means that the actors, rather than organisations, are highlighted as the owners of specific questions. It also means that a survey or discussion initiated by a government can have competition from other actors using the same instruments or data. Originality/value This platform provides integrated analytical tools and elaborated decision support for individual users, to support democracy from a micro-perspective rather than from a government perspective, and reaches significantly beyond the capacities of similar tools and methods presently available. The traditional dichotomy between the government and the citizens in e-government research is, thus, avoided by developing a tool that takes the individual actor as the starting point rather than an abstract collective.
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Kim, Minah. "Religious Governance as Collaboration for the Resolution of Disgust: The Case of Protestantism in South Korea." Religions 13, no. 11 (November 14, 2022): 1097. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel13111097.
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The pandemic enhanced disgust for the socially disadvantaged. In South Korea, hatred of the Chinese, the Shincheonji Church, sexual minorities, and migrant workers intensified during the pandemic. In this social atmosphere of fear and anxiety, Korean Protestantism turned into a representative group that promotes and spreads disgust. In particular, homophobia can be said to be led by the conservative Protestants in Korea. A secularization strategy proposed by David Martin has significant implications in resolving this disgust demonstrated by Korean Protestants. Martin asserts that Christianity should respond appropriately to the demands for the enhancement of the public good with the resources of religion that he calls secularization. This paper argues that religion-government governance can be a process and system that makes possible secularization in which religion realizes the virtues of reconciliation and hospitality beyond conflict and disgust. Among various types of governance, collaborative governance is the most appropriate for religion-government governance to resolve disgust for the socially disadvantaged. Here, collaboration means the process of pursuing the realization of the public good by creating new values beyond the actors’ interests. A case for this can be found in the collaboration between some Protestants and LGBTQIA+ rights activists and the government to support anonymous COVID-19 tests on homosexuals during the pandemic.
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Carney, Josh. "Resur(e)recting a Spectacular Hero:Diriliş Ertuğrul, Necropolitics, and Popular Culture in Turkey." Review of Middle East Studies 52, no. 1 (April 2018): 93–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rms.2018.6.
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AbstractThe hugely popular proto-Ottoman television serialResurrection Ertuğrul(Diriliş Ertuğrul, 2014–) is the culmination of a series of attempts by Turkish government broadcaster TRT to produce a historical drama in line with the values of the governing AKP. Far from being confined to the television screen,Resurrectionis called upon by the government for multiple extra-textual engagements with the public. This essay traces some of the ways in which the serial has been used instrumentally by the AKP, blurring traditional distinctions between entertainment and official (state sanctioned) history, and intervening in political discourse. It first introduces the notion of prescriptive activation to describe the extra-textual use of media texts by those in power for political ends. Next, it examines the trappings of death that surround Resurrection, suggesting that the serial partakes in a representational necropolitics that fetishizes death for the nation. Finally, it explores the stakes of such representation, turning to a case in which text-inspired and literal necropolitics converge.
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Billi, Roberto M. "Optimal Inflation for the US Economy." American Economic Journal: Macroeconomics 3, no. 3 (July 1, 2011): 29–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/mac.3.3.29.
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This paper studies the optimal long-run inflation rate (OIR) in a small New Keynesian model, where the only policy instrument is a short-term nominal interest rate that may occasionally run against a zero lower bound (ZLB). The model allows for worst-case scenarios of misspecification. The analysis shows first, if the government optimally commits, the OIR is below 1 percent annually. Second, if the government re-optimizes each period, the OIR rises markedly to 17 percent. Third, if the government commits only to an inertial Taylor rule, the inflation bias is eliminated at very low cost in terms of welfare for the representative household. (JEL E12, E31, E43, E52, E58)
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Kim, Sunkyung. "Research on a Buddha Mountain in Colonial-Period Korea: A Preliminary Discussion." Religions 12, no. 7 (July 19, 2021): 551. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12070551.
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Buddhist art became the focus of discussion when Japanese scholars began to construct Korean art history as an academic discipline. This paper presents a case study of how a particular Buddhist site, Mount Nam in Kyŏngju, was recognized, researched, and represented during the colonial period (1910–1945). By analyzing representative Japanese publications on the subject, I argue that there existed disconnection between the colonial government and the site-researchers. I re-evaluate the conventional narrative that the colonizers regarded Buddhist statues as “art” removed from their original religious setting. This paper reveals a more layered picture of the early years of historical discourse on the so-called Buddha Mountain and Buddhist sculptures of Korea.
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Aspinall, Peter J. "Ethnic/Racial Terminology as a Form of Representation: A Critical Review of the Lexicon of Collective and Specific Terms in Use in Britain." Genealogy 4, no. 3 (August 20, 2020): 87. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/genealogy4030087.
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All ethnic/racial terminology may be seen as a form of representation, whereby meanings are generated by a range of social categorizers in settings of popular culture, political discourse, and statistical governmentality. This paper investigates these representations through a critical review of the lexicon of collective and specific ethnic/racial terms in use in Britain. Relevant studies and documents were identified through structured searches on databases of peer-reviewed literature and the websites of government census agencies. The full-text corpus of the UK Parliament was used to delineate the genealogies or etymologies of this terminology. The derivation of specific ethnic/racial terms through census processes tends to conform with the theoretical model of mutual entailment of social categories and group identities. This relationship breaks down in the case of the broad and somewhat abstract categories of race/ethnicity originating in the modern bureaucratic processes of government and advocacy by anti-racist organizations, opening up a space for representations that are characterized by their exteriority. Commonly used acronyms are little understood in the wider society, are confusing, and of limited acceptability to those they describe, while other collective terms are offensive and ethnocentric. Accurate description is recommended to delineate ethnic minority populations in terms of their constituent groups.
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Mushaben, Joyce Marie. "The Reluctant Feminist: Angela Merkel and the Modernization of Gender Politics in Germany." 100 Jahre Frauenwahlrecht – Und wo bleibt die Gleichheit? 27, no. 2-2018 (November 20, 2018): 83–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.3224/feminapolitica.v27i2.07.
