Journal articles on the topic 'Religious education – Uganda'

The article reviews the teaching of Religious Education in schools in Uganda. Uganda is a religiously pluralistic country with Christianity and Islam the most popular. Ugandans are theists, their worldview is religious and they are passionate about their faiths. Therefore, Religious Education is a fundamental subject since the early years of education as it marked the beginning of formal education in Uganda. However, whilst Uganda has a diversity of religions such as Christianity with its different sects, Islam and its sects, Hinduism, Buddhism, and Sikhism, the education system considers only Islam and Christianity. Therefore, the article discusses whether the teaching of Religious Education where only Christianity and Islam are considered is justified to be referred to as Religious Education. The article concludes that there is a mismatch between the NCDC (2008) stated goals, objectives and content of Religious Education. The objectives and goals portray a false image that RE is intended to expose learners and to achieve educational purposes. Yet, the content, approaches and teaching methods are quite contradictory. The implementation of RE in Uganda is purely confessional; it does not aim at educational goals but at deepening learners' faith distinctively. Instead of teaching about religion, learners are taught religion. The article is based on documentary analysis of the Religious Education curriculum, syllabi and teachers' and learners' handbook documents. In addition, the article analysed literature about the teaching of Religious Education including the aims and goals of Religious Education, the pedagogical approaches, methods and techniques in Religious Education in modern pluralistic communities. In identifying the appropriate literature, suitable databases were identified and used Boolean operators and proper search terms, phrases and conjunctions were used. To further ensure the credibility of the reviewed publications for analysis, only peer-reviewed journal articles with ISBN numbers and Digital Object Identifiers (DOI) were used

AbstractThe article takes the role of school education in the historical marginalization of Muslims in Uganda to argue that recent transformations in the educational field have created new opportunities for Muslims to become professionally successful and to articulate a self-assertive identity as minority Muslims. In a second step the articles points to the particular significance that the recent shift in Muslims’ educational opportunities bears for Muslim girls and women. It argues that the structural transformations in the field of education since the late 1980s had paradoxical implications for female Muslims and for the situation of Muslims in Uganda more generally. The diversification of the field of primary, secondary, and higher education since the mid-1990s facilitated career options that had been unavailable to the majority of Muslims.Access to an education-based status is now possible for a wider segment of the Muslim population of Uganda. Yet in spite of long-standing efforts by representational bodies such as UMEA, educational reforms have not put an end to significant socioeconomic and regional differences among Muslims. There are still notable inequalities in access to high-quality education that have existed historically between Muslims from different regions of Uganda. These unequal schooling opportunities delimit the pool of those Muslims who may access institutions of higher education and hence articulate a new, education-based middle-class identity.

This study explored teachers' perceptions of the appropriateness of the Islamic Religious Education (IRE) secondary school syllabi and the challenges therein. A combination of stratified and cluster sampling techniques were used to select 234 IRE teachers from 124 secondary schools in Uganda. A cross-sectional survey design was used and data was collected using closed- and open-ended questionnaire. Data was analysed by descriptive statistics and interpreted using Benjamin Bloom's taxonomy of educational objectives. Findings indicate that: teachers enjoyed teaching low level and practical topics and found difficulties teaching abstract, philosophical and computational-based ones; the affective components of the IRE syllabi were not being appropriately addressed; teachers' limited competency in Arabic Language was an obstacle in handling of technical topics; and that the IRE syllabi were quite broad compared to the time allocated to their implementation. The implications to teacher educators is that more skills in Arabic Language and practice in handling particular topics should be given to pre- and in-service teachers. The IRE syllabi should be revised to accommodate contemporary issues.

