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1
Astore, Marianna, and Michele Fratianni. "‘We can't pay’: how Italy dealt with war debts after World War I." Financial History Review 26, no. 2 (March 14, 2019): 197–222. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0968565019000039.
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The article deals with Italian inter-war debts against the background of the contentious international issue of war reparations that many Allied nations wanted to link to war debt repayments. Italy, having first achieved an extremely large haircut by restructuring US and UK debts in 1925-6, defaulted in 1934, after the Lausanne conference of 1932 failed to deliver war debt forgiveness. We construct a new series of Italian foreign debt from 1925 to 1934 that is consistent with the unfolding of relevant historical events. Starting in 1926, our values are much lower than the currently available foreign debt series. The reason is that the current series do not take into account the large haircut that Finance Minister Volpi extracted from the London debt accord of 1926. Then, beginning in 1932, the values of our series exceed the currently available series because we date the formal Italian exit of the US war debt to 1934, whereas the current series dates it to 1932, at Lausanne.
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Andersen, Astrid Nonbo. "Hvornår er sager om historiske uretfærdigheder forældede? – dynamikken mellem historieforståelse, erstatningskrav og retsopgør." Slagmark - Tidsskrift for idéhistorie, no. 60 (March 9, 2018): 53–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/sl.v0i60.103988.
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The Durban Conference in 2011 brought international attention to the question of the descendants of victims of slavery and colonialism were entitled to reparations. Shortly after the Durban Conference several cases were filed in the USA by amongst other The Herero People Reparation Corporation claiming reparations from the German State for the Genocide on the Herero-people in 1904-07. These types of cases raise a host of complex questions – amongst others the question of when a historical injustice is too old to be subject for reparations. But as this paper explores the answer to this question depends not only on law but also the dominating politics of history, political will, and historical consciousness. A fact that might also have some influence on the Danish debate on reparations for slavery in the former Danish West-Indies.
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Namakula, Catherine S. "Reparations without reparation: A critique of the Germany–Namibia Accord on colonial genocide." African Yearbook on International Humanitarian Law 2021 (2021): 46–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.47348/ayih/2021/a2.
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Reparation is meant for effect: to make amends. The offer of EUR 1,100 million by the Federal Republic of Germany to the Republic of Namibia, in an agreement of June 2021, for the genocide committed during the colonial-era occupation encourages debate about the categorisation and effect of the payment in the fields of human rights and international criminal justice. The genocide was characterised by the loss of the lives of thousands of people among the Nama and Herero of Namibia between 1904 and 1908. In a pioneering analysis, this article reiterates the principles of reparation in international criminal jurisprudence as a yardstick for this significant gesture of remorse. Reparations must meet both procedural and substantive requirements: they must be proportional, appropriate, prompt and adequate, and they must culminate from a process that ensures the meaningful participation of victims and judicious regard for all relevant factors and circumstances. Reparations for the sake of it, without the remedial effect, make a mockery of justice. An agreement for development aid, however generous, cannot meet the standards of reparation for gross human rights violations. It does not oust the jurisdiction of a competent court on the matter and the pre-emptive clause intended to make the financial component in the Germany–Namibia Accord conclusive is unenforceable. This significant discourse must be guided by clearly set standards to avoid replicating the power dynamics which characterised the commission of the crimes that are intended to be addressed. Furthermore, the distinct treatment of victims on the basis of race and colonial history is repugnant and not defensible. A formidable institutional framework is needed for reparations for the trans-Atlantic trade and trafficking in enslaved Africans and colonial crimes, comprising a United Nations independent mechanism and a specialised committee of the African Union, supported by national committees of the respective countries.
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Mierzejewski, Alfred C. "The German National Railway Company, 1924–1932: Between Private and Public Enterprise." Business History Review 67, no. 3 (1993): 406–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007680500070355.
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This article examines some major aspects of the history of the state-owned, privately operated German National Railway Company under the reparations regime of 1924 to 1932. It explores the dispute that erupted between the Reichsbahn and the government concerning whether the DRG should be used primarily to serve national economic and social ends or to earn a surplus to pay reparations. The controversies that erupted concerning tariffs, motor vehicle competition, and wages are examined against the background of the Reichsbahn's financial performance. The article argues that the political and cultural clashes caused by the introduction of Western management priorities and practices were more significant than the financial burdens that reparations imposed on the Reichsbahn.
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Ritschl, Albrecht O. "Krieg, Verteilungskonflikt, Reparationen: die deutsche Inflation von 1920 bis 1923." Wirtschaftsdienst 103, no. 2 (February 1, 2023): 90–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/wd-2023-0028.
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Abstract Germany’s hyperinflation resulted from a confluence of several factors, all of which contributed to a temporary breakdown in state capacity and to unsustainable public sector deficits. Wartime debt deflated by 90% already in 1920. Informal wage indexation and failure to enforce collection of a new progressive income tax contributed to recurrent inflation. Unsustainable reparations were met by purchasing gold abroad, further accelerating inflation. Conflict over reparation arrears resulted in the military occupation of the Ruhr industry district in early 1923. Stabilisation occurred after informal moratoria on both international and internal conflict, allowing for budget stabilisation and a two-step currency reform, as well as a return to gold in 1924.
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Yee, Robert. "Reparations revisited: the role of economic advisers in reforming German central banking and public finance." Financial History Review 27, no. 1 (December 26, 2019): 45–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0968565019000258.
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The economic advisers of the 1924 Dawes Committee enacted currency and banking reforms as a means of resolving financial and geopolitical problems. Although the committee members stated that they had no plans to resolve the Ruhr occupation, evidence from the technical advisers demonstrated the opposite. Economists Edwin Kemmerer, Joseph Davis and Arthur Young sought to appease Franco-Belgian demands for a resolution to the reparations debate by balancing the German budget and reorganising the banking system, thereby also addressing the question of military occupation. This research delves into the advisers’ reports on public finance, currency stabilisation and the gold standard, arguing that their attempts to assuage reparation-related concerns rested on major reforms to German central banking.
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Mierzejewski, Alfred C. "Payments and Profits: The German National Railway Company and Reparations, 1924-1932." German Studies Review 18, no. 1 (February 1995): 65. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1431519.
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Wixforth, Harald. "The Economic Consequences of the First World War." Contemporary European History 11, no. 3 (July 31, 2002): 477–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777302003090.
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Arthur Turner, The Cost of War: British Policy on French War Debts, 1918–1932 (Brighton: Sussex Academic Press, 1998), 272pp., £45.00 (hb), ISBN 1-898723-37-0.Patricia Clavin, The Great Depression in Europe, 1929–1939 (Basingstoke: Macmillan/Palgrave 2000) 244pp., £13.99 (pb), ISBN 0-333-60681-7.Karl Mayer, Zwischen Krise und Krieg. Frankreich in der Außenpolitik der United States zwischen Wirtschaftskrise und Zweitem Weltkrieg (Stuttgart: Steiner, 1999), 275pp., DM 84.00, ISBN 3-515-07373-6.Christoph Buchheim and Redvers Garside, eds., After the Slump. Industry and Politics in 1930s Britain and Germany (New York and Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang, 2000), 235pp., DM 69.00. ISBN 3-631-34912-2.Philipp Heyde, Das Ende der Reparationen. Deutschland, Frankreich und der Youngplan 1929–1932. Paderborn: Schöningh, 1998), 506 pp., DM 134.00 ISBN 3-506-77507-3.Monika Rosengarten, Die Internationale Handelskammer. Wirtschaftspolitische Empfehlungen in der Zeit der Weltwirtschaftskrise 1929–1939 (Berlin: Duncker & Humblot, 2001), 360 pp., DM 148.00, ISBN 3-428-10411-0.