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Academic studies regarding the impact of various forms of gender representation focus largely on quantitative evidence that women in power can make a difference, downplaying qualitative case studies that can establish causal links between women's participation in government and better policies for women. Analyzing policy changes initiated by Germany’s first female Chancellor since 2005, the paper argues that despite her CDU-affiliation, Angela Merkel has contributed more to gender equality in Germany than all previous chancellors, even though she refuses to label herself a feminist. The author explores three factors shaping Merkel's reluctance to embrace the (western dominated) feminist label, e.g., her socialization under a diametrically opposed GDR gender regime, her preference for data-driven policy learning, her aversion towards “ideological” framing, coupled with a tendency to pursue mixed motives, respectively. The paper concludes with recent examples geared towards leveling the global gender playing-field, attesting to her willingness to embrace transformational representation.
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Sela, Avraham. "From Revolution to Political Participation: Institutionalization of Militant Islamic Movements." Contemporary Review of the Middle East 2, no. 1-2 (March 2015): 31–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2347798915584033.
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Social movements often undergo substantial changes as they grow more politically popular and influential, foremost of which is the shift from a single founding/charismatic leader to a hierarchic structure of representative institutions and rational political decision-making. Such changes are said to enable transformation from revolutionary to reformist strategies based on pragmatic calculations. Despite the wealth of studies on the political development of Islamic movements, this theoretical assumption is yet to be tested, especially in cases of popular Islamic movements identified with jihad as a core element in their ideology of resistance to an alien power. This article takes on to scrutinize the political trajectories of two jihadist-resistant movements, namely, Hamas and Hezbollah. Both Hamas and Hezbollah emerged as contentious, counter-elite movements adopting extreme Islamic agendas, yet along the years, they came to adopt national-Islamic attributes. Moreover, both movements moved from the fringes of opposition to the political center and government, each one establishing itself as ‘a state within a state’. Despite their different sectarian identities (Sunni and Shi`i, respectively) and domestic political arenas, these two movements share major attributes, especially their dedicated involvement in social and community concerns on the one hand, and ideological and practical commitment to jihad against Israel, on the other. At the same time, despite their involvement in violence (in the case of Hezbollah, also international terrorism), both movements made discernible efforts to win international recognition, especially by propagating their broad political constituency and civic activities. Whereas Hezbollah attained representation in the Lebanese governments since 1992, Hamas’s unexpectedly decisive victory in the 2006 elections to the Palestinian Legislative Council forced it to take responsibility as a government. Following its violent takeover of full control over the Gaza Strip in June 2007, Hamas has exercised full internal sovereignty over this territory and won a substantial international recognition, mainly from Islamic countries. Against this backdrop, what changes can be discerned in the thought and practice of these movements? Especially, what effect had the shift from ‘resistance’ to government—or rather, the mixture of both—had on these movements. The article’s working assumption is that notwithstanding processes of popular growth, institutionalization, and generational changes of leadership, neither Hezbollah nor Hamas deviated from their strategic goals and core principles. Nonetheless, on the tactical level, they proved to be innovative in legitimizing temporary deviations from stated ideologies and policies.
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Boldyrev, Vitalii. "Decision-Making and Executive Power Departments’ Adaptation. Barack Obama’s Pacific Policy Case." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 4 (August 2021): 222–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2021.4.19.
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Introduction. In the Barack Obama’s government and administration’s decision-making process related to the Asia-Pacific, the interaction of specific officials, rather than general policy goals, played a determining role. Methods. Using the structural method, the history of everyday life, and adaptology, the author analyzed the hidden sides of decision-making process that influenced the official narrative. Analysis. The analysis is related to interaction with counterparts and behavioural strategies of the president, his administration, the State Department, the Department of Defense and the United States trade representative as the key centers involved in the struggle for policy elaboration. Results. Because of high competition among them and the desire of each center to stand for its position, the decision-making process has acquired several peculiarities. To mark their own position and reduce the influence of their competitors, the agencies developed their own strategies supported by created related concepts and narratives, opened new jobs, concealed their real attitudes towards each other as well as the real meanings of the strategies, and proposed new forms of interaction with non-state actors. To prevent the strengthening of other parts of the process Barack Obama and his advisors developed the concept of rebalance. Hillary Clinton responded with the concept of pivot. The Department of Defense, as these narratives struggled, was forced to side with the president, thereby disguising its true goals. United States trade representative R. Krik avoided the struggle and concentrated on adapting to objective conditions. As a result of the struggle, the Barack Obama’s government and administration have not developed a common regional strategy based on common goals and understanding of the region.
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Che Fonchingong, Charles. "Legitimating Social Inequality: Political Elites, Ethnic Peddling and Dislocated Constituencies." European Scientific Journal, ESJ 12, no. 26 (September 30, 2016): 163. http://dx.doi.org/10.19044/esj.2016.v12n26p163.
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Political cronyism has been flagged up as a trigger for state dysfunction in post-independence Africa, resulting in escalating social inequality. This paper lays out elite (mostly elderly) dislocation of political space; polarizing communities with constituents feeling distant from governmental machinery with constituency representation under siege. Using case studies, backed up with documentary analysis, framed in conjunction with the conceptual thinking of deliberative democracy; this study engages with the elements of dislocation. Constituency misrepresentation is laid out through a triangulation of case study material drawn from newspaper reports, discourses and counter narratives, amplified by process tracing and inferential analysis. Elite manipulation of political spaces exacerbates social inequality, creates fractured communities; undermines democratic mandate, social advancement and broad citizen consensus. From media coverage of glib slogans, elite pledge generic support for the regime in place whilst constituents are giving false expectations that seldom materialize into concrete development. There are no clear-cut manifestos that reflect the voices of constituents against bogus claims to state institutions with the political elite purportedly speaking on behalf of their constituents -‘the people’. The ensuing inertia creates a false sense of representative governance as projects promised are rarely delivered. Slogans should usefully channel the development needs of constituents, permitting government to calibrate a robust development portfolio and citizen assemblies factored into policy design and service delivery. Developing a stakeholder approach and building the capability of social development professionals, in order to filter through pressing concerns with measurable outcomes, bolstering youth employment and fostering social protection would remove the lock jams in constituencies. Strategic spending in public services and essential infrastructure such as health, roads, transport, water, power supply and education are crucial in reducing inequality.