Intimate partner violence (IPV) is recognised as a fundamental violation of women’s human rights and a widespread phenomenon in Africa. Women’s low socioeconomic empowerment, cultural acceptability, and lack of social support exacerbate the health and psychosocial outcomes of IPV among African women. To date, there is no systematic research on IPV and its association with healthcare use among adult women in Uganda. Therefore, we conducted the present study on IPV among Ugandan women of childbearing age (15–49 years). Cross-sectional data on 7536 women were collected from the Uganda Demographic and Health Survey (UDHS—Uganda Demographic and Health Survey 2016). The objectives were to assess the predictors of IPV as well as help-seeking behaviour for victims of IPV. IPV was assessed by women’s experience of physical, emotional and sexual violence and healthcare use was assessed by self-reported medical visits during the last 12 months. Logistic regression methods were used to analyse the data. According to descriptive findings, which showed that more than half of the women reported experiencing any IPV (55.3%, 95%CI = 53.6, 57.0), emotional IPV (41.2%, 95%CI = 39.6, 42.8) was the most prevalent of all three categories, followed by physical (39.3%, 95%CI = 37.7, 40.9) and sexual IPV (22.0%, 95%CI = 20.7, 23.3). In the multivariate analysis, higher age, rural residence, religious background (non-Christian), ethnicity (Banyankore and Itseo), secondary/higher education and husband’s alcohol drinking habit were positively associated with women’s experience of IPV. Husband’s alcohol drinking was found to be a significant barrier to seeking help among those who experienced IPV. In conclusion, our findings suggest a noticeably high prevalence of IPV among Ugandan women. There are important sociodemographic and cultural patterns in the occurrence of IPV that need to be taken into account when designing intervention policies. Special attention should be given to women living with husbands/partners who drink alcohol, as this might increase their odds of experiencing IPV, as well as reduce the likelihood of seeking help.

The civil war between the Sri Lankan government and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) ended in 2009, with total defeat of the LTTE and many thousands of civilian casualties. The country is now engaged in peace-building. Key elements of the secondary school curriculum – truth-seeking, social cohesion and active citizenship – may contribute to this. Six state secondary schools serving different ethnic and religious groups were selected for qualitative research into how far this is the case. Data was collected on the application of knowledge, skills and values in lessons, extra-curricular programmes and whole school culture. The analysis suggests that truth-seeking is weak, with no teaching about the historical roots of the conflict or contemporary issues. There are efforts to build leadership skills and impart democratic values, but the critical thinking and discussion skills necessary for social cohesion and active citizenship are largely absent. The findings are discussed in relation to evidence from Uganda, Cambodia and Northern Ireland.

This contribution studies the variation in desired family size and excess fertility in four East African countries by analyzing the combined impact of wealth, education, religious affiliation, and place of residence. The findings show an enormous heterogeneity in Kenya. Wealthy and higher educated people have fertility desires close to replacement level, regardless of religion, while poor, uneducated people, particularly those in Muslim communities, have virtually uncontrolled fertility. Rwanda is at the other extreme: poor, uneducated people have the same desired fertility as their wealthy, educated compatriots, regardless of their religion—a case of “poverty Malthusianism.”. The potential for family planning is high in both countries as more than 50% of the women having 5 children or more would have preferred to stop at 4 or less. Tanzania and Uganda have an intermediate position in desired family size and a lower potential for family planning. Generally, the main factor that sustains higher fertility is poverty exacerbated by religious norms among the poor only.

While IUIU policies allow students to officially get married the same institution does not allow babies in halls of residence yet it has not put in place the necessary facilities and arrangements on campus to enable them juggle their multiple roles as Married Muslim Student Mothers (MMSM) in completing their academic undertakings. This poses a challenge due to constrained finances that make it difficult due to inability to pay maid thus causing frustrations which later affects their academic performance. The research adopted a Feminism theory and other supporting theories to explore the experiences of married Muslim student mothers, husbands support, institutional policies, challenges and coping strategies. The study was allocated within a qualitative research paradigm and involved semi-structured interviews with a purposive sample of 30 undergraduate university married Muslim student mothers. Key findings were that the married Muslim student mothers’ experiences were child care and excess workload: husbands’ support included emotional and financial support: institutional support comprised of lack of child care support, support from lectures, family and friends: challenges involved time management, lack of support from lecturers, transport costs, excess workload, fixed timetables and lack of social and financial support: coping strategies included time management skills, faith and Allah, assistance with child care, creating extra time and advise. These findings have implications for policy in terms of empowerment, support to enable them to amalgamate competing roles of student mothers. MMSM operate in a family system which influences their decisions hence failure to make independent decisions but rather seek approval from their husbands. If MMSM are to succeed with their endeavors of completing their education while married they should submit to their husband in order to receive emotional and financial support to fulfill their academic dreams and a better future.