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Davis, John R. "German Reparations, 1919–1932: A Historical Survey." Contemporary British History 26, no. 3 (September 2012): 430–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13619462.2012.701904.
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Moravcová, Dagmar. "Economic and political aspects of german reparations, 1918-1932." Acta Oeconomica Pragensia 13, no. 3 (October 1, 2005): 48–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.18267/j.aop.150.
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Wyszczelski, Lech. "Niemieckie reparacje wojenne za II wojnę światową (polskie kontrowersje)." Copernicus Political and Legal Studies 2, no. 2 (2023): 47–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/cpls.2023204.
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German war reparations were imposed arbitrarily by the victorious powers, because no peace conference was convened. They were estimated at $20 million at the 1938 exchange rate, half of which went to the USSR (the Polish People’s Republic was to receive 15% of its pool). In addition, they were imported by the great powers themselves. Western powers abandoned their importation in the late 1940s, and the USSR, including the Polish People’s Republic, abandoned it in 1953. Both the Federal Republic of Germany and the four superpowers signed the so-called the two plus four agreement in 1990 considered the end of World War II. Poland received only part of the reparations due to it as part of Russian reparations. And so far, financial compensation from the Federal Republic of Germany has not satisfied her. During the PiS government, President Jarosław Kaczyński considered demands for such reparations to be a political issue aimed at weakening the international position of Germany, including the EU, and for his own election campaigns.
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KOSTRZEWA-ZORBAS, Grzegorz. "GERMAN REPARATIONS TO POLAND FOR WORLD WAR II ON GLOBAL BACKGROUND." National Security Studies 14, no. 2 (December 19, 2018): 183–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.37055/sbn/132131.
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No other country in the world suffered a greater measurable and verifiable loss of human and material resources than Poland during World War II in 1939-1945. According to the first approximation, the value of human and material losses inflicted to Poland by Nazi Germany amounts to 6.495 trillion US dollars of 2018.However, Poland never received war reparations from Germany. The article is a preliminary survey of the complex issue – conducted in an interdisciplinary way combining elements of legal, economic, and political analysis, because the topic belongs to the wide and multidisciplinary field of national and international security. Refuted in the article is an internationally popular myth that communist Poland unilaterally renounced German war reparations in 1953. Then the article discusses the global background of the topic in the 20th and 21st centuries – in particular, the case of Greece whose reparations claims Germany rejects like the Polish claims, and major cases of reparations actually paid: by Germany for World War I, by Germany to Israel and Jewish organizations for the Holocaust, by Japan for World War II – at 966 billion US dollars of 2018, the largest reparations ever – and by and Iraq for the Gulf War. The article concludes with a discussion of necessary further research with advanced methodology of several sciences, and of a possible litigation before the International Court of Justice – or a diplomatic solution to the problem of war reparations.
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Bookbinder, Paul. "Leonard Gomes, German Reparations, 1919–1932: A Historical Survey." European History Quarterly 44, no. 3 (June 18, 2014): 535–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691414537193s.
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Adamus, Rafał. "Polish-German Dispute over WWII Reparations." Societas et Iurisprudentia 11, no. 1 (May 2023): 21–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.31262/1339-5467/2023/11/1/21-37.
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This study concerns the dispute between Poland and Germany regarding war reparations for losses caused in Poland in the years 1939 – 1945. The author pointed to the relevant acts of international law. This applies to the so-called Potsdam Agreement, the declaration of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (hereinafter referred to as the “USSR”) on the resignation of claims against Germany, the declaration of the government of the People’s Republic of Poland on the resignation of claims, the German unification treaty. As well as in the study, the substantive position that may be presented by Poland was indicated. After the end of the World War II, there was no peace agreement between the defeated Germans and members of the anti-German coalition. This was due to emerging political differences between the victorious states. What is significant in the case is the fact that the Polish war losses were not covered in full. There are reasons to believe that Poland’s renunciation of claims in year 1953 (with effect from January 1, 1954) was invalid.
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Mancho-Iglesia, Ana, and Carmen Marta-Lazo. "Audiovisual narratives about the case Spain’s stolen babies." Discourse & Communication 14, no. 3 (December 12, 2019): 253–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1750481319893755.
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The critical discourse analysis is the tool used in this article, to study how audiovisual media have constructed mental representation about the historical facts occurred in Spain between the final stage of the Spanish Civil War (1936–1939) and the late 1980s: the theft of newborn babies. The State has failed in an attempt to establish policies that support truth, justice and reparation as it has been recalled by United Nations experts to the Government of Spain, and the reports and documentaries have become vehicles to capture and recover memories. Our objective is to analyze how this collective awareness has been realized and the contribution of reports and documentaries. Our results show that the Spanish television channels silence the Francoist context to depict the thefts as the product of economical mobs focused on child trafficking. The international channels, however, put the origin of the dictatorship at the center of the discourse.
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CLEMENT, PIET. "‘The touchstone of German credit’: Nazi Germany and the service of the Dawes and Young Loans." Financial History Review 11, no. 1 (April 2004): 33–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0968565004000034.
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This article examines the Nazi government's external debt policy, with particular regard to the service of the Dawes and Young Loans, the two most important international loans Germany concluded during the interwar period. The goal of this policy was to end once and for all the obligations resulting from the First World War reparations settlement, and at the same time to economise drastically on Germany's scarce foreign exchange reserves. These aims were achieved by imposing a partial default on external debts and by bilateralising trade and financial negotiations, thus dismantling the 1930 Young Plan. In many respects, the Nazi government continued policies in place since 1931, except that it went further and was more ruthless in their execution. However, the negative long-term effects of this policy were beginning to take their toll as Germany's economy was cut off from the international financial markets and increasingly burdened by complex foreign exchange regulations. It was left to the German Federal Republic to deal with the financial legacy of this policy after the war.
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Rosch, R., J. Conze, K. Junge, and U. Neumann. "Konventionelle Reparation der parastomalen Hernie." Der Chirurg 81, no. 11 (October 22, 2010): 982–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s00104-010-1932-4.
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Berger, D. "Laparoskopische Reparation der parastomalen Hernie." Der Chirurg 81, no. 11 (October 27, 2010): 988–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s00104-010-1933-3.
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BOYCE, ROBERT. "German reparations, 1919-1932: a historical survey - By Leonard Gomes." Economic History Review 64, no. 4 (October 3, 2011): 1407–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0289.2011.00611_20.x.
