Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Representative government and representation – Case studies'

On the basis of case studies of 19th and early 20th century Germany, Sweden and the Netherlands, I address the question of how and when incumbent right elites reformed electoral systems under a rising political threat from the left. Some states adopted proportional representation (PR) earlier than others. Why did different states adopt PR at different times? One important factor was the existing electoral system before the adoption of PR. This has been missed in academic research since most scholars have assumed that the electoral system in place before the adoption of PR in most Western European states was single-member plurality (SMP). I show that the system in place prior to PR in most Western European states was not SMP but a two-round system (TRS). TRS effects are still poorly understood by political scientists. I argue that both PR and TRS were used as safeguards by the parties on the right against an electoral threat from the left, which originated from the expansion of suffrage. PR was used as a last resort after other safeguards had been exhausted. I state that in the presence of a strong left threat, countries with TRS could wait longer to implement PR than countries with SMP in place. Under TRS, the adoption of PR was considerably delayed since electoral coordination between parties could be applied more effectively than under SMP systems. This was largely due to the increase of information and time after the first round of TRS elections, which was used by right parties to coordinate votes around the most promising candidate before the second round. First round results under TRS were used as an "electoral opinion poll". Based on these results, the right could react more effectively than the left in order to improve outcomes in round two.

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2001.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The introduction of provinces in South Africa since 1994 has not only provided for a new level of decision making but also a change dynamic generated by the integration of different government administrations of the second tier of Government. The original integration problems of the different administrations also extended the inquiry to the importance of greater efficiency and effectiveness of the Provincial level of Government. Since the commencement of provinces many questions have been raised such as; why are provinces unable to provide the requisite services expected of them; why are provinces unable to succeed in implementation of their aims and objectives; should provinces empower rather than serve communities; should the public service be driven by mission statements and success! performance criteria rather than bureaucratic rules; should the provincial government be anticipatory i.e. strategically focused, rather than reactive and crisis management driven. Are provincial governments necessary or can the services be provided more cost effectively by privatisation. All the above questions raises the central inquiry of what structural and systemic changes are necessary to make the provincial administration more effective and efficient in delivery of services and what qualities of leadership will be necessary to enable this to happen. The study covers six chapters. In chapter one the theoretical basis is discussed in the provincial context. Chapter two is an Opportunity! Obstruction analysis of the North West Provinces and reaches the conclusion that transformation will not occur automatically and both structural and systematic changes will be required. Chapter four looks at the corporate rules of the Provincial Administration and by white papers, green papers, policy papers and regulations. Chapter five looks at the way forward. The overwhelming conclusions reached by the study is that: • Transformation would require both structural as well as systemic changes. • Leadership would need to be much more focused to succeed with transformation. • Efficiency would require a complete mindset change by civil servants. Effectiveness would require much greater co-ordination between budgeting and planning interfaced at the centre. Chapter six concludes the study by answering the hypothesis and the questions raised in the introductory chapter.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die instelling van nege provinsies in Suid-Afrika sedert 1994 het nie alleen 'n nuwe vlak van politieke besluitneming geskep nie, maar ook 'n nuwe veranderingsdinamika gegenereer met die integrasie van verskillende staatsadministrasies op die tweede vlak van regering. Die aanvanklike probleme met die integrasie van verskillende administrasies het ook die soeklig laat val op die noodsaaklikheid van groter effektiwiteit en doelmatigheid van die vlak van regering. Sedert die provinsies begin funksioneer het, is baie vrae oor hulle voortbestaan gevra soos byvoorbeeld: waarom slaag die provinsies nie in hulle diensleweringsfunksies nie; waarom kan die provinsies nie hulle doelwitte en doelstellings implementeer nie; moet die provinsies gemeenskappe bemagtig of dien; moet die provinsies burokratiese reels volg of uitsetgedrewe wees; moet provinsiale adrninistrasies strategies-antisiperend in hulle benadering wees of reaktiefadministratief en is provinsiale administrasies enigsinds nodig, of kan die meeste dienste meer koste-effektief geprivatiseer word? Al die bogenoemde vrae het dus die sentrale vraag laat ontstaan oor wat die strukturele en sisterniese veranderings is wat nodig sal wees om 'n provinsiale administrasie in staat te stel om te voldoen aan groter effektiwiteit en dienslewering en watter leierskapskwaliteite daaraan gekoppel kan word. Die studie ontplooi in ses hoofstukke. In hoofstuk een word die teoretiese uitgangspunte en die provinsiale konteks bespreek. Hoofstuk twee bevat 'n geleentheid-bedreigingsanalise van die Noordwes Provinsie en het tot die gevolgtrekking gekom dat verandering nie vanselfsprekend sal plaasvind nie en dat daar sisterniese en strukturele intervensies sal moet plaasvind. Hoofstuk drie fokus op die strukturele aspekte wat die gang van die Noordwes Provinsie bepaal soos dit manifesteer in onder andere alle tersaaklike wetgewing, witskrifte, groenskrifte, beleid en regulasies. Hoofstuk vier bied 'n sisterniese analise van die Noordwes Provinsiale bedeling en hoofstuk vyf beskryf die moontlike weg vorentoe. Ten slotte word daar 'n gevolgtrekking in hoofstuk ses aangebied. Die oorwoë gevolgtrekking waartoe die studie kom is dat die mees ideale pad vorentoe vir provinsiale bedelings langs vier weë gesoek moet word t.w.: • Daar moet meer aandag aan transformasie gegee word en dit sal beide strukturele en sisterniese veranderinge behels. • Daar moet baie meer op leierskap gefokus word ten einde die transformasieproses te laat slaag. • Om groter effektiwiteit te bereik sal daar 'n verskuiwing in die ingesteldheid (mindset) van staatsamptenare gemaak moet word. • Ten einde groter doelmatigheid in die Noordwes Provinsie te bereik sal daar baie beter integrasie tussen beplanningsfunksies en begrotingsfunksies moet plaasvind.

Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2011.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: With globalization the world has become a much smaller place and there has been an increase in the types of actors that take part in international relations. Even though foreign policy is normally the domain of the national government, sub-national governments have also started to make their mark in the international arena. The study of the role that sub-national governments play in the international arena, as well as how they are represented nationally has been narrowed down to South Africa and one of its nine provinces, namely the Western Cape Province. The thesis looks at how the provinces in South Africa are able to play a role internationally and what powers they are given by the Constitution. In South Africa provinces are allowed to sign Twinning agreements; although these agreements are not legally binding in terms of International Law. For this thesis I use a ‘case study’ design to focus the study, the case study for this thesis is the Western Cape Province. In terms of the research methodology for data collection, I conducted interviews with Minister Ivan Meyer who is the Minister responsible for international relation in this province. I also interviewed Mr. Roderick Thyssen who is part of the Directorate of International Relations which forms part of the Office of the Premier. Further primary data used in this study includes government documents, speeches, documentation on the agreements signed by the Western Cape Province, and the Constitution of South Africa. Secondary sources include books, journal articles and internet sources. The study uses the theory of micro-diplomacy to show the “awareness of universal interdependence.” Micro-diplomacy is not, however, a new concept but since interdependence across different levels of government has become increasingly more prevalent it has developed into an important phenomenon, requiring study. The concept implies that international relations are no longer the sole domain of national government, but that international relations and agreements are entered into on the provincial level as well, where provincial governments have taken responsibility for the “well-being of their respective territorial communities and for their own political survival in them” (Duchacek, 1984:15). The thesis found that even though the constitution of South Africa does not specifically give provinces the right to enter into international relations it also has not been clearly defined, which means there is room for interpretation. The Western Cape Province is a very active province in the international arena and market themselves in order to get more investments in the province for more funding to make it possible to deliver services more effectively. Provinces however are encountering obstacles such as, not being financially empowered, as well as lacking some important resources. Opportunities are however given in the form of support by institutions, such as the National Council of Provinces (NCOP), Consultative Forum of International Relations (CFIR), Ministers and Members of the Executive Council (MinMecs) and the President’s Coordinating Council (PCC), created to represent the provinces where they can express their specific needs and where they can also coordinate with the national sphere of government. There has been a realisation by the national government that they are no more the only actors internationally and they have started encouraging provinces to promote themselves.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Met globalisering het die wêreld baie kleiner geword en was daar 'n toename in die tipes akteurs wat deelneem aan internasionale betrekkinge. Alhoewel buitelandse beleid normaalweg binne die domein van die nasionale regering val, het sub-nasionale regerings ook begin deel neem in die internasionale arena. Die bestudering van sub-nasionale regerings se rol in internasionale betrekkinge, as ook hoe hulle op nasionale vlak verteenwoordig word, is vereenvoudig na die voorbeeld van Suid-Afrika en een van die land se nege provinsies, naamlik die Wes-Kaap Provinsie. Die studie kyk na hoe die provinsies in Suid-Afrika 'n rol speel op internasionale vlak en watter magte aan die provinsies gegee word deur die Grondwet. In Suid-Afrika word provinsies toegelaat om “Twinning” ooreenkomste te onderteken. Hierdie ooreenkomste is egter nie wettiglik bindend in terme van Internasionale Wetgewing nie. Vir hierdie tesis gebruik ek 'n gevalle studie om die studie te fokus. Die gevalle studie vir hierdie tesis gebruik die Wes-Kaap Provinsie as die fokus. In terme van die navorsingsmetodologie vir die insameling van data, het ek onderhoude gevoer met Minister Ivan Meyer. Minister Meyer is verantwoordelik vir die hantering van internasionale verhoudings in die provinsie. Ek het ook 'n onderhoud gevoer