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Beaudoin, Gérald-A. "La réforme des institutions centrales. Quelques jalons." Les Cahiers de droit 25, no. 1 (April 12, 2005): 173–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/042591ar.
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« In this article the author envisages and studies the reform of the Senate, of the House of Commons and of the Supreme Court of Canada ; the function of the Governor General is also considered. A suggestion is made for introducing a system of mitigated proportional representation in the House of Commons, as proposed by the Pepin-Robarts report of January 1979. The authors analyses the advantages and disadvantages of an elected Senate, of a Senate whose members are appointed by the federal government or by the federal and provincial governments, of a second House which would constitute a House of the Provinces ; the author is aganist an equal representation of the provinces in the Senate. Professor Beaudoin favours a specialized constitutional Court of Canada, although he considers that such a reform is very unlikely to happen ; however, he adds that in any case, the Supreme Court is de facto a constitutional court to a certain extent. He recommends that the principle of dualism be more visible. Finally, the author describes how the function of Governor General has evolved since 1926, and outlines the role that the Governor General may play in normal and anormal times. »
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Gupta, Varun. "Requirement Engineering Challenges for Social Sector Software Development: Insights from Multiple Case Studies." Digital Government: Research and Practice 2, no. 4 (October 31, 2021): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/3479982.
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Diversity is a great challenge for software engineers in the social sector context. The objective of this paper is to contribute to the identification of the RE processes and associated challenges in releasing the software in the social sector markets for which an exploratory case study is conducted. The outcome of the case study indicates that the diversity limits the ability to involve the representative samples of user populations using the same set of RE tools and techniques as one size fits all solution for all segments. The diverse user base must be partitioned into different segments, with each segment triggered using a suitable set of RE techniques i.e., traditional and crowd-based RE. The diverse perspectives learned as a result of the interaction with each segment, must be merged together into a single perspective about the software meant to be used in the social sector. There is a need for a new RE process specially designed for handling the complexities of the social sector, which this paper terms as Social Sector Requirement Engineering (SSRE). There is an increased need for collaboration between government social sector institutions and software engineers to get access to diverse customers to improve software quality.
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Rusch, Lara. "Going Regional: The Evolution of an Organizing Strategy in Detroit." City & Community 11, no. 1 (March 2012): 51–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-6040.2011.01393.x.
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In contexts of entrenched metropolitan inequality and limited local resources, organizers and community activists often feel a sense of urgency to target higher levels of government. This paper offers one such case from Detroit, of local organizing projects that “scaled up” in the mid–1990s to pursue a regional equity agenda. Drawing on participant observation, archival data, and interviews, the paper examines the process of unification and identifies key shifts in purpose, relational base, approach to leadership, and strategy for empowerment. While scaling up enabled members to engage in more sophisticated actions and influence higher levels of policy making, it also challenged the organization to maintain its member base. This research suggests that the process of scaling up poses tradeoffs for grassroots organizations, between responsiveness to existing members and building a regionally representative organization, capable of transcending divisions of the political environment.
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Murray, Helene, and Lorna Michael Butler. "Whole farm case studies and focus groups: Participatory strategies for agricultural research and education programs." American Journal of Alternative Agriculture 9, no. 1-2 (June 1994): 38–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0889189300005543.
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AbstractResearch and extension personnel are beginning to look for new strategies to involve more farmers and the non-farm public in their programs. Two approaches we have used are wholefarm case studies (WFCS) and focus groups. WFCS in Oregon and Washington led to several research and educational programming ideas that are currently being pursued in both states. A focus group to study water quality, nitrate leaching and farming practices in Skagit County, Washington is one outcome of the WFCS process. It is made up of 16 people, including farmers, university personnel, members of environmental groups, and government representatives.We review these two complementary participatory strategies for systems-oriented sustainable agriculture research and education programs. Both have been very useful for building problem-solving partnerships between the land-grant universities and agricultural and environmental constituents in our area. Noteworthy outcomes include: complementary applied on-farm and experiment station research; farming systems analysis; public education; new linkages with environmental and agricultural interest groups; additional grant funds to address identified priority issues; and interdisciplinary teams that cut across the biological and social sciences and include diverse citizen representation.
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Mariani, Léo. "The Rise of Distrust: State Officials, Gifts and Social Hierarchy in Laos." European Journal of Sociology 53, no. 2 (August 2012): 149–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003975612000082.
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AbstractConceptualisations of the state as a reified entity fall short in the case of socialist Laos. Foreign commentators often imagine Lao political life through a discourse of state governance, yet the Lao themselves, in popular narratives, tend to emphasise their day to day interactions with state officials. In their everyday lives, the latter are treated as individuals with which it is possible to interact. This article explores the relations between the Lao people and their government officials, and how those relations have changed in recent history (mainly since 1975). Wedding receptions – vital events in Lao social life, where power is invoked through performance and representation – are taken as case studies for the analysis of authority and legitimacy in a socialist state context.
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Ladeira, Ilda, Nicola J. Bidwell, and Xolile Sigaji. "DIGITAL STORYTELLING DESIGN LEARNING FROM NON-DIGITAL NARRATIVES: TWO CASE STUDIES IN SOUTH AFRICA." Oral History Journal of South Africa 2, no. 1 (September 22, 2016): 41–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/2309-5792/1582.