Background: The Corona virus disease, first identified in Wuhan city, Hubei province of China, is a respiratory illness caused by Novel Corona Virus also known as Severe Acute Respiratory Syndrome Corona Virus 2 (SARS Cov.2). The disease is characterised by; dry cough and shortness of breath with difficulty in breathing and at least 2 of the following; fever, chills, muscle pain, headache, sore throat and loss of test and smell. Uganda in general and Mbale in particular has people of diverse culture, religion and ethnic background as well as diverse socio economic activities with various practices. This multi-cultural environment creates differences in perception of information and practices. Most cultures encourage socialisation through social functions like attending weddings, funerals, work places and gatherings and Muslims who have to go for congregation prayers in the mosques 5 times a day among others. This puts such communities at risk of spreading the disease very fast and slow in adapting to control measures Aim: In this study, we aimed at assessing knowledge and practices of the community towards COVID 19 in Mbale municipality. Methods and Materials: A cross section study was used; Data was obtained using a Questionnaires to a sample of 355 respondents and an observation tool was also used to observe behaviour patterns and practices of 776 participants towards the control measures of COVID-19. Results: There was a total of 355 respondents with 208 /355 (58.59%) male and 147/355 (41.4%) female. 149/355(42%) possessed good knowledge, 131/355(36.9%) had moderate knowledge and 75/355(21%) had a little knowledge on COVID-19. Participants who were single and aged between 21-30 years were found to be more knowledgeable than other groups (P value=.001 and P value=.003 respectively).The source of COVID 19 information was mainly from television and radios 124/248 (50%) and social media 34/248 (21.8%) and the least source of information being 14/248(5.6%) and 9/248(3.6%) from health workers and Religious leaders respectively. 496/776 (64%) of the respondents observed, washed their hands and only124/776 (16%) of the respondents wore face masks. 98/776 (12.6%) were seen shaking hands and 15/776(2%) were seen hugging. Conclusion: Use of appropriate and well-designed Health education materials on radios, televisions and social media platforms like Facebook and twitter among others can be effective means of communication since they can reach the highest number of people. Ministry of Health should design ways for systematically integrating both political and religious leaders in Health Education Campaigns. Government should provide facemasks and enforce their use. A study to assess the ability of both political and religious leaders in health promotion campaigns should be carried out.

Introduction: Family planning (FP) is a key element in the conduct of research and is essential in managing family sizes. Although fishing communities (FCs) are targeted populations for HIV prevention research, their FP practices are poorly understood. We explored barriers and facilitators of FP use in FCs of Lake Victoria in Uganda. Methods: We employed a mixed-methods approach comprising a cross-sectional survey, in-depth interviews, and focus group discussions in 2 FCs. Multivariable logistic regression was used to analyze quantitative data and a thematic approach to generate themes from the qualitative data. Results: Up to 1410 individuals participated in the survey and 47 in the qualitative study. Just over a third (35.6%) used FP. The most commonly used methods were condoms, pills, and injectables. In Kigungu community, participants whose religion was Anglican and Muslim were more likely to use FP than Catholics (adjusted odds ratio [aOR] 1.45; 95% CI 1.05-1.99 and aOR 1.45; 95% CI 1.05-2.07, respectively). Participants were more likely to use FP if they had satisfactory FP knowledge compared to those with no satisfactory FP knowledge (aOR 1.79; 95% CI 1.23-2.61), or if they were married compared to their single counterparts (aOR 1.84; 95% CI 1.32-2.57). In both communities, participants were more likely to use FP if they had 2 or more sexual partners in the past 12 months than those with less than 2 sexual partners (aOR 1.41 95% CI 1.07-1.87 and aOR 2.60; 95% CI 1.36-4.97). Excessive bleeding and delayed fecundity; fertility desire; gender preferences of children; method stock outs and lack of FP trained personnel constituted barriers to FP use. There were also cultural influences in favor of large families. Conclusion: FP use in FCs is suboptimal. Barriers of FP use were mainly biomedical, religious, social, and cultural, which underscores a need for FP education and strengthening of FP service provision in FCs.

RAPID population growth is commonly depicted as one of the greatest problems facing modern Africa. For decades, the tendency of birth rates to exceed mortality rates has prompted predictions of land shortage, resource depletion and mass starvation. Underlying causes of high fertility are hypothesized to have been an unusually high demand for human agricultural labour, ‘traditional religious pronatalism’ and a ‘horror of barrenness’, while in some areas the later colonial period saw a shortening of the durations of post-partum sexual abstinence and lactation. Mortality decline from the 1920s is commonly linked to the establishment of cash crop economies, networks of roads and railways, and the diffusion of western medicine, maternity facilities, missionary activity and primary education. Yet the empirical evidence supporting this model of population growth is contradictory. Areas such as Buhaya, Buganda and Bunyoro should have experienced rapid demographic expansion by natural increase in the colonial period according to dominant theories but instead experts in the early decades of this century feared the extinction of the Haya, Ganda and Nyoro. This paper will attempt to explain why population decline among the Nyoro was more severe than anywhere else in colonial Uganda, and probably East Africa.