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BEDERMAN, DAVID J. "The Unique Legal Status of the Bank for International Settlements Comes into Focus." Leiden Journal of International Law 16, no. 4 (December 2003): 787–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156503001444.
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The Bank for International Settlements (BIS), created in 1930 to handle German reparations from the First World War, has enjoyed a unique international legal position. This status was questioned when the Bank, in 2001, recalled its shares held by private parties. The resulting arbitral award settled the BIS's sui generis legal status, as well as making some important rulings about the application of state responsibility rules to international institutions in cases of expropriation. Additionally, the award provided needed insight as to the use of various methods of valuation of corporate assets in shareholder claims.
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James, Harold, and Bruce Kent. "The Spoils of War: The Politics, Economics, and Diplomacy of Reparations, 1918-1932." Economic History Review 43, no. 2 (May 1990): 310. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2596806.
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Kohler, Eric D., and Bruce Kent. "The Spoils of War: The Politics, Economics, and Diplomacy of Reparations, 1918-1932." German Studies Review 14, no. 3 (October 1991): 639. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1431003.
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Farrar, L. L. "The Spoils of War: The Politics, Economics, and Diplomacy of Reparations 1918–1932." History: Reviews of New Books 19, no. 3 (January 1991): 125. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.1991.9949284.
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Carr, W. "The Spoils of War: the Politics, Economics and Diplomacy of Reparations, 1918-1932." German History 8, no. 3 (July 1, 1990): 371–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gh/8.3.371.
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Narai, Eusebiu. "Relatiile romano-franceze in luna mai 1932, reflectate in paginile cotidianului banatean Vestul." Banatica 1, no. 33 (2023): 451–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.56177/banatica.33.1.2023.art.24.
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War reparations deeply affected international relations, and attempts were made by American economic, financial and political circles to solve this thorny problem by launch‑ ing two plans (the Dawes Plan – 1929 and the Young Plan – 1930) and by establishing a general moratorium on the payment of war reparations and debts (the Hoover Moratorium - 1931). Unfortunately, the end of the First World War did not bring the much‑desired peace to Europe, as the Versailles system soon proved ineffective and short‑sighted. On the ruins of the former Central and Eastern European empires (the German Second Reich, Austro‑Hungary – derived from the Habsburg Empire, the Ottoman Empire and the Tsarist Empire), nation states emerged or existing states, which had gained their independence some time ago and had embarked on the road to modernisation, joined their territories. Some European states adopted authoritarian or totalitarian models of government relatively early on (the Soviet Union, Italy, Turkey, Bulgaria, Poland, Hungary, Germany – now the Weimar Republic, Portugal, etc.). The great global economic crisis has led to a progressive deterioration in international relations. On the European level, a number of pressing and difficult issues have emerged: war reparations; the Austro‑German customs union or the Curtius‑Schober project: disarmament; the European Union project, etc. Of particular concern were the privileged Soviet‑German relations and the successful attempt by the Weimar Republic to achieve equal rights with other states in the field of armaments. Formed on the basis of the principle of nationalities at the end of the First World War, Greater Romania will always advocate the maintenance of the territorial status quoo and collective security, strictly respecting the Covenant of the League of Nations and building a network of agreements and treaties to defend the fundamental interests of the small and medium‑sized states of Central and Eastern Europe. Dominated by four world‑renowned diplomats (Take Ionescu, Ionel Brătianu, Nicolae Titulescu and I.G. Duca), Romanina for‑ eign policy between the wars was defined by: the decisive role played within the frame‑ work of the Little Entente; the deterioration of Romanian‑Soviet relations, generated by the dispute over Bessarabia; adherence to the Briand‑Kellogg Pact, supplemented by the Hoover‑Stimson doctrine; the strengthening of relations with Poland; the initiative to convene Balkan conferences, in order to achieve a new regional defensive alliance; the hostile reaction to the Austro‑German customs union project; the favourable attitude towards the Danube Confederation plan launched by France; the Romanian‑Hungarian confrontation in the trial of the Hungarian opthonists in Transylvania; the active involvement in the work of the Disarmament Conference; the privileged relations between Romania and France; the trade agreements and the Romanian‑German cultural relations, etc.
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Jaramillo, Pablo. "Post-Multicultural Anxieties? Reparations and the Trajectories of Indigenous Citizenship in La Guajira, Colombia." Journal of Latin American and Caribbean Anthropology 16, no. 2 (October 11, 2011): 335–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1935-4940.2011.01161.x.
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Mulder, Nicholas. "‘A Retrograde Tendency’: The Expropriation of German Property in the Versailles Treaty." Journal of the History of International Law / Revue d’histoire du droit international 22, no. 4 (July 10, 2020): 507–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718050-12340136.
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Abstract This article explores how the Versailles Treaty was shaped by the effects of economic warfare 1914–1919. The First World War was in part an Allied economic war waged against the Central Powers in conditions of advanced economic and financial globalization. This was reflected in the treaty’s expropriation mechanisms, which were used to take control of German property, rights, and interests around the world. Whereas Articles 297 and 298 of the treaty legalized wartime seizures, the Reparations Section of the treaty also contained a provision, paragraph 18, that gave the Allies far-reaching confiscatory powers in the future. The article places these mechanisms in a wider political, legal and economic context, and traces how they became a bone of contention among the former belligerents in the interwar period.
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Kennedy, Gregory C. "Britain's Policy-Making Elite, the Naval Disarmament Puzzle, and Public Opinion, 1927–1932." Albion 26, no. 4 (1994): 623–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4052249.
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Between 1927 and 1932, the policy-making elite of the British Government was presented with a difficult problem. Postwar attempts to explain the origins of the First World War had resulted in the belief that arms production and competition had largely been responsible for instigating the conflict. Such a view became accepted by the general public in Britain. Specifically, the pre-1914 naval competition between Germany and Great Britain was thought to be one of the key events that had contributed directly to the outbreak of the war. Such fears concerning naval armaments were touted by peace activists as having been instrumental in assuring the success of the Washington Naval Conference of 1921–22. Yet, this simple explanation does not adequately illustrate the intricate and complex connections that were made between naval armaments and other issues related to Britain's international affairs. Rather than the simple possession of naval arms, British leaders feared that other pressing issues would lead to a re-occurrence of hostilities. Questions concerning world oil supplies, reparations, war debts, tariffs, the value of the pound and the gold standard, and, particularly, belligerent rights and freedom of the seas, were all viewed as having the potential to generate another international conflict. Thus, the existence of armaments themselves was not Britain's primary security problem from the perspective of the policy-making elite. Rather, their common cause was how to protect Britain's position as the center of a world economic system. Safeguarding Britain's own stable position as a focus that provided leadership for the rest of the world was seen as the logical step to ensuring global stability. In order to create an atmosphere of goodwill and security that was necessary to prevent volatile issues from exploding, the British governing elite treated naval arms talks and naval armaments as a form of currency in the realm of international relations.