met Mnr. Roderick Thyssen, wat deel is van die Direktoraat van Internasionale Verhoudings wat deel uit maak van die Kantoor van die Premier. Verdere primêre data wat gebruik word vir die studie, sluit regeringsdokumente, toesprake, dokumentasie oor die ooreenkomste wat geteken is deur die Wes-Kaap Provinsie en die Grondwet van Suid- Afrika in. Sekondêre bronne sluit boeke, joernaal artikels en internet bronne in. Mikro-diplomasie teorie word gebruik om te wys dat daar 'n bewustheid is van universele interafhanklikheid. Die konsep van Mikro-diplomasie is nie nuut nie, maar aangesien die interafhanklikheid tussen die verskillende regeringsvlakke besig is om toe te neem vereis dit verdere studie. Die konsep dui daarop dat die internasionale verhoudings nie net hanteer word deur die nasionale regering nie, maar dat internasionale betrekkinge en ooreenkomste ook op provinsiale vlak geteken word deur provinsiale regerings wat verantwoordelikheid geneem het vir die welstand van hulle gemeenskappe en politieke oorlewing (Duchacek,1984:15). Die tesis het gevind dat alhoewel die Grondwet van Suid-Afrika nie spesifieke regte gee aan provinsies wat internasionale verhoudings betref nie, is dit ook nie duidelik uitgelê en gestipuleer in die Grondwet nie, wat dit oop los vir interpretasie. Die Wes-Kaap Provinsie is baie aktief in die internasionale arena en bemark die provinsie op 'n internasionale vlak met die oog om buitelandse belegging te lok na die provinsie om dienslewering te verbeter. Provinsies ondervind struikelblokke soos geen finansiële bemagtiging en die ontbreking van belangrike hulpbronne. Daar is egter bystand geleenthede wat deur instellings soos die Nasionale Raad van Provinsies, Konsulterende Forum vir Internasionale Verhoudings, Ministers en Lede van die Uitvoerende Raad en die President se Koördinerende Raad gegee word, dit is die doel van die instellings om provinsies te verteenwoordig en waar provinsies hulle behoeftes kan voorlê en skakel met die nasionale sfere van regering. Daar is 'n duidelike besef by die nasionale vlakke van regering, dat hulle nie meer alleen deel neem op die internasionale verhoog nie en dus moedig hulle provinsies aan hom hulself te bemark.

Thesis (MPA)--Stellenbosch University, 2001.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Aim: To investigate whether Mpumalanga Province's representation in the NCOP can be improved. Problem: The Mpumalanga Provincial Legislature is not performing as expected in the NCOP. The views of Mpumalanga Province are not articulated well in the NCOP. This may be as a result of a lack of research capacity within the Provincial Legislature. The available researchers are not experienced in the political and policy environment. The NCOP meeting cycle or timetable also does not allow enough time for the provinces to adequately prepare for pieces of legislation. There is further little or no interaction between the chairpersons of the Provincial Portfolio Committees and their counterparts in the NCOP. There is poor coordination, planning and communication within the provincial legislature. The Mpumalanga NCOP Liaison Office in Cape Town is not adding value to the information flow from Parliament to the Mpumalanga Provincial Legislature. It is acting as a post box by passing information on without any further research and analysis. The research question is: How to improve the effectiveness of the Mpumalanga representation in the National Council of Provinces? Hypothesis: The role of the Mpumalanga NCOP Liaison Office in Parliament needs to be redefined, and the research capacity of the Mpumalanga Provincial Legislature needs to be enhanced, in order to increase the effectiveness of the representation of Mpumalanga Province in the NCOP. Methodology: The following methods were used in this study; • Face to face interviews with the Chairperson of the NCOP, Ms N Pandor. • A structured questionnaire was sent to the Chief Whip of the NCOP, Mr. E Surty and selected members from the Mpumalanga Provincial Legislature. • Participant observation was used, as the researcher was, at the time of this study, an employee of the Mpumalanga Provincial Legislature stationed at the NCOP. • A literature study was also undertaken. Scope: The study concentrated on the Mpumalanga Provincial Legislature while lessons were drawn from other provinces. There is no universally agreed upon criterion to judge what constitutes organizational effectiveness. Evidence from the literature revealed that in order to improve organizational effectiveness, the Goal Attainment, Systems and Strategic Constituencies Approaches to organizational effectiveness need to be combined. These approaches are not mutually exclusive. The focus of the Goal Attainment Approach is mainly on ends while the Systems Approach concentrates on means to achieve the ends. The Strategic Constituencies Approach seeks to appease those stakeholders, in