Background: Coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) outbreak is a major threat facing health systems globally and African countries are not an exception. Stakeholders, governments, and national authorities have mounted responses to contain the pandemic. This study aimed to catalogue the risk communication and community engagement (RCCE) strategies as well as the challenges facing RCCE in 13 African countries. Methods: We conducted a narrative review of evidence to answer the aim of the study. The search was conducted in March 2021 and evidence published between December 2019 and February 2021 were included. Data reported in this article were obtained from reports, literature in peer-reviewed journals, grey literature and other data sources in 13 African countries. The 13 countries include Ethiopia, Ghana, Kenya, Algeria, Angola, Cote d’Ivoire, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Mauritius, Nigeria, South Africa, Tanzania, Uganda, and Zambia. The authors also snowball further data to gather information for this review. Results: Most of the priority African countries have RCCE strategies to contain the transmission and spread of the coronavirus. Our findings revealed RCCE strategies in the 13 African countries focused on training and capacity building, risk communication systems, internal and partners’ coordination, community engagement, public communication, contending uncertainty, addressing misperceptions and managing misinformation. However, the RCCE response activities were not without challenges, which included distrust in government, cultural, social, and religious resistance, and inertia among others. Conclusion: With the similar RCCE approaches and interventions seen across the countries, it is clear that countries are learning from each other and from global health organizations to develop COVID-19 RCCE programs. It is important for African countries to address the challenges facing RCCE in order to effectively contain the pandemic and to prepare for future public health emergencies.

The study was conducted among university pre-service teachers pursuing Bachelor of Arts/Bachelor of Science with Education degree programmes, with the major aim of analysing the effect selected demographic attributes or parameters of gender, age and religion on intimacy, HIV risk perception and self-efficacy. A total of 557 respondents selected using systematic random sampling from both Makerere University School of Education (Uganda) and Dar es Salaam University College of Education (Tanzania) were studied and findings revealed that the variation intimacy among the two genders was not significant while the variation in HIV risk perception between the male and female pre-service teachers was significant. It was also observed that the variation in self-efficacy between the two genders was not significant. On the other hand, the, the variation in intimacy between the age cohorts under study was significant while that in HIV risk perception and self-efficacy for the different age groups was not significant. The variations in intimacy, HIV risk perception and self-efficacy between the several religions was found to be non-significant across all religions. The findings therefore point to the need for effective university policies that should incorporate life skills education, HIV workshops, behaviour change programmes, peer education and exemplary leadership.

Summary This article sheds new light on the impact and experience of western biomedicine in colonial Africa. We use patient registers from Western Uganda’s earliest mission hospital to explore whether and how Christian conversion and mission education affected African health behaviour. A data set of 18,600 admissions permits analysis of patients’ age, sex, residence, religion, diagnoses, duration of hospitalisation and treatment outcomes. We document Toro Hospital’s substantial geographic reach, trace evolving treatment practices and highlight significant variation in hospital-based disease incidence between the early colonial and early postcolonial periods. We observe no relationship between numeracy and health outcomes, nor religion-specific effects concerning hygiene-related infections. Christian conversion was associated with superior cure rates and shorter length of stay and with lower incidence of skin diseases and sexually transmitted infections (STIs). However, our findings indicate that STI incidence was linked to morality campaigns and that clinicians’ diagnoses were influenced by assumptions around religious groups’ sexual behaviour.

Abstract Introduction This article examines recent moral panics over sex education in Uganda from historical perspectives. Public outcry over comprehensive sexuality education erupted in 2016 over claims that children were being taught “homosexuality” by international NGOs. Subsequent debates over sex education revolved around defending what public figures claimed were national, religious, and cultural values from foreign infiltration. Methods This paper is grounded in a survey of Uganda’s two English-print national newspapers (2016–2018), archival research of newspapers held at Uganda’s Vision Group media company (1985–2005), analyses of public rhetoric as reported in internationally and nationally circulating media, textual analysis of Uganda’s National Sexuality Education Framework (2018), formal interviews with Ugandan NGO officers (3), and semi-structured interviews with Ugandan educators (3). Results Uganda’s current panic over sex education reignited longstanding anxieties over foreign interventions into the sexual health and rights of Ugandans. We argue that in the wake of a 35-year battle with HIV/AIDS and more recent controversies over LGBT rights, both of which brought international donor resources and governance, the issue of where and how to teach young people about sex became a new battleground over the state’s authority to govern the health and economic prosperity of its citizens. Conclusions Ethno- and religio-nationalist rhetoric used to oppose the state’s new sexuality education policy was also used to justify sex education as a tool for economic development. Policy Implications Analyzing rhetoric mobilized by both supporters and detractors of sex education reveals the contested political terrain policy advocates must navigate in Uganda and other postcolonial contexts.