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Digital tools for User Generated Content (UGC) aim to enable people to interact with media in conversational and creative ways that are independent of technology producers or media organisations. In this article we describe two case studies in South Africa that show that UGC is not simply something tied to technology or the internet but emerges in non-digital storytelling. At the District Six Museum in Cape Town, District Six ex-residents are central collaborators in the narratives presented. Ex-residents tell stories in the museum and can write onto inscriptive exhibits, such as a floor map showing where they used to live, and visitors can write messages on ‘memory clothes’, which are later preserved through hand embroidery. Such explicit infrastructures to access and protect cultural records are less available to rural inhabitants of the former Transkei. To address this gap local traditional leaders and villagers collaborated with a National Archives Outreach Programme by co-generating a workshop that linked various local priorities, such as representation to government, land rights and ecotourism to natural and cultural heritage. Both studies start to reveal opportunities to design technologies that increase participation in recording and sharing personal and cultural stories. They also show the need to respect values embedded in place-based oral customs, such as the importance of enabling transparency and supporting alternative views on historical events.
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Widaningrum, Ambar. "Public Trust and Regulatory Compliance." Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik 21, no. 1 (October 25, 2017): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/jsp.28679.
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Several studies have proven that public trust in government improves the level of policy or regulation acceptance and reduce administrative costs. In contexts where trust in government is high, citizens tend to be more willing to voluntarily comply with public policies. This article aims to explore issues of trust and distrust toward government, seen from the aspect of public compliance, both to rules or policies. The level of public trust toward government is expressed by giving its support through its conduct which complies with the existing rules. This study employed a case study research design, which was conducted in Yogyakarta, July 2015 – March 2016. It assessed the government regulation on Traffic and Road Transport and Local Regulation on Street Vendors Management. This study concludes that a number of non-compliant behaviors is a form of low publictrust in government. Disobedience is a representation of government failure to enforce the rule of law which resulted in some of the processes and procedures of public services that have not been followed by people. Level of public trust in the government regulation is an output of a variety of interrelated elements: the performance of the implemented regulation to solve public problems; consistency in the regulation’s enforcement and fairness, and government officials’ behavior, demonstrated through exemplary attitude.
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Jassin, Rivcy, Jantje J. Tinangon, and Novi Swandari Budiarso. "Alternative Procedures and Quality of Financial Report Audit Results in the Era of the Covid 19 Pandemic." Journal of Business and Management Review 3, no. 12 (December 31, 2022): 881–902. http://dx.doi.org/10.47153/jbmr312.5652022.
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This study aims to determine the implementation, constraints, efforts to overcome obstacles, and the result audit quality when using the alternative procedures for auditing local government financial report (LKPD) which is conducted by The Representative of Audit Board Indonesia in North Sulawesi Province (BPK of North Sulawesi) in the Covid 19 Pandemic Era.This study uses a qualitative method with a case study approach. The data was collected through interviews and documentation studies. The results showed that The Representative of Audit Board Indonesia in North Sulawesi Province had implemented alternative procedures for auditing local government financial report by preparing adequate regulations and policies. Improving the competence of the auditor through training, workshops, socialization, dissemination, knowledge transfer forum, compiling Frequently Asked Questions (FAQ), and making messenger group. In addition, preparing an audit program that accommodates alternative procedures in accordance with existing regulations, developing audit strategies and alternative procedures through the utilization of the Internal Government Supervisory Apparatus (APIP), utilizing information technology, and tiered reviews. Problem that faced in implementing alternative procedures are the lack of local government commitment in preparing a stable internet network, supporting devices, personnel in related office, the number of competent APIP teams as needed. Lack experience auditor does not have the same knowledge about the details of steps and supporting documents. These issues can be overcome through increasing local government commitment, the number competence APIP team as needed, and the competence of new auditor of Audit Board Indonesia.The quality of audit results in the era of the Covid 19 pandemic has fulfilled the requirement with indicators of quality control and quality assurance achievements, the achievement of the auditee satisfaction index for LKPD examinations, the achievement of timely submission of LKPD audit report (LHP LKPD), and the achievement of the percentage of lawsuits against LHP won by the Audit Board of Indonesia
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Семыкина, Ксения Сергеевна. "The Media’s Construction of LGBT Pride Parades in Russia." Journal of Social Policy Studies 17, no. 2 (June 27, 2019): 281–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.17323/727-0634-2019-17-2-281-292.
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This article analyses media representations of LGBT social movements, taking the case of Saint Petersburg LGBT pride parades. The analysis is developed through the use of framing theory, which views the media as an arena where interest groups promote their own interpretations of particular issues. Frames juxtapose elements of the text in such a way as to provide the audience with a scheme within which to perceive the message. Social movements are viewed as interest groups that introduce new frames in public debate. Two types of frames can be distinguished: collective action frames and status quo frames. In this study, the usage of two collective action frames (equality frame and victim frame), and two status quo frames (morality frame and propaganda promoting homosexuality frame) were examined. Additionally, the sources of quotes used in news stories were analyzed. The study focuses on articles dedicated to Saint Petersburg LGBT pride marches in the years 2010–2017 in the most popular local Internet websites. The analysis shows that the coverage of LGBT pride marches can be divided into two distinct periods: 2010–2013 and 2014–2017. In the first period, LGBT activists dominated the coverage, quoted about twice as much as government officials. Equality and victim frames were prevalent. In the second period, activists were cited significantly less often, with the propaganda promoting homosexuality frame dominating the discourse. However, contrary to findings of previous studies on social movement representation, across the whole period under consideration, LGBT activists were quoted more often than government representatives. This finding calls for a further exploration of the conditions which allowed for such coverage in the context of political heterosexism and homophobia.
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Chen, Te Fu, Chieh Heng Ko, and Fei Chun Cheng. "Knowledge Management and Semantic Technology in the Health Care Revolution: Health 3.0 Model." Advanced Materials Research 680 (April 2013): 633–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.4028/www.scientific.net/amr.680.633.
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Currently, the exploration, improvement, and application of knowledge management and semantic technologies to health care are in a revolution from Health 2.0 to Health 3.0. However, what accurately are knowledge management and semantic technologies and how can they improve a healthcare system? The study aims to review what constitute a Health 3.0 system, and identify key factors in the health care system. First, the study analyzes semantic web, definition of Health 2.0 and Health 3.0, new models for linked data: (1) semantic web and linked data graphs (2) semantic web and healthcare information challenges, OWL and linked knowledge, from linked data to linked knowledge, consistent knowledge representation, and Health 3.0 system. Secondly, the research analyzes two case studies of Health 3.0, and summarizes six key factors that constitute a Health 3.0 system. Finally, the study recommends the application of knowledge management and semantic technologies to Health 3.0 health care model requires the cooperation among emergency care, insurance companies, hospitals, pharmacies, government, specialists, academic researchers, and customer (patients).