the environment, with potential to threaten organizational stability. Major Findings: Observation, personal experience and the responses from the informants tended to confirm the hypothesis. This study revealed that the researchers of the Mpumalanga Provincial Legislature were not empowered to deal with legislative matters. Major ConclusionslRecommendations: The most important recommendations are; .:. That Parliament should introduce legislation that will enable Provincial Legislatures to confer authority on their delegations to cast votes uniformly on their behalf in the NCOP . •:. That the brief of the provincial research unit be clearly specified. That a research agenda for each session of Parliament be set. .:. That the role of Regis House staff be expanded to include research, administration and liaison work. .:. That all researchers and senior staff of the organization be re-briefed on the functioning of the Provincial Legislature . •:. That comparative research be conducted on KwaZulu Natal and Western Cape who seemed to produce the best results.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Doelwit: Om ondersoek in te stel of die Mpumalanga Provinsie se verteenwoordiging op die Raad van Provinsies verbeter kan word. Probleem: Die Mpumalanga Wetgewer presteer nie na verwagting in die Nasionale Raad van Provinsies (NRVP) nie. Die sieninge van die Mpumalanga Provinsie word nie goed weergegee in die NRVP nie. Dit mag wees as gevolg van 'n gebrek aan navorsingskapasiteit in die Provinsiale Wetgewer (PW). Die beskikbare navorsers het nie ondervinding in die politieke en beleidsomgewing nie. Die NRVP siklus of tydskedule gee nie genoeg tyd aan provinsies om behoorlik vir wetgewing voor te berei nie. Daar is min of geen interaksie tussen die voorsitters van die Provinsiale Portefeulje Komitees en hul kollegas in die NRVP nie. Daar is ook swak koordinasie, beplanning en kommunikasie in die Provinsiale Wetgewer. Die Mpumalanga NRVP se skakelkantoor in Kaapstad voeg geen waarde toe tot die vloei van inligting van die Parlement na die Mpumalanga Provinsiale Wetgewer nie. Tans dien dit net as 'n posbus, wat inligting deurgee sonder verdere navorsing en analise. Die navorsingsvraag is, hoe kan die verteenwoordiging van die Mpumalanga Provinsie in die NRVP verbeter word? Hipotese: Die rol van die Mpumalanga skakelkantoor in die Parlement moet herdefinieer word en die navorsingskapasiteit van die Provinsiale Wetgewer moet versterk word, om die effektiwiteit van die verteenwoordiging van die Mpumalanga provinsie te verbeter in die NRVP. Metodologie: Die volgende metodes is gebruik in hierdie studie: • Persoonlike onderhoude met die Voorsitter van die NRVP, Me N Pandor. • 'n Gestruktureerde vraelys is gestuur na die Hoofsweep van die NRVP, Mnr E Surty en die teikengroep lede van die Mpumalanga Provinsiale Wetgewer. • Deelnemende waarneming is gebruik, omdat die navorser tydens die studie 'n werknemer van die Mpumalanga Provinsiale Wetgewer was, gestasioneer by die NRVP. • 'n Literatuurstudie is ook onderneem. Omvang: Die studie het gekonsentreer op die Mpumalanga Provinsiale Wetgewer, terwyl lesse geleer is vanaf ander provinsies. Daar is geen universeel ooreengekome kriteria waarop organisasies se effektiwiteit beoordeel kan word nie. Die geraadpleegde literatuur bevestig die hipotese. Die skrywers se gevolgtrekkings toon aan dat die volgende benaderinge tot organisatoriese effektiwiteit gekombineer moet word om 'n organisasie se effektiwiteit te verbeter: die doelwitbereikingsbenadering; sisteem en strategiese kiesafdelingsbenadering. Hierdie benaderings is nie onderling uitsluitend nie. Die fokus van doelwitbereikingsbenadering is hoofsaaklik op resultate terwyl die sisteembenadering konsentreer op maniere om die gevolge te bereik. Die strategiese kiesafdelingsbenadering probeer al die rolspelers met die potensiaal om organisatoriese stabiliteit te bedreig, bevredig,. Hoof Bevindinge: Waarneming, persoonlike ervaring en terugvoering vanaf die respondente het die hipotese deurgaans bevestig. Die studie het getoon dat die navorsers van die Mpumalanga Provinsiale Wetgewer nie wetgewende sake behoorlik kan hanteer nie. Belangrikste Gevolgtrekkings/Aanbevelings: Dit sluit in: ~ Die Parlement moet wetgewing voorlê wat die Provinsiale Wetgewers sal toelaat om hul afgevaardigdes te magtig om hul stemme eenvormig te kan uitbring in die NRVP namens daardie wetgewers. ~ Dat die opdrag van die provinsiale navorsingseenheid duidelik uitgespel word ~ Dat 'n navorsingsagenda bepaal word vir elke sessie van die Parlement ~ Dat die rol van Regis House personeel uitgebrei word om navorsing, administrasie en skakelwerk in te sluit ~ Dat alle navorsers en senior personeel van die organisasie geherorienteer word rakende die werksaamhede van die Provinsiale Wetgewer ~ Dat vergelykende navorsing gedoen word oor KwaZulu Natal en Wes Kaap wat die beste resultate lewer.