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Dostal, Caroline, Anke Strauss, and Leopold von Carlowitz. "Between Individual Justice and Mass Claims Proceedings: Property Restitution for Victims of Nazi Persecution in Post-Reunification Germany." German Law Journal 15, no. 6 (October 1, 2014): 1035–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s207183220001926x.
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German history of the twentieth century offers a rich resource of precedent for property restitution and compensation programs. The Federal Republic of Germany instituted different mass claims proceedings shaped to “reverse” or mitigate violations of property rights that took place as part of (a) the persecutions by the Nazi regime from 1933 to 1945, (b) the Land Reform (Bodenreform) during the Soviet occupation of East German territories from 1945 to 1949, and (c) the nationalization activities of the German Democratic Republic (GDR) from 1949 to 1990. Except for cases under the Land Reform in the Soviet zone, restitution preceded compensation as the main means of redress. All reparation schemes involved specific compensation arrangements including elaborate property evaluation systems.
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Magadeev, Iskander Eduardovich. "The Ruhr Crisis of 1923 and the International Transition in Europe after the WWI." Genesis: исторические исследования, no. 3 (March 2024): 57–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2024.3.40374.
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Article aims to analyze the impact of the Ruhr crisis 1923 on the history of the international relations in Europe after the WWI. This crisis, which began by the occupation of the Ruhr region by the French and Belgian troops and ended by the approval of the new reparation plan (Dawes plan) in 1924, played the crucial role in the transformation of the international order (so-called Versailles order), envisaged by the Paris peace conference of 1919–1920. Author scrutinizes such aspects, as the links between the Ruhr crisis and the specifics of the WWI ending, he discerns the crisis' consequences in the Western and Eastern Europe, the role of the Anglo-American mediation in the regulation of the Franco-German conflict, according to the British and US interests. The essay concludes that the Ruhr crisis made critical impact on the consolidation of the Versailles order. The events unfolded in 1923, created the conditions for the "international turn" of 1924–1925, including the formation of the Anglo-Franco-German "European concert" instead of the Entente disintegrated during the crisis. Author demonstrates the direct link between the events of 1923 and the further stabilization of Europe negotiated during the London (1924) and Locarno conferences (1925), though this link sometimes remains "under shadow" in the major studies of the international relations in Europe after WWI. Besides this, the novelty of the article is explained by the rarely used documents from the British and French archives analyzed by the author.
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Carley, Michael Jabara. "The Spoils of War: The Politics, Economics, and Diplomacy of Reparations, 1918–1932, by Bruce KentThe Spoils of War: The Politics, Economics, and Diplomacy of Reparations, 1918–1932, by Bruce Kent. Don Mills, Ontario, Oxford University Press, 1991. xviii, 462 pp. $43.95." Canadian Journal of History 26, no. 2 (August 1991): 369–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cjh.26.2.369.
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Pape, Elise. "Arts & Literature: A Review of the Poetry Book unBuried-unMarked—The unTold Namibian Story of the Genocide of 1904–1908: Pieces and Pains of the Struggle for Justice." Genocide Studies and Prevention 15, no. 3 (December 2021): 13–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.5038/1911-9933.15.3.1876.
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Between 1904 and 1908, about eighty per cent of the Herero and fifty per cent of the Nama perished in what is today known as the first genocide of the twentieth century that took place in today’s Namibia under German colonial rule. Over decades, the German government has not officially recognized the genocide as such. Jephta U. Nguherimo is one of the descendants of survivors of this genocide and today lives in the United States. In his poetry book unBuried-unMarked–The unTold Namibian story of the Genocide of 1904-1908: Pieces and Pains of the Struggle for Justice that he has self-published in 2019, J. Nguherimo gives insights into long-lasting impacts of the Herero and Nama genocide, into ways of dealing with painful memories, and into processes of healing in post-genocidal contexts. This art review gives an overview of the book and discusses main features of this artistic piece: the way the poems are linked to pictures, the use of different languages, the presence of nature or the importance of intergenerational bonds. It reflects on the author’s leitmotiv: dialogue, empathy and compassion, and on the impact these could have had or could have on negotiations between Germany and Namibia on the recognition and reparation of the genocide.
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Olivella, Jaume. "Mirant al cel/Eyes on the Sky: The (Im)possible Expiation of the Spectral Other." Image and Storytelling: New Approaches to Hispanic Cinema and Literature 1, no. 2 (October 31, 2020): 21–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.5399/uo/peripherica.1.2.3.
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This article analyzes the contribution of the new Catalan documentary in the current process of reclaiming the collective historical memory repressed by Francoism and by the Silence Deal established during the political transition to democracy after Franco’s death. This analysis will consider some films that use the family metaphor as a national allegory to represent the plight of the Catalan nation. The main thesis of this study is to underline the need for reparation regarding the crimes committed by Francoism during and after the Spanish Civil War and the fact that such a reparation has not taken place neither in fiction nor in historical terms. This essay relies on the post-Derridian concept of “hauntology” as a theoretical framework to study the spectral textual encounters that mark the symptoms of an uninterrupted mourning process that appeals to the historical memory in search of dignity and closure. Methodologically, this study offers a close textual reading of Jesús Garay’s film Mirant al cel (Eyes on the Sky, 2008) as a perfect case study where the spectral conflict between victims and victimizers is acted out in the context of Barcelona and Catalonia and the series of urban mass bombings carried out by the Italian Royal Legion under the direct supervision of Il Duce, Mussolini. Garay’s film special relevance lies in the fact of its being one of the few documentaries that revisits those three dramatic days in March 1938 that became a tragic rehearsal of the massive urban aerial raids of the Second World War.
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Moore, Robert C. "Die deutsche Legende vom ‚aufgezwungenen Verteidigungskrieg‘ 1914." Historische Zeitschrift 309, no. 3 (December 1, 2019): 606–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/hzhz-2019-0034.
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Zusammenfassung Dieser Aufsatz ist eine Entgegnung auf Rainer F. Schmidts Artikel „Revanche pour Sedan“ (HZ 303, 2016, 393–425), der gemäß dem revisionistischen Paradigma der ,Initiative der Entente‘ behauptet, dass Frankreich 1914 das Deutsche Reich mit einer gezielten Kriegsvorbereitungs- und Erpressungspolitik provozierte und aufgrund der angeblichen „Kenntnis“ des deutschen Kriegsplans so unter „Handlungsdruck“ setzte, dass sich das Deutsche Reich gezwungen sah, den Ersten Weltkrieg auszulösen. Damit sei die französische Politik für den „Tatbestand einer indirekten Kriegsentfesselung“ verantwortlich. Der Verfasser identifiziert diese Thesen als eine Neuauflage der Topoi des Rechtfertigungskanons der Reichsleitung und Teil eines Projektions- und Umkehrungsszenarios, das nach dem Krieg 1919 durch eine Propagandakampagne des Auswärtigen Amtes gegen den Versailler Vertrag und die Reparationen dafür benutzt wurde, um das Deutsche Reich von der Verantwortung für die Auslösung des Krieges freizusprechen, mit dem expliziten Ziel, Frankreich und seinen Präsidenten politisch-moralisch zu diskreditieren. Bei der Analyse der Thesen Schmidts verfährt der Verfasser mehrgleisig, indem er einerseits zeigt, dass es sich hier um unbelegte Behauptungen und Spekulationen handelt, die nicht auf Primärquellen sondern auf einer speziellen Zitierkette beruhen, und andererseits weist er darauf hin, dass die realen Vorgänge der Vorgeschichte des Krieges und der Julikrise 1914 nur selektiv und teilweise falsch wiedergegeben werden. Im Ergebnis stellt der Verfasser fest, dass die Interpretation Schmidts Ausdruck einer Welle neorevisionistischer Literatur ist, die die Verantwortung für die Auslösung des Krieges auf die Entente schieben möchte, was aber den tatsächlichen Ereignissen zuwiderläuft und sich anhand der Quellen nicht bestätigen lässt.