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Antasari, Rr Rina, and Abdul Hadi. "IMPLEMENTASI KEBIJAKAN PERENCANAAN DAN PENGANGGARAN YANG RESPONSIF GENDER DI PEMERINTAH KOTA PALEMBANG." Al-MAIYYAH : Media Transformasi Gender dalam Paradigma Sosial Keagamaan 10, no. 1 (June 30, 2017): 132–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.35905/almaiyah.v10i1.453.
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In every current National Government policy, it explicitly makes women and children an integral part of the overall achievement of full human rights fulfillment in Indonesia. This is stated in the second priority agenda of Nawacita namely: increasing the role and representation of women in politics and development. Others are stated also in the eighth priority agenda of Nawacita: protecting children, women and marginalized groups. In this context, the strategic issues to be addressed during the 2015-2019 development period are: (1) improving the quality of life and the role of women in various fields of development; (2) protection of women against various acts of violence including TPPPO; and (3) enhancement of institutional capacity of PUG and institutional protection of women from various acts of violence. This article will examine the implementation of gender responsive planning and budgeting policies with case studies in the city government of Palembang.
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Antasari, Rr Rina, and Abdul Hadi. "IMPLEMENTASI KEBIJAKAN PERENCANAAN DAN PENGANGGARAN YANG RESPONSIF GENDER DI PEMERINTAH KOTA PALEMBANG." Al-MAIYYAH : Media Transformasi Gender dalam Paradigma Sosial Keagamaan 10, no. 1 (June 30, 2017): 132–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.35905/almaiyyah.v10i1.453.
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In every current National Government policy, it explicitly makes women and children an integral part of the overall achievement of full human rights fulfillment in Indonesia. This is stated in the second priority agenda of Nawacita namely: increasing the role and representation of women in politics and development. Others are stated also in the eighth priority agenda of Nawacita: protecting children, women and marginalized groups. In this context, the strategic issues to be addressed during the 2015-2019 development period are: (1) improving the quality of life and the role of women in various fields of development; (2) protection of women against various acts of violence including TPPPO; and (3) enhancement of institutional capacity of PUG and institutional protection of women from various acts of violence. This article will examine the implementation of gender responsive planning and budgeting policies with case studies in the city government of Palembang.
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Rugeley, Cynthia, John Frendreis, and Raymond Tatalovich. "Direct democracy, policy diffusion, and medicalized marijuana." Politics and the Life Sciences 40, no. 1 (2021): 72–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/pls.2020.30.
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AbstractVirtually all studies of policy diffusion are based on statutory enactments by state legislatures. But a substantial number of medicalized marijuana laws were initiated through citizen initiatives and ratified by referenda (I&R). This case study suggests that the diffusion of laws adopted by I&R requires two modifications to the conventional model of policy diffusion. First, early policy adoptions must occur through direct democracy so that horizontal diffusion results when those past adoptions by the I&R process lead to future adoptions. Second, the necessity of bypassing institutions of representative government must be operationalized as an interaction between the availability of direct democracy and the precise political variable that blocks legislative enactments.
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Younis, Nussaibah. "Set up to fail: consociational political structures in post-war Iraq, 2003–2010." Contemporary Arab Affairs 4, no. 1 (January 1, 2011): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550912.2011.543780.
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Since Arend Lijphart's development of the theory of consociationalism in 1969, dominant schools of thought have accepted that ‘power sharing’ and ‘group autonomy’ are the basic preconditions of democratic governance in divided societies. The constitution and electoral framework adopted by post-invasion Iraq instituted many of Lijphart's recommendations, including proportional representation, federalism and a parliamentary system with a weak presidency. But this democratic framework has failed Iraq. Eight months on from its 2010 parliamentary election and still struggling to establish an effective government, Iraq is facing constitutional crisis. This article uses the case study of Iraq to uncover fundamental flaws in orthodox arguments about democracy in divided societies and it goes on to recommend changes that would better enable stable and effective governance.
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Kusumastuti, Ratih Dyah, Nurmala, Juliana Rouli, Ledi Trialdi, and Rahayu Safitri. "Improving Urban Resilience During COVID-19 Pandemic by Implementing Smart City Initiatives: A Case of Tangerang City, Indonesia." IOP Conference Series: Earth and Environmental Science 1111, no. 1 (December 1, 2022): 012082. http://dx.doi.org/10.1088/1755-1315/1111/1/012082.
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Abstract Many cities in Indonesia are prone to disasters, and the Coronavirus disease (COVID-19) pandemic taught a lesson on how important for a city to be resilient to disaster. Previous studies indicated that smart city initiatives could improve a city’s resilience toward disasters. This paper sheds light on how implementing innovative initiatives can improve a city’s resilience toward disasters. We review the existing literature on smart city and resilient city concepts and conduct a focus group discussion with the representative of the local government of Tangerang city, Banten province of Indonesia, to understand how the city improves its resilience towards disaster by implementing smart city initiatives. The results indicate that city has developed various software applications and community engagement programs to break the chain of transmission. The results also suggest that city leadership and citizen engagement play an essential role in developing a smart and resilient city.
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Neo, Ric, and Chen Xiang. "State rhetoric, nationalism and public opinion in China." International Affairs 98, no. 4 (July 4, 2022): 1327–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiac105.