Thesis (MPhil (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2009.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Although gender equality is evident in many spheres in African countries, the entry of women into political institutions has often been described as slow and unequal. In sub-Saharan African countries this trend is particularly associated with social, cultural and historical barriers within political spheres that hinder gender equality in political leadership and an equal representation of women in parliament. The issues of gender equality and the representation of women in parliament have long been hotly contested debates on the continent and in sub-Saharan African countries more specifically, largely as a result of different cultural heritages and countries‟ being poised at varying phases within the democratic consolidation process. It is necessary to evaluate attitudes towards gender equality in order to determine whether a populace embraces the principles of gender equality. Of equal significance is the evaluation of the percentage of women represented in parliament as an important indicator of whether gender equality is perceived by the populace to be an important principle in practice. In order to gauge the levels of gender equality and the representation of women in parliament in sub-Saharan Africa, this study evaluates attitudes towards gender equality and a number of its dimensions, namely women in leadership positions, equal education and the economic independence of women; it also investigates the representation of women in parliament by examining the actual numbers of women representatives in parliament in South Africa, Uganda and Zimbabwe. This in an attempt to determine whether there is a link – either directly or indirectly – between attitudes towards gender equality and the number of women represented in parliament. For comparative purposes the attitudinal patterns and trends towards gender equality, as measured in the World Values Survey 2001, are evaluated amongst respondents in South Africa, Uganda and Zimbabwe. This study also identifies four independent variables, namely gender, level of education, residential status (urban vs. rural) and age in an attempt to explain some of the differences in attitudes towards gender equality between the three samples. iii The main findings include, amongst others, that: the South African sample has by and large the most positive attitudes towards gender equality in comparison to its Ugandan and Zimbabwean counterparts; and that a higher percentage of women are represented in the South African parliament in contrast to Uganda and Zimbabwe. The independent variables prove to be fairly good predictors of the varying attitudes towards gender equality across the three samples. This study concludes that in sub-Saharan Africa positive attitudes towards gender equality can indeed be linked to a higher percentage of women represented in parliament; however, the inverse – that negative attitudes towards gender equality can be linked to low percentages of women represented in parliament – is not substantiated.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Alhoewel geslagsgelykheid sigbaar is in baie sfere in Afrika lande word die toegang van vroue tot politieke instellings dikwels beskryf as stadig en ongelyk. In sub–Sahara Afrika-lande word hierdie neiging in besonder geassosieer met sosiale, kulturele en historiese hindernisse binne politieke instellings wat geslagsgelykheid in politieke leierskap en gelyke verteenwoordiging van vroue in die parlement belemmer. Die kwessie rondom geslagsgelykheid en die verteenwoordiging van vroue in die parlement is ʼn sterk debat op die Afrika kontinent en meer spesifiek in sub-Sahara Afrika-lande, hoofsaaklik as gevolg van verskillende kulturele tradisies en verskille in die fases van demokratisering. Dit is nodig om die houdings ten opsigte van geslagsgelykheid te evalueer om te bepaal of ʼn bevolking die beginsels van geslagsgelykheid aanvaar. Hiermee saam is die evaluering van die persentasie van vroue verteenwoordiging in die parlement ʼn belangrik aanwyser van die feit dat geslagsgelykheid deur die bevolking as ʼn belangrike beginsel beskou word. Ten einde die vlakke van geslagsgelykheid en die verteenwoordiging van vroue in die parlemente in sub-Sahara Afrika te meet, bespreek hierdie studie die houdings teenoor geslagsgelykheid en ʼn aantal van sy dimensies, naamlik vroue in leierskap posisies, gelyke opvoeding en die ekonomiese onafhanklikheid van vroue. Dit bestudeer ook die vroue verteenwoordiging in die parlemente in Suid-Afrika, Uganda en Zimbabwe. Hierdie studie poog verder om te bepaal of daar ʼn verbintenis - direk of indirek - bestaan tussen die houdings teenoor geslagsgelykheid en die aantal vroue verteenwoordigers in die parlemente van