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Omoruan, Daniel, and Louis Emmanuel Etsename. "Histo-Cultural Discourse on the Igue Festival, Pre/Post Benin Invasion and the Reparation Debate." International Journal of Research and Innovation in Social Science VIII, no. III (2024): 1040–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.47772/ijriss.2024.803076.
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In the growth and development of ancient Benin kingdom into a rich and powerful community that flourished in festival celebrations, and artistic splendor, the kings and people fought and won several wars except the war with the British Empire in 1897. The British overthrew the monarchy that had ruled the kingdom for almost a thousand years and replaced it with an interregnum that lasted for seventeen years until the monarchy was restored in 1914. This paper provides an analysis on the celebration of the Igue festival. Igue is a cultural and spiritual event, and visitors are prohibited from visiting the kingdom during the festival, especially the Europeans whose presence and economic interest in the kingdom had been regarded with suspicion for some time. This injunction Captain James Phillip, the British Consul disregarded and paid for with his life and that of his cohorts prompting a reprisal attack and subsequent looting of the kingdom’s artifacts. This study explores the rich cultural heritage of the Benin Kingdom as seen through the lens of the festival. It also examines the historical context of the festival, impact of the British invasion, and the consequences of the fall of the monarchy and the looting of its treasures. The paper takes a look at the ongoing efforts to repatriate the looted artifacts and highlights the implication of the return of these historic treasures to the people of the kingdom. It concedes that repatriation without restitution is not enough. This paper adopts a histo-cultural approach to the study.
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Aldana Reyes, Xavier. "Spanish Civil War Horror and Regional Trauma." English Language Notes 59, no. 2 (October 1, 2021): 20–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00138282-9277238.
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Abstract This article unpacks the cultural work that Juan Carlos Medina’s Insensibles, released in English as Painless, carries out in relation to Spain’s modern history and argues that the film’s painless children are an allegory of the country’s postdictatorship generations. The rendering of fascism as monstrous is less interesting than the connection of insensitivity to the Pacto del Olvido (Pact of Forgetting) and its suppression of painful memory. The fact that the children speak Catalan is a significant overlooked aspect, because Catalonia was the last region to succumb to Nationalist military forces during the Spanish Civil War (1936–39) and is known for its independentist fervor. A regionalist reading of the film does not simply connect the present and the past; it proposes that the children of the war mediate Spain’s current troubled relationship with historical trauma and act as an artistic response to centralist ideas of a unified and stable nation-state. Such a rethinking demonstrates that the horror genre continues to offer a language of anxiety capable of negotiating and contributing to debates around the importance of national accountability, war reparations, and the condemnation of genocide.
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Geller, Jay Howard. "Theodor Heuss and German-Jewish Reconciliation after 1945." German Politics and Society 24, no. 2 (June 1, 2006): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503006780681902.
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Since 1949, the Federal of Republic of Germany's titular head of state, the Federal President (Bundespräsident), has set the tone for discussion of the Nazi era and remembrance of the Holocaust. This precedent was established by the first Bundespräsident, Theodor Heuss. Through his speeches, writings, and actions after 1949, Heuss consistently worked for German-Jewish reconciliation, including open dialogue with German Jews and reparations to victims of the Holocaust. He was also the German Jewish community's strongest ally within the West German state administration. However, his work on behalf of the Jewish community was more than a matter of moral leadership. Heuss was both predisposed towards the Jewish community and assisted behind-the-scenes in his efforts. Before 1933, Heuss, an academic, journalist, and liberal politician, had strong ties to the German Jewish bourgeoisie. After 1949, he developed a close working relationship with Karl Marx, publisher of the Jewish community's principal newspaper. Marx assisted Heuss in handling the sensitive topic of Holocaust memory; and through Marx, Jewish notables and groups were able to gain unusually easy access to the West German head of state.
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ROMANO, CESARE P. R. "Woe to the Vanqnished? A Comparison of the Reparations Process after World War I (1914―18) and the Gulf War (1990―91)." Austrian Review of International and European Law Online 2, no. 1 (1997): 361–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157365197x00222.
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Triratma, Bambang. "Prinsip Arsitektur Berkelanjutan sebagai Basis Membangun Kemandirian Obyek Cagar Budaya Pesanggrahan Langenharjo Kabupaten Sukoharjo." ARSITEKTURA 19, no. 1 (May 1, 2021): 85. http://dx.doi.org/10.20961/arst.v19i1.45392.
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<p class="AbstractTitle"><em>Pesanggrahan Langenharjo is the Heritage building that was built by Sri Susuhunan Paku Buwono X, The King of Keraton Kasunanan Surakarta Hadiningrat 1893-1939. Those building was a place where the king and his family held some activities such as a family gathering, recreation and meditation, it has a spasific location at the river side of Sungai Bengawan Solo. Most of building has suffered various serious damages because of lack of maintenance. National and local Government doesn’t have a sufficient fund for carrying out a regular reparation and recovery to those degradation processes. This research aimed to build a self capabiity for conserving Pesanggrahan Langenharjo by creating a synergic interaction with some potential factors surrounding it. Some essences of the Sustaiable Architecture were applied in formulating the concept of the Grand Design for Pesanggrahan Langenharjo for empowering the self capability in carrying out its conservation. ‘A Litle Forrest of Pesanggrahan Langenharjo’ is a grand concept which accommodate the needs of conserving a historical value of building and maintening a natural resources simultaneously. Some various activities are going to be able to be held within the area together harmoniously in order to strengthen sustainability and durability of the building and its environmrnt.</em></p>
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Lammers, D. N. "British Policy and European Reconstruction after the First World War. Anne OrdeThe Spoils of War: The Politics, Economics, and Diplomacy of Reparations, 1918-1932. Bruce Kent." Journal of Modern History 65, no. 3 (September 1993): 608–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/244694.
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Carr, W. "Book Reviews : The Spoils of War: the Politics, Economics and Diplomacy of Reparations, 1918-1932. By Bruce Kent. Oxford: Clarendon Press. 1989. xvii + 462 pp. 40.00." German History 8, no. 3 (October 1, 1990): 371–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026635549000800332.