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Abstract The Chinese government is fond of invoking the ‘hurt feelings of 1.4 billion Chinese citizens’ to protest foreign actions and policies. However, this rhetoric might be nothing more than propaganda and attempts to leverage nationalist sentiment. How much do citizens in China actually care about issues completely unrelated to their daily livelihoods? To answer this, the study employs a representative survey to investigate the extent to which rhetoric about ‘hurt feelings’ is consistent with public opinion on four contemporary socio-political disputes involving the NBA, Marriott International, Mercedes-Benz and the city of Prague. Across the scenarios, we found that the Chinese government did not exaggerate the displeasure of audiences—citizens are aware of the cases, were indeed upset by them and advocated for retaliatory measures that were surprisingly more forceful than those adopted in reality. These emotions were largely driven by nationalistic sentiment rather than personal experiences or encounters, suggesting the success of state propaganda in steering the public opinion toward outcomes favourable to the state. These findings support recent studies highlighting the peculiar case of rising nationalism in China, and have important implications for the impact of public opinion on Chinese policymaking.
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Masyhudunnury, Masyhudunnury. "Analisis Penerapan Protokol Kesehatan Masyarakat Bangkalan: dari Interpretasi Kulturalis-Religiusitas ke Implementasi “Teks Suci”." Journal of Islamic Civilization 3, no. 1 (July 6, 2021): 63–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.33086/jic.v3i1.2069.
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Over a year the COVID-19 pandemic has hit all corners of the world, including remote areas throughout the archipelago. One of the reasons for the government's inopable efforts in dealing with it is that partial non-compliance has been poured in the form of regional legal products. This paper aims to analyze and explore the real non-compliance of the community even though the local government has done its utmost to make the community understand the purpose and noble purpose of the rule. By using literature studies in analyzing empirical phenomena of behavior among the people of Bangkalan district in response to the policy of 'state' in the face of pandemic covid-19. From this research, it was concluded that the 'state' endeavors in this case the Bangkalan District Government and how to handle it in saving the community from Covid-19 protesters with the representation of the pouring of the community will cult a "holy text", noble values understood in pieces. regional law products, both the Regent Regulation and the Regent's Decree. But the effort as a good will of such authority is hindered by the simplicity of understanding and interpretation of most of society's cult of a "sacred text", noble values understood in pieces
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Martens, Cheryl. "Questioning technology in South America." Thesis Eleven 138, no. 1 (February 2017): 13–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0725513616689393.
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This paper examines Andrew Feenberg’s radical democratic politics of technology in relation to the context of Ecuador’s free and open software movement. It considers the articulation of this movement via the government sponsored activist project FLOK Society (Free/Libre Open Knowledge Society). Based on an ethnographic study (2015–16), which included interviews with FLOK Society coordinators, the paper discusses how such government-activist collaborations, may be useful in expanding Feenberg’s notion of technical politics and the nature of representation in the technical sphere. More specifically, the paper looks at the political shaping of technology, in relation to concepts about ‘the Good Life’, or ‘Buen Vivir’ in the case of Ecuador, and its drive toward a knowledge economy, based on the concepts of ‘Buen Conocer’ and ‘Bioconocimiento’ (Good Knowing and Bioknowledge). The paper argues that certain premises held by Feenberg concerning technical politics, democracy and populism in particular may need to be reconsidered in light of developments in Ecuador.
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Chuks, Madukasi Francis, and Ahamba Lilian Nneka. "Deities and Their Symbolic Representation in Traditional Igbo Community: A Case Study if Alaogbaga Deity in Chokoneze Mbaise." Randwick International of Social Science Journal 1, no. 1 (April 25, 2020): 63–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.47175/rissj.v1i1.11.
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Alaogbaga was/is an arbitrator of justice and morality. This deity was revered and respected by the people unlike today where the deity is relegated to the background. This research work discusses deities and their symbolic representation in an Igbo community focusing on Alaogbaga deity in Chokoneze Ezinihitte Mbaise local government area. The data collected were analyzed using the area cultural approach. In the course of the study, the researcher found out that Christianity, modernization and globalization are the agents that contributed to the weakening of the cultural heritage of Chokoneze people and the destabilization liturgical worship of Alaogbaga. The assimilation of these agents brought about negligence and abuse of the deity by different cadre. The effect of this negligence led to the weakening of the cultural heritage and in consequence the weakening of the moral practices associated with the traditional norms. This research will be beneficial to different cadre and will help enlighten and awaken the minds of the people. The researcher recommends that the people should go back to their root and reconcile with the positive traditions and moral values of their forefathers to help reduce the increasing rate of immorality. The Christian community together with the traditionalist should try to incorporate the teaching of the positive traditions of the community in their different organizations. Cultural studies should be included in the educational curriculum at all levels. This will help awaken the interest of the youths towards their cultural heritage and in turn give them a sense of identity.
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Baishya, Anirban K. "Chronicles of a Meme Foretold: Political Memes as Folk Memory in India." Communication, Culture and Critique 14, no. 3 (July 19, 2021): 497–506. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ccc/tcab039.
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Abstract While memes evoke the idea of image (and text) based digital artifacts, memes are not merely visual or textual. Focusing on the demonetization drive undertaken by the BJP-led government in India in 2016, this forum piece makes the case for memes as a kind of memory culture. By this, I mean not only the representation of historical events in memes, but also memes themselves as memorial objects. Memes made in 2016 resurface even now as a form of humorous political critique and demonetization memes are further folded into critiques of current events such as the ongoing farmers' protests. Through an examination of such processes of recontextualization, repurposing and resurfacing, I demonstrate how the seemingly fragmented form of the meme impacts the way we remember through digital media. In effect, meme-culture in India accrues a “sticky” temporality that makes them powerful forms of digital “folk” archiving.
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Dhuhri, Saifuddin. "SOCIAL ENGINEERING THROUGH EDUCATION LAW A comparative analysis of cultural policies between the Dutch and Indonesian central Government." PETITA: JURNAL KAJIAN ILMU HUKUM DAN SYARIAH 4, no. 1 (July 29, 2019): 86–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.22373/petita.v4i1.12.