die lande onder bespreking. Die studie se doel is om vas te stel of positiewe houdings teenoor geslagsgelykheid verbind kan word met ʼn hoër persentasie van vroulike verteenwoordigers in die parlement. Vir vergelykende doeleindes, is die houdingspatrone en neigings teenoor geslagsgelykheid, soos gemeet in die die Wêreld Waardes Opname, ondersoek tussen die respondente in Suid-Afrika, Uganda en Zimbabwe. Die studie identifiseer ook vier onafhanklike veranderlikes, naamlik geslag, opvoedingvlak, woongebied (stedelik vs plattelands) asook ouderdom, in ʼn poging om sommige van die verskille in houdings teenoor geslagsgelykheid tussen die drie lande te verduidelik. v Die vernaamste bevindings sluit onder meer in dat: Suid-Afrika by verre die sterkste positiewe houdings teenoor geslagsgelykheid het in vergelyking met Uganda en Zimbabwe; en, dat daar ʼn hoër persentasie van vroue verteenwoordiging in die Suid-Afrikaanse parlement is, in vergelyking met Uganda en Zimbabwe. Die onafhanlike veranderlikes blyk redelike goeie voorspellers te wees van die verskille in houdings teenoor geslagsykheid regoor die drie lande. Die studie kom tot gevolgtrekking dat binne hierdie drie lande, positiewe houdings teenoor geslagsgelykheid verbind kan word met ʼn hoër persentasie van verteenwoordiging van vroue in die parlement, maar dat die teenoorgestelde - dat negatiewe houdings teenoor geslagsgelykheid verbind kan word met ʼn laer persentasie van verteenwoordiging van vroue in parlement – nie ondersteuning in die data kry nie.

The aim of this thesis is to problematize how and under what conditions organizational performance is constituted in the practices of performance auditing and accounting. Organizational performance disclosure is a world-wide phenomenon for enabling accountability relationships in large organizations regardless of the societal sector they operate in. In constitutive accounting literature, there is a well-established notion that accounting and performance auditing enable “government at a distance” by representing organizational actions and results of those actions, i.e. by constituting performance.  Accounting and performance auditing have been regarded as “technologies of government” that make government from spatial and temporal distances possible by linking political and programmatic ambitions, i.e., the will of a superior, to everyday organizational conduct. However, whereas many previous studies of accounting and performance auditing as technologies of government focus on the discourses over the technologies of accounting and performance auditing, this thesis focuses its analysis on the operationalization of these technologies in local organizational settings. By studying the constitution of performance in the practices of accounting and performance auditing this thesis contributes by problematizing that which supposedly makes government at a distance possible. The thesis is based on two case studies of performance audit and two case studies of performance reporting. On the basis of these papers, the thesis studies the constitution of performance in performance auditing and accounting. Whereas the constitution of performance may seem stable and unproblematic at the level of discourse, this thesis suggests that constituting performance is a complex process of social construction that requires significant organizational efforts and that the ability of accounting and performance auditing to connect political and programmatic ambitions to daily organizational conduct cannot be taken for granted. The thesis suggest that once we acknowledge that performance is a socially constructed representation of organizational actions and begin to pay attention to how performance is constituted in local organizational settings, we can find new ways of addressing the ongoing challenge of constituting performance in accounting and performance auditing and increase our understanding about the ability of these practices to enable government at a distance.<br><p>At the time of doctoral defence the following papers were unoublished and had a status as follows: Paper nr. 2: Manuscript; Paper nr. 3: Manuscript; Paper nr. 4: Manuscript</p>

Defence date: 15 September 2017<br>Examining Board: Prof. Alexander H. Trechsel, University of Lucerne (EUI Supervisor); Prof. Grigorii V. Golosov, European University at Saint Petersburg (External Supervisor); Prof. Jennifer Gandhi, Emory University; Prof. Hanspeter Kriesi, European University Institute<br>One of the widely shared features of modern autocracies is the presence of democratically-designed institutions. Elections, referendums, legislatures, and parties are the essential institutions 'bydefault'. Political regimes that have introduced nation wide elections have become the predominant type of political regimes in the contemporary world.