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Hyslop, Jonathan. "The Kaiser's lost African empire and the Alternative für Deutschland: Colonial guilt-denial and authoritarian populism in Germany." Historia 66, no. 2 (November 1, 2021): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/2309-8392/2021/v66n2a5.
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This article examines the role which the "imaginary" of the empire that Germany lost in 1919 plays in the contemporary German extreme right, and especially its leading expression, the Alternative für Deutschland (AfD). It focuses on the symbolic importance of the former colonies in South West Africa / Namibia and East Africa / Tanzania and of the less emotionally charged, although also significant, German 'informal empire' connections to South Africa. The article highlights that the AfD draws on a considerable legacy of political activism concerning Africa stretching back through the colonial revanchist nationalism of the Weimar era, the global network of the Nazi Party's "Foreign Organisation", and the post-war populism of Franz Josef Strauß. AfD ideologues glorify the achievements of the Kaiserreich, and emphasise that Germany has nothing to be ashamed of, in relation to its record in the colonial era. With the recent demands from Namibia for the payment of German reparations for the 1904-7 genocide in that country, this past has become a very live issue in German politics, and the AfD has made much of its opposition to any admission of German culpability. The article also shows how the AfD portrays itself as the defender of the German minority in Namibia and of white South Africans, whose position is represented as a warning of what happens when white people allow racial "others" to attain political power. The analysis seeks to avoid simple "culturalist" /historicist explanations of the presence of these issues in contemporary politics, embedding its account in the continuities of significant social, economic and strategic relationships between southern Africa and Germany.
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Cline, Catherine Ann. "British Historians and the Treaty of Versailles." Albion 20, no. 1 (1988): 43–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4049797.
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Students of inter-war foreign relations have long recognized the role played by the British public's disapproval of the Treaty of Versailles in the burgeoning of the appeasement policy of the 1930's. The peace settlement, once generally viewed as “stern but just,” came to be perceived by all political parties and by the public at large as unduly harsh and punitive in its treatment of Germany. Hitler's rearmament of the Fatherland, the remilitarization of the Rhineland, the Anschluss with Austria, and the occupation of the Sudetenland were all significant attacks on the Versailles system which most groups in Britain had come to consider unworthy of defense.The influences which brought the Treaty into disrepute were various. For one thing, the deterioration of Anglo-French relations tended to foster an increasingly sympathetic attitude towards Germany. Then, too, the problems of the British economy led to an awareness that the stability of Britain's former trading partner in Central Europe was essential to her own prosperity and to a corresponding desire to soften those features of the peace settlement which might be impeding German recovery. In addition, John Maynard Keynes' brilliant polemic, The Economic Consequences of the Peace (1919), not only made the case that the reparation clauses were unfair and impossible of fulfillment, but, with its withering portraits of the peacemakers, also tended to undermine respect for the Treaty as a whole. Finally, criticisms of various aspects of the peace settlement by elite groups ranging from bankers to bishops of the Church of England contributed heavily to the public's increasingly negative perception of the entire Treaty.
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Hughes, Michael P., and Chris Palke. "The Bank For International Settlements: An Evolutionary Institution." Journal of Business Case Studies (JBCS) 15, no. 1 (May 10, 2019): 19–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.19030/jbcs.v15i1.10281.
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Established in 1930 in Basel, Switzerland, to expedite and supervise the payment of reparations by Germany to the victors of World War I, the Bank for International Settlements (BIS) quickly evolved into a banking establishment for various national central banks to negotiate and work out mutually-beneficial monetary policies and financial arrangements outside of the usual political and national channels. During World War II the BIS stayed open as a neutral central bank for central banks and provided significant back-channel communications between the Allied and Axis powers that could not have occurred any other way. As an example, discussions for the reconstruction of post-WWII Germany were underway between German and Allied representatives to the BIS at least two years prior to Germany’s surrender in May 1945. The post-WWII BIS then went on to become a global central bank for the world’s national central banks. In spite of the BIS holding so much effective financial power on an international scale and, hence, affecting nearly everyone in the world, few have ever heard of the BIS. This includes many economists and financial-economists. Why? Although technically not a secret organization, the BIS has always maintained an intentionally low profile. The BIS has never advertised its existence. It operates through many other organizations it has either directly created or where it holds major influence. This paper discusses the BIS, its history, and its impact and influence on world events. Questions concerning the role the BIS should possibly play in world events and central banking are raised for discussion near the end of this paper.
This paper is focused primarily towards both upper-level undergraduate and graduate finance and economics courses, particularly in the areas of money, banking and financial institutions, financial markets, and monetary policy. However, other courses, to include those outside of the financial-economic arena, can find great use for this subject matter as well. Such outside arenas could include political science and history courses.
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Dunbar, Ann-Marie. "“THREE LEAGUES AWAY FROM A HUMAN COLOUR”: NATSUME SOSEKI IN LATE-VICTORIAN LONDON." Victorian Literature and Culture 46, no. 1 (March 2018): 221–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1060150317000407.
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Natsume Soseki arrived in Londonin October 1900, with great expectations, both his own and those of the Japanese government officials who sponsored his scholarship to study abroad for two years. Soseki would eventually become one of the most important figures in modern Japanese literature, featured on Japan's 1000-yen note from 1984 to 2004; before he wrote the novels that earned him such fame – includingI Am a Cat(1906),And Then(1910), andKokoro(1914) – Soseki, who was then a young English teacher in the Japanese provinces, was sent to study English language and literature as part of Japan's large-scale modernization and westernization efforts, following the “opening” of Japan to the West by Commodore Matthew Perry in 1854 and the Meiji Restoration of 1868. Soseki's London sojourn coincided with the peak of British imperial might and also Japan's emergence as a world power. Soseki witnessed numerous important historical events as the Victorian era drew to a close, including the return of troops from the second Boer War and Queen Victoria's funeral procession. Following the Sino-Japanese War of 1894–95, Japan won major financial and territorial concessions from China, a sign of Japan's new military power and ambition. Indeed, much of the funding for the “rapid expansion of the Japanese higher education system” came from these war reparations that “essentially bankrupted the Chinese government, hastening the downfall of the Qing Dynasty and the Sino-centric order in Asian culture. . . . Soseki's journey to London – metropole of the British Empire – was part and parcel of the geopolitical rise of one empire and the fall of another” (Bourdaghs, Ueda, and Murphy 4). Questions of empire and the relative strength of nations were very much on Soseki's mind during his time in London. During what was then a fifty-day journey by sea from Japan to England, “all ports between Yokohama and Marseilles were under British, French, or Dutch rule” (Hirakawa 171).
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Webb, Steven B. "American “Reparations” to Germany, 1919–1933: Implications for the Third-World Debt Crisis. By Stephen A. Schuker. Princeton Studies in International Finance, No. 61. Princeton: Princeton University, 1988. Pp. 170. $6.50, paper." Journal of Economic History 49, no. 2 (June 1989): 520–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002205070000855x.