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Studies on art education and culture are a continuing concern within academicians and politicians. Although extensive research has been carried out on the fields, few studies exist, which concern about the use of art education for cultural hegemony. This study concerns about Acehnese culture and identity. During the time of colonisation, imperialist scholar; Snouck Hurgronje had used cultural resources as the instrument to instil false cultural identity for the interest to take control over Aceh. Stepping on the Dutch’s colonialising policies, the central government of Indonesia has, as argued, used art curriculum as a hegemonic media for similar interests. This article discusses the case of art education in Acehnese by analysing the content of the text books recommended by the central government. This work is to demonstrate the representation of Acehnese cultural identity in the “Art and Culture” curriculum of schools in Aceh. I employ Freire, Hall, Apple, and Giroux thoughts to formulate the framework of this article. The aim of this paper is to understand the mechanism of the art curriculum used to nationalise local people and to uncover the scheme of cultural hegemony in Acehnese schools, Indonesia. This work significantly contributes toward understanding the relation between cultural hegemony and education
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Gallagher, Kathleen. "The Discourse of Power and the Politics of Squatting in Nepal." Crossing the Border: International Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 4, no. 1 (October 17, 2017): 3–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/ctbijis.v4i1.18425.
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The aim of this paper is to provide a discursive analysis of the phenomenon of squatting in Nepal. The paper begins by charting the concept of discourse from its inception as an analytic framework in Bakhtin’s theory of discourse to more recent application in tracking regimes of power, including international developments. The paper then examines the discourse of representation and praxis characterizing government and urban planning approaches to squatting in Nepal, followed by two case studies conducted in Chapagaun that illustrate the manner in which power circulates in a Nepali squatter settlement as well as in the lives of individual squatters. The paper concludes by arguing that the resources which fuel the praxis of squatting (e.g. finances, political connections and knowledge) often exclude the very people most in need of land and housing through disarticulation, or the omission of local voices.Crossing the Border: International Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies Vol.4(1) 2016: 3-18
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Seamster, Louise. "WHEN DEMOCRACY DISAPPEARS." Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 15, no. 02 (2018): 295–322. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x18000255.
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AbstractIn this case study, I look at Benton Harbor, Michigan’s tenure under a state-appointed “emergency manager,” with extensive local powers replacing all local elected government, and a single imperative to balance the city’s budget. The law, ostensibly race-neutral, wound up targeting almost all of Michigan’s cities with significant Black population. The law ultimately disenfranchised half the state’s Black population but only two percent of Whites. This law invalidates a basic civil right and prerequisite for urban political theory: electoral democracy. Who holds power in the urban regime when the state takes over? Drawing on forty-four interviews, observations and archival research, I argue a White urban regime governs without elected representation in this majority-Black city. The ideological framing of emergency management as “neutral,” and Black politics as “corrupt” or “self-interested,” provides the logic to blame Black governance for structural disinvestment and White-led extraction.
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Wong, Victor, and Tat Chor Au-Yeung. "How do ideas and discourses construct youth policies? The case of Hong Kong." International Journal of Sociology and Social Policy 38, no. 3/4 (April 9, 2018): 280–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijssp-08-2017-0104.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to critically examine the youth narratives of Mr Leung Chun-ying, the Chief Executive (CE) of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) Government between 2012 and 2017, which steered the directions of youth policies in Hong Kong. Design/methodology/approach Informed by the ideational school of institutionalism, a qualitative documentary study was conducted to analyse the policy addresses, speeches, and blog posts delivered by the then CE, which were all available on the website of the HKSAR Government. It was through a thematic analysis of the database that themes and sub-themes were generated for the discussion. Representative verbatim quotes are used for illustrating some of the youth policy ideas and discourses promoted under the Leung’s regime. Findings The findings suggest that the governing youth narratives could be categorised into two interrelated themes: behavioural patriotism and economic opportunism. The notions of youth development constructed in the narratives of Leung shape the definition of youth-related problems and solutions in relation to national identity and global competition. Research limitations/implications This study focusses on the previous term of HKSAR Government that cannot fully reveal the extent of policy continuities and changes. Yet, it could outline the overall picture and address the shortcomings of Hong Kong’s current youth policies viewed from both normative and cognitive perspectives. Methodological and analytical implications can be drawn for further studies on policy ideas and discourses. Originality/value The paper has two major contributions; the first of which is the illustration of an analytical framework connecting contents, tools, and justification of policies for capturing the dynamics and complexities of youth policies. Second, the findings of this study develop a critical understanding of neoliberal youth policies in both economic and moral senses that pose new challenges to young people and policy makers.
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Mulugeta, Getaye. "The Matrix of Ethnic Federalism in Ethiopia in Protecting Internal Minority Rights: Examining Perceptions in Oromia Regional State." Journal of Ethnic and Cultural Studies 9, no. 1 (February 25, 2022): 206. http://dx.doi.org/10.29333/ejecs/1050.
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This study aimed to analyze the matrix of ethnic federalism in protecting internal minority rights in Ethiopia via Goba and Robe towns as a case study at Oromia regional state. The post-1990s political formula of Ethiopia was designed considering all ethnolinguistic groups as inhabitants of their own defined territory. It seems that in the architecture of the constitution, there will be ethnic homogeneous states. But, the reality in the ground has shown that none of the units is purely homogenous due to economic migration, (re)settlement, villagization programs, and freedom of movement granted in the constitution. A mixed approach with a cross-sectional survey was used. Questionnaires, interviewees, focused group discussion, and document analyses were used as a primary data. Snowball and purposive sampling were used to select survey respondents. In both town administrations, a kin situation exists; there are constitutional and other legal frameworks gaps, inducing mistrust and tension between minorities and dominant groups, systematic segregation, denying fair and effective representation at levels of government. Therefore, adequately recognizing and legalizing the rights of internal minorities should be the prime duty of the region, establishing particular institutions mandated to protect internal minorities, and government should work on fostering people-to-people integration to reverse the looming mistrust.
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Choudrie, Jyoti, and Nigel Culkin. "A qualitative study of innovation diffusion: the novel case of a small firm and KTP." Journal of Small Business and Enterprise Development 20, no. 4 (October 28, 2013): 889–912. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jsbed-03-2012-0047.