The aim of this study is to examine the extent of women representation in the Councils of the Local Municipalities in the Ngaka Modiri Molema District Municipality in the North West, Province of South Africa. The specific objectives of the study are to investigate the ratio of women representation at both the political and administrative structures of the Ngaka Modiri Molema District Municipality; and examine the factors which inhibit the realization of the women quotas at the District Municipality level. This is an empirical study which utilized both the qualitative and quantitative approaches in the collection and analysis of data. The study identifies the extent of women representation and establishes that there is insufficient women representation in general within local governance in South Africa and in the Ngaka Modiri Molema District Municipality in particular. As a consequence, although the critical legislative and policy has been enacted, presentation of women in local governance still remains a challenge.<br>Thesis (M.Soc.Sc.(Development Studies) North-West University, Mafikeng Campus, 2011

Defence date: 31 March 2017<br>Examining Board: Professor Pepper Culpepper, formerly EUI/University of Oxford (Supervisor); Professor Hanspeter Kriesi, EUI (Co-Supervisor); Professor Ferdinand Müller-Rommel, Leuphana Universität Lüneburg; Professor Maurits Van der Veen, College of William & Mary<br>This dissertation deals with the question of how the partisan nature of government still matters in the current globalized and post-industrial world. In particular, it compares the representativeness of two contemporary centre-left governments with that of two centre-left executives from the 1970s in the Netherlands and the United Kingdom. According to the more provocative theories about the state of contemporary representative democracy, these countries should be forerunners of a general European trend in which governments care more about technical competence rather than political representation and responsiveness. These tendencies are expected to particularly affect the partisanship of Labour ministers. In order to test these theories, I do a comparative content analysis of how Labour finance ministers/Chancellors justify the yearly government budget in front of the parliament. The justifications are divided into those that characterize the government as representative of the partisan redistributive preferences (input-justifications) VS those that profile it as a competent caretaker of public finances (output-justifications). Following the above-mentioned theories, the hypothesis is that today the output-justifications are more important than in the past. As this approach is relatively novel with regards to the study of responsiveness, the thesis also dedicates one chapter to the justification strategies of a technical and a neoliberal government. The purpose of this extra comparison is to have more empirical evidence of what renders an output-justification different from an input-justification. By incorporating these two cases, thus, I get a deeper comparative insight into what is a typical left-wing/partisan discourse characteristic and what constitutes governmental/institutional talk. This extra comparison, consequently, allows me to reflect more deeply on the findings emerging from the overtime comparison of Labour governments. The findings of my research tell a two-sided story. On the one hand, contrary to my hypothesis, the contemporary cases feature slightly more input-justifications than the governments from the 1970s. On the other, the logic of the discourses suggests that, while in the 1970s the responsiveness to social needs was presented as a policy goal per se, today the input-justifications tend to be more subordinated to justifications about economic and financial considerations. The findings thus speak both to theories according to which today we are not witnessing a decline of political representation, but simply a change in kind, as well to the theories speaking of a gradual hollowing out of political competition. In the iv conclusion of my dissertation I reflect on what is right and wrong on the two sides of the debate.

by Susan Blumberg Liu.<br>Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1996.<br>Includes bibliographical references (leaves 112-116).<br>ACKNOWLEDGMENTS<br>ABSTRACT<br>DECLARATION<br>CHAPTER<br>Chapter I. --- NTRODUCTION --- p.1<br>Civil Society as a Theoretical Concept<br>Relevance of Thesis<br>Organization of Thesis<br>Chapter II. --- CIVIL SOCIETY AND LATE IMPERIAL CHINA --- p.11<br>Habermas and the Public Sphere<br>Habermas as Applied to the Chinese Case<br>Recent Debate on Civil Society in Late-Qing China<br>Rankin versus Wakeman<br>Rowe versus Wakeman<br>Recent Discussion on Civil Society in Contemporary China<br>The Question of Autonomy<br>Civil Society with Chinese Characteristics<br>Gathered Comments<br>Chapter III. --- THE DYNAMICS OF CIVIL SOCIETY IN THE LATE-QING ERA --- p.44<br>The Emergence of a New Public<br>Social Class Correlation<br>The Constitutionalists<br>Women in Late-Qing China<br>The Press and Public Opinion<br>Chapter IV. --- THE MOVEMENT FOR ESTABLISHING PROVINCIAL ASSEMBLIES --- p.63<br>Getting Started<br>The Elections<br>Chapter V. --- THE PROVINCIAL ASSEMBLIES COMMENCE --- p.75<br>The Nature of the Assemblies<br>Interaction and Organization of the Assembly Members<br>Chapter VI. --- TWO CASE STUDIES FROM THE PROVINCIAL ASSEMBLIES --- p.83<br>The Jiangsu Assembly<br>Organization and Preparation<br>The Assembly Commences<br>Zhang Jian: Example of the New Gentry in Late-Qing China<br>The Hubei Assembly<br>Organization and Preparation<br>The Assembly Commences<br>Chapter VII. --- CONCLUSION --- p.107<br>The Fate of the Assemblies<br>Analysis of Findings<br>Lasting Implications of Civil Society in China<br>BIBLIOGRAPHY --- p.112