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Dyson, Maurice R. "Combatting AI’s Protectionism & Totalitarian-Coded Hypnosis: The Case for AI Reparations & Antitrust Remedies in the Ecology of Collective Self-Determination." SMU Law Review 75, no. 3 (2022): 625. http://dx.doi.org/10.25172/smulr.75.3.7.
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Artificial Intelligence’s (AI) global race for comparative advantage has the world spinning, while leaving people of color and the poor rushing to reinvent AI imagination in less racist, destructive ways. In repurposing AI technology, we can look to close the national racial gaps in academic achievement, healthcare, housing, income, and fairness in the criminal justice system to conceive what AI reparations can fairly look like. AI can create a fantasy world, realizing goods we previously thought impossible. However, if AI does not close these national gaps, it no longer has foreseeable or practical social utility value compared to its foreseeable and actual grave social harm. The hypothetical promises of AI’s beneficial use as an equality machine without the requisite action and commitment to address the inequality it already causes now is fantastic propaganda masquerading as merit for a Silicon Valley that has yet to diversify its own ranks or undo the harm it is already causing. Care must be taken that fanciful imagining yields to practical realities that, in many cases, AI no longer has foreseeable practical social utility when compared to the harm it poses to democracy, privacy, equality, personhood and global warming. Until we can accept as a nation that the Sherman Antitrust Act of 1890 and the Clayton Antitrust Act of 1914 are not up to the task for breaking up tech companies; until we can acknowledge DOJ and FTC regulators are constrained from using their power because of a framework of permissibility implicit in the “consumer welfare standard” of antitrust law; until a conservative judiciary inclined to defer to that paradigm ceases its enabling of big tech, then workers, students, and all natural persons will continue to be harmed by big tech’s anticompetitive and inhumane activity. Accordingly, AI should be vigorously subject to anti-trust monopolistic protections and corporate, contractual, and tort liability explored herein, such as strict liability or a new AI prima facie tort that can pierce the corporate and technological veil of algorithmic proprietary secrecy in the interest of justice. And when appropriate, AI implementation should be phased out for a later time when we have better command and control of how to eliminate its harmful impacts that will only exacerbate existing inequities. Fourth Amendment jurisprudence of a totalitarian tenor—greatly helped by Terry v. Ohio—has opened the door to expansive police power through AI’s air superiority and proliferation of surveillance in communities of color. This development is further exacerbated by AI companies’ protectionist actions. AI rests in a protectionist ecology including, inter alia, the notion of black boxes, deep neural network learning, Section 230 of the Communications Decency Act, and partnerships with law enforcement that provide cover under the auspices of police immunity. These developments should discourage a “safe harbor” protecting tech companies from liability unless and until there is a concomitant safe harbor for Blacks and people of color to be free of the impact of harmful algorithmic spell casting. As a society, we should endeavor to protect the sovereign soul’s choice to decide which actions it will implicitly endorse with its own biometric property. Because we do not morally consent to give the right to use our biometrics to accuse, harass, or harm another in a line up, arrest, or worse, these concerns should be seen as the lawful exercise of our right to remain a conscientious objector under the First Amendment. Our biometrics should not bear false witness against our neighbors in violation of our First Amendment right to the free exercise of religious belief, sincerely held convictions, and conscientious objections thereto. Accordingly, this Article suggests a number of policy recommendations for legislative interventions that have informed the work of the author as a Commissioner on the Massachusetts Commission on Facial Recognition Technology, which has now become the framework for the recently proposed federal legislation—The Facial Recognition Technology Act of 2022. It further explores what AI reparations might fairly look like, and the collective social movements of resistance that are needed to bring about its fruition. It imagines a collective ecology of self-determination to counteract the expansive scope of AI’s protectionism, surveillance, and discrimination. This movement of self-determination seeks: (1) Black, Brown, and race-justice-conscious progressives to have majority participatory governance over all harmful tech applied disproportionately to those of us already facing both social death and contingent violence in our society by resorting to means of legislation, judicial activism, entrepreneurial influential pressure, algorithmic enforced injunctions, and community organization; (2) a prevailing reparations mindset infused in coding, staffing, governance, and antitrust accountability within all industry sectors of AI product development and services; (3) the establishment of our own counter AI tech, as well as tech, law, and social enrichment educational academies, technological knowledge exchange programs, victim compensation funds, and the establishment of our own ISPs, CDNs, cloud services, domain registrars, and social media platforms provided on our own terms to facilitate positive social change in our communities; and (4) personal daily divestment from AI companies’ ubiquitous technologies, to the extent practicable to avoid their hypnotic and addictive effects and to deny further profits to dehumanizing AI tech practices. AI requires a more just imagination. In this way, we can continue to define ourselves for ourselves and submit to an inside-out, heart-centered mindfulness perspective that informs our coding work and advocacy. Recognizing we are engaged in a battle of the mind and soul of AI, the nation, and ourselves is all the more imperative since we know that algorithms are not just programmed—they program us and the world in which we live. The need for public education, the cornerstone institution for creating an informed civil society, is now greater than ever, but it too is insidiously infected by algorithms as the digital codification of the old Jim Crow laws, promoting the same racial profiling, segregative tracking, and stigma labeling many public school students like myself had to overcome. For those of us who stand successful in defiance of these predictive algorithms, we stand simultaneously as the living embodiment of the promise inherent in all of us and the endemic fallacies of erroneous predictive code. A need thus arises for a counter-disruptive narrative in which our victory as survivors over coded inequity disrupts the false psychological narrative of technological objectivity and promise for equality.
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Lampe, John. "Stabilizing southeastern Europe, financial legacies and European lessons from the first world war." Ekonomski anali 59, no. 203 (2014): 7–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/eka1403007l.
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This paper pays brief attention, although more than the recent flood of 1914 centenary books, to economic causes of the First World War before turning to it fateful economic consequences for Southeastern Europe. The Austrian lack of economic leverage over Serbia is cited as a reason for its resort to the military option. At the war?s end, the option of the victorious powers to provide significant economic relief to the region where the conflict had begun was not taken. After tracking the brief, limited assistance provided, the paper reviews to the massive economic problems confronting four of the five of independent states, neglecting Albania as a special case, that could now be called Southeastern Europe. First Greece and then Bulgaria faced forced inflow of refugees. Romania and the Yugoslav Kingdom faced the economic integration of large new, formerly Austro-Hungarian lands. All of them were left not only with war deaths and destruction but also with large war debts, or in Bulgaria?s case, reparations. The paper concentrates on the primary Western response to these four economies, an effort led by the Bank of England to replace immediate postwar inflation with the deflation needed to reestablish currencies with prewar convertibility to gold, now with Pound Sterling added to a gold reserve standard. Independent central banks, the major positive legacy of this initiative, were to lead the way. But the financial stability that all four economies did eventually achieve in the 1920s served only to reduce their war debts. Otherwise, maintaining the fixed and overvalued exchange rates restricted domestic credit, encouraged protective tariffs, and did not attract the foreign capital, especially new state loans, that this emphasis on a single, European financial framework had promised. A concluding section considers the lessons learned from a postwar period that promoted economic disintegration by the 1930s. Looking at the period since the end of the Cold War and then the wars of Yugoslavia?s dissolution, we see EU leadership in the reduction of trade barriers, the promotion of common fiscal practice and the prospect of genuine European integration as Western lessons learned. Within the region, independent central banks have helped the process. But the stabilization of currencies around the overvalued Euro has posed a familiar post- 1918 problem since the European downturn of 2008.