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Purpose – Using the case study of a small firm this research study aims to understand the actions required for diffusion of an innovation in a small firm. Design/methodology/approach – The research used a qualitative approach involving interviews, referring to archival documentation and observations to understand the actions required for diffusing an innovation in an SME. Findings – From this case study various institutional actions specific to a small firm were identified as a result of government intervention. Classic theories of adoption and use such as, TAM, TPB, TRA or DoI can quantify measures but cannot explain the impact of the actions that the applied King et al. framework did. Further, although these actions are not directly evident, using the qualitative findings and analysis it can be seen that they are important for the diffusion of an innovation. It can also be learnt that these institutional actions can be vitally important for the growth and development of a future innovation. Although the role of government intervention was small in monetary terms, the mere presence of government representation was critical to ensure that the proposed plans and measures were implemented in the appropriate manner and at the appropriate time, both for the small firm and for the government. In terms of the theoretical framework's institutional actions it can be learnt that not all action outcomes are clearly visible. Some are tangible, while others are not. This implies that to diffuse innovation, there needs to be an understanding of monetary, human and other such resources to form a better understanding. However, most importantly it can be concluded that the diffusion framework developed by King et al. provides a clear picture of the diffusion of an innovation and is most useful for understanding not only national government interventions that previous research identified. Previous institutional actions research has not clearly shown how a micro understanding of the impacts of the various actions can be obtained, of which this study provides further evidence. Originality/value – Collaborative arrangements between HEIs, SMEs and government funding agencies are increasingly encouraged. This paper examines and understands the impacts of strategies used for diffusing innovations, of which the SME and KTP contexts have fewer studies.
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Malik, Rahman. "Perlawanan Masyarakat Minoritas Dalam Perencanaan Pembangunan Perkotaan." Simulacra: Jurnal Sosiologi 2, no. 1 (June 30, 2019): 75. http://dx.doi.org/10.21107/sml.v2i1.5523.
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<p><em>The purpose of this research is to see how the resistance of minority comunities toward the silencing of their right by the government of Malang City to contribute the development planning in Malang city. According to this case it is related to public policy which is formed on the basis of collective thinking between the government and the people of Malang City as a whole. This research method is qualitative with a study approach case. The informants in this study were taken from several ranks of the community management of the Persatuan Tuna Netra Indonesia(PERTUNI) of Malang City. The data collection techniques of this study used interviews and observation. The data analysis technique used in this study is the pattern matching K.Yin. The findings of this study are related to the resistance of minority communities to the government of Malang city due to the limited rights of minorities in the planning of builders in Malang including: (1) holding a peaceful speech on the anniversary of disability. (2) carrying out advocacy efforts at the Malang City Regional Representative Council (DPRD) office. (3) Actively involved in providing education for persons with disabilities in Malang City who have difficulty accessing public facilities. (4) conducting social criticism and evaluation studies through social media related to difficult access in using public facilities for persons with disabilities.</em></p>
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Pupo, Samuel, and Laura Machado de Mello Bueno. "Entre avanços e retrocessos: as contradições ou armadilhas da participação no planejamento urbano participativo." Revista Brasileira de Estudos Urbanos e Regionais 14, no. 1 (May 31, 2012): 135. http://dx.doi.org/10.22296/2317-1529.2012v14n1p135.
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O presente artigo tem por finalidade analisar as inovações institucionais de participação da sociedade civil e problematizar analiticamente a representação política exercida pelos Conselhos Gestores de Políticas Públicas, sob a ótica da representação política tradicional. Para tanto, realiza um estudo de caso sobre a política pública de manejo de águas pluviais, do Programa Saneamento para Todos do governo federal, no município de Jundiaí, estado de São Paulo. No que diz respeito à política urbana, o resultado da pesquisa revela a contradição existente entre, por um lado, a esperança nos processos participativos depositada pela influente literatura das áreas de urbanismo e ciência política em um contexto de transição e reforma democrática, e de outro, o prevalecimento de um modelo extremamente desigual de acesso à urbanidade. Palavras-chave: conselhos gestores; sociedade civil; gestão urbana; democracia participativa; representação política. Abstract: The objective of this article is to analyze the institutional innovations of civic participation and to discuss the political representation enabled by popular councils of public policies, from the perspective of traditional political representation. It presents a case study of a policy for rainwater management, the Saneamento para Todos Program of the Federal Government, as it was established in Jundiaí, São Paulo State. The research reveals a contradiction: on the one hand, a sense of hope on participatory processes, influenced by the literature on the fields of urban studies and political sciences in the Brazilian context of democratic transition and reform along with participatory processes, and, on the other hand, the persistence of a extremely unequal kind of access to urban facilities and urban rights. Keywords: management councils; civil society; urban management; participatory democracy; political representation.
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Vidačak, Igor. "Beyond Usual Suspects? Inclusion and Influence of Non-State Actors in Online Public Consultations in Croatia." Social Sciences 11, no. 10 (September 25, 2022): 436. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci11100436.
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Despite the increasing use of various e-democracy tools in shaping new policies, there is still a general lack of empirical studies on the influence of non-state actors in online public consultations. This article addresses this gap in the academic literature by focusing on the case of Croatia, which may have relevant broader practical and theoretical implications due to the legally binding rules of institutional responsiveness to individual policy inputs received during e-consultations and the growing interest of citizens and various interest groups to get engaged in this form of policy dialogue. Drawing on the novel data set that includes the responses of 39 government bodies to 51,250 policy inputs of interest groups and individual citizens to online consultations during the first three years since the launch of the government consultation platform, the paper seeks to analyse the influence of different types of non-state actors on the outcomes of government-led online public consultations. Contrary to general expectations about the predominance of more resourceful interest groups, it is argued that individual citizens exert a noticeable influence on the results of online policy consultations of Croatian government bodies. It is also claimed that the specific design and patterns of online public consultations, especially improved responsiveness of government bodies, contribute to the pluralisation of interests, equalizing political representation, and empowering individual citizens and other new actors, beyond traditional interest groups and “usual suspects” in national decision-making processes.