Defence date: 6 June 2011<br>Examining Board: Professor Mark Franklin, European University Institute (Supervisor); Professor Fabrizio Bernardi, European University Institute; Professor Bernhard Weßels, Social Science Research Center Berlin; Professor Christopher Wlezien, Temple University<br>PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses<br>Democratic politics are structured by elections. Governments come and go, campaigns come and go, policies come and go, and so forth. In representative democracy, the mere existence of elections strongly alters the behavior of representatives who are interested in re-election and of voters who are affected by political communication. Unlike many of our models, the real world structures politics through time, and especially through time between elections. When elections approach, democratic systems seem to be transformed to a degree that facilitates the analysis of a wide variety of campaign effects. Voters and parties do not change significantly through the electoral cycle. Their environment does. The aim of this book is to develop concrete theory for the functioning of political time and to demonstrate its effects with empirical data. At the core of the theory is a dual mobilization cycle. One leg of this cycle concerns the creation and decay of structure in voting behavior. The book traces the causal path preceding the result: the dynamics of voter perceptions, the determinants of party preference, and the logic of turnout and choice. The other leg of the dual cycle concerns the configuration of the party system. Here the causal path leads from the dimensions of conflict within parties over the ability of the leadership to enforce unity in parliamentary behavior to the implementation of campaign strategies. The book also spells out the connections between the two legs and locates them in political time. The methodology developed for this purpose, labeled “Quasi Time Series,” serves to transform cross-sectional data (which are available in abundance) in a way so that they fulfill functions of time series (which are exceedingly rare). The comparative approach exploits data from several decades, dozens of countries, hundreds of parties, thousands of legislators and about 100,000 voters.

In this thesis I examine how local government and community actors are managing change in local governing processes. I describe how governing is practised and document the effects of such practices for the rural township of Geeveston in the Huon Valley Council, Tasmania, Australia. The aim of the research is to apprehend the materiality of governing at the local level under neoliberal governmental regimes in order to comprehend what happens and what is at stake when people govern and are governed in particular ways .This project is underpinned by an interest in everyday practices and the particular experiences of individuals in communities of place and interest and grounded in a case study of township revitalisation. The implementation of neoliberal governmental technologies has changed profoundly governing practices at all levels of government. The term governance is being used as a general reference for these changing conditions of governing. Of concern here are the effects of those changes on local government that occurred in Tasmania, Australia during the 1990s. This period of local government modernisation emphasised managerial and structural changes designed to increase local government efficiency and effectiveness and were accompanied by legislative requirements to enhance citizen participation in local government processes. Determining how to integrate these twin goals has generated significant challenges for local government and community actors as they negotiate what it means to govern and be governed in the new governance environment. The design for the research is based on a case study approach and draws on qualitative research methods. It assumes great value in working from the particularities of people’s experiences; a position central to the practice of cultural geography. The theoretical framework draws on concepts of government developed in literature on governmentality; a perspective that highlights the regimes of practices of government used in attempts to shape rationally human conduct for particular ends. In its detailed examination of the practices of government, this project addresses a gap identified in the literature calling for more empirical research to explicate theorizations of governmental practices. This research builds knowledge about local governance with attention to its constitution through the discursive and material practices of identity, community, representation, citizenship and politics in place. The work links the empirical findings of this research with concepts of the representative claim, agonistic pluralism and governing through community to problematise, respectively, meanings and practices of representation, the role of conflict in democracy and practices of community empowerment.

The basic problem in this study is to determine whether the electoral management body (EMB) in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) is sufficiently independent and whether it complies with most of the criteria of an ideal independent EMB in order to conduct free and fair elections in the promotion of democracy in the DRC. However, an ideal type of an independent EMB is not easily realizable but Ghana’s electoral commission (EC) is widely regarded as a model of an independent EMB in Africa. Therefore, this study uses the EC as a workable ideal type of independent EMB that informs this study in assessing the Independent National Electoral Commission (CENI)’s level of independence. The study discovered that while the formal legal framework guarantee the independence of the CENI, it lacks practical independence due to certain factors which include the mode of appointment and composition of the body, the unstable security of tenure of its members, the negative influence of the judiciary, executive and the parliament over the functioning of the CENI, and the lack of adequate funding. The study argues that the composition of the CENI has to be depoliticized; its members should enjoy a strong security of tenure and the issue of political parties funding should be effective and handled by the CENI in order to enhance political competitiveness in the electoral process. An adequate funding should be timely realized so that the CENI carries out its work with autonomy. The judiciary, the parliament and the executive should support the growth of democracy in the DRC by allowing the CENI to work without the interference of any quarter.<br>African Centre for Arts, Culture and Heritage Studies<br>M.A. (African Politics)