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Marquardt, G. "Colonial Genocide and Reparations Claims in the 21st Century: The Socio-Legal Context of Claims under International Law by the Herero against Germany for Genocide in Namibia, 1904-1908, Jeremy Sarkin (Westport, CT: Praeger Security International, 2009), ix + 308 pp., cloth $75.00, Kindle eBook $54.00." Holocaust and Genocide Studies 24, no. 3 (December 1, 2010): 491–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hgs/dcq057.
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Plosnić Škarić, Ana. "Graditelji Trogira od 1420. do 1450. godine." Ars Adriatica, no. 4 (January 1, 2014): 173. http://dx.doi.org/10.15291/ars.494.
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The article presents the newly discovered archival data relating to the marangoni and lapicide recorded in Trogir’s notarial books between 1420 and 1450 (see the Appendix: Overview of archival records mentioning lapicide and marangoni in Trogir from 1420 to 1450). It also includes few already known data published by Ivan Kukuljević Sakcinski, Cvito Fisković and Danko Zelić, as well as those recorded by Ivan Lucić and Pavao Andreis in their Trogir history books (from the 17th century), and the records from the canonical visitation of Bishop Didak Manola. The sources consist of a handful of documents recording the commissions, and a large number of documents through which marangoni and lapicide arranged their private affairs or acted as witnesses. Out of sixty six recorded, thirty four were marangoni. Among these, twenty five were from Trogir and the same can be assumed for six of them whose origin was not mentioned, one was from Šibenik and two from Zadar. The overall number illustrates the need for such craftsmen in contemporary Trogir: the variety of tasks marangoni could perform was extremely wide and ranged from wood carving to the construction of stone buildings. However, it is likely that individual marangoni tended to specialize only in one of these fields. The documents mention twenty seven lapicide, six of which were from Trogir, four of unknown origin, three were mentioned as living in Trogir without an indication of their origin, five were from Venice, three from Dubrovnik, two from Šibenik, and one from Split, Zadar, Adria, Bosnia and Hvar respectively. Through the analysis of the collected information and how it relates to the records about contemporary building projects such as new structures and the remodellings of old ones, the article aims to outline their different roles in the building works in Trogir from 1420 to 1450. The projects of that time included the construction of Dominican monastery in the suburb and the Franciscan one on the mainland. They both were demolished by the citizens attempting to improve the city defence in the early 15th century. During the attack of the Venetian fleet in 1420 numerous buildings were damaged and in need for reparations that often led to their remodelling as well. That was the case with the Benedictine monastery in the town centre and many private houses and especially included the renovation of the Cathedral and the continuation of the building works on it. Following the introduction of Venetian rule to Trogir in 1420, a number of new structures and repair works had to be done in the newly created circumstances the aim of which was the consolidation of Venetian presence. Among these, the most important projects were the construction of a citadel for Venetian military crew, also known as the Kamerlengo, and the remodelling of the municipal palace. The whole new Observant Dominican monastery and the Church of the Holy Cross were constructed as well. The preserved archival data, however, cannot give us the clear answers of all the builders that were employed on those works.Among the recorded marangoni and lapicide, the most capable builders can be identified in two ways: through the contracts for the building of vaults, that is, the construction of vaulted spaces, and through the use of the title of protomagister regardless of whether, as E. Hilje explained, they refer to a builder who is also a designer/an architect or a builder who is simultaneously a foreman/site manager, or even the leading figure/authority chosen by the local craftsmen among themselves. Those master builders knew about the construction, and this knowledge enabled them to take on demanding tasks and roles. On that level, their primary education did not matter: vaults were constructed by both marangoni and lapicide and both of them had the protomagister titles indicating their tasks and roles. An additional criterion should be taken into account when attempting to identify the most capable master builders, that is, the training contracts which imply that the teacher was not only skilled but busy because otherwise he could not have been in a position to train an apprentice during all work phases or provide him with food and lodgings.Among the marangoni and lapicide from Trogir (meaning being born, living and working in that town) there were those who were capable of producing drawings, organizing and managing a building site, carrying out demanding constructions and carving architectural sculpture, but also those who were responsible for the building works considered minor but necessary. The reason for the influx of a large number of craftsmen from other towns – nineteen of them were lapicide, while two out of three marangoni were definitely responsible for demanding constructions in stone – lies in the scope of the building projects in Trogir between 1420 and 1450. Even the meagre preserved records relating to specific commissions demonstrate that out of twenty three newcomers, as many as fourteen had work contracts before they arrived and the same can be suggested for another two. This means that they did not arrive in search of a job but were hired beforehand. Although the priority was always given to local builders, that is, to those who had already worked at Trogir, given that the construction of the Kamerlengo and the remodelling of the municipal palace demanded a large number of builders, they were procured by Venetian officials, while the Observant Dominican monks used their connections in Šibenik and Dubrovnik. Once in Trogir, some master builders accepted other commissions. On the basis of the information about their skills, this article attributes a number of undocumented local works to those masters. At the same time, we do not have enough information about the work of the carpenters and stonemasons native to Trogir, especially the work of the three recorded protomagistri. We have established that the reason for this, both in Trogir and in other towns, was the well-known and widespread (particularly in Trogir) practice of writing internal acknowledgements of debt and confirmations instead of recording contracts in notarial ledgers. Because of this, we have no information about the organization and division of tasks at building sites. Only one document testifies to the fact that the lapicide and marangoni who took on the contracts for the construction of buildings had to guarantee that the building process would be done properly and with a set time frame. This, however, did not mean that they themselves carried out the works; instead, they delegated, supervised, organized and co-ordinated the tasks. Given that we know of no other similar subcontract (most of them were probably internal as well and not recorded in notarial books), it can only be said that apprentices took part in the building projects which were contracted by the masters who were training them.Therefore, the analysis of the collected information does not provide clear answers to the numerous questions regarding the output and authorship of the master builders, some of which were already posed by Lj. Karaman (1933). Instead, it opens up new problems which we have addressed by arguing for a number of hypotheses on the basis of the available information. We have suggested that several master builders remained in Trogir for a longer period of time than the one recorded in the surviving documents, and one should also bear in mind that the preserved sources probably do not contain records about every single stonemason or carpenter who was active in Trogir at the time. The sources illustrate the main reasons lying behind the arrival of builders, stonemasons and carpenters from other towns but also that their place in the hierarchy of contemporary marangoni and lapicide depended on their skills and knowledge. It can be safely assumed that, depending on their abilities, all the builders, stonemasons and carpenters listed in this article took part in the building campaigns and works (taken in its broadest sense) and by doing so, contributed to the construction of building projects in Trogir between 1420 and 1450.