Abstract Faith-based organizations and faith-based health facilities are crucial providers of healthcare. They help ensure religious leaders (RLs) are equipped with the proper information and training to address barriers and myths about family planning (FP). A low-literacy booklet was adapted from “Facts for Family Planning” that religious leaders could use to talk about FP with community members with lower levels of formal education. They also included Biblical passages, definitions and reasons why it is important for Christians to discuss these issues. The English version was translated into seven languages. These guides have been shared with at least 1,000 faith leaders in Uganda and Kenya. Religious leaders in Uganda held 168 awareness-raising events and reached 4,335 people with this information and referred individuals to health facilities for further information about FP methods. These low-literacy booklets gave RLs the confidence to speak in churches, at weddings and markets, etc about this issue, partly due to their training and partly due to the confidence that these booklets were being distributed among RLs in multiple countries and languages. Taking the time to build a system to test translated materials is also important. CCIH worked with FHI360/APC to develop testing protocol, which was IRB approved. These materials were tested via Focus Groups and In-depth-Interviews and materials (we recommend translating all materials into the language being tested) are available for public use. Ensuring mother-tongue language and education level appropriate materials are available for community-based programs is critical for community ownership and application of training. In addition, ensuring such materials are not just available for one project in one place is key for information sharing digitally for anyone to use and translate the English version into further languages. Key messages Demonstrate the capacity of religious leaders to break down barriers and myths about family planning in their communities. Being responsive to community needs via low-literacy materials in local languages.

After a realisation that there are scanty studies conducted on university teachers trainees’ sexual experiences and how these experiences are shaped by gender, age and religion, this study set out to conduct survey on final/third year university teacher-trainees in two selected teacher training university colleges, one in Uganda and another in Tanzania, with the purpose of examining the role of gender, age and religion in explaining the variations in age of first sexual experience and number of both past and current sexual partners among the university teacher-trainees. The purely quantitative study was conducted on a population of 557 teacher-trainees who were selected that the students studied were drawn from a sample taken from a population using systematic random sampling. The teacher-trainees were final/third year students at both Makerere University’s College of Education and External Studies (MUK) and University of Dar es Salaam’s Constituent College of Education known as Dar es Salaam University College of Education (UDSM). The observed scores and resultant variations revealed that the variation in age of first sexual experience among male and female and male teacher trainees was non-significant while the variation in number of both past and current sexual partners among the two genders was significant. The variation in age of first sexual experience among the age groups was significant while the variation in number of both past and current sexual partners among the existing age groups was non-significant. The variation in age of first sexual experience, number of past and current sexual partners among the existing religions was non-significant all through. Basing on these findings therefore, it is recommended that sex education and policies be introduced in high institutions of learning while stressing education on contraception and messages about sex. Religious leaders too should participate in teaching against behaviours that lead to consequences of early sex debut and existence of concurrent multiple sexual partners among young people.

The burden of cervical cancer in Uganda is high yet uptake of HPV vaccination is low. Identification of child and mother factors associated with HPV vaccination are important for targeted interventions however, this problem has not been well investigated. The aim of the study was to determine the prevalence of HPV vaccine uptake and associated factors among the10 to 17-year-old girls in Central Uganda four years after rolling out the vaccine in the country. The cross-sectional survey was done in Wakiso and Nakasongola districts in Central Uganda. A total of 503 girls participated in the study. Logistic regression analyses were done to establish the relationship between vaccination status and socio-demographic characteristics of the girls and their mothers. HPV vaccination uptake was generally low (39.4%) in central Uganda and significantly associated with; mothers’ education attainment, HPV knowledge, mothers’ age, religion, wealth index, type of residence, birth order and schooling status. There were reduced odds of HPV vaccination among Pentecostal girls [OR=0.44; (95% CI: 0.21-0.90), p=0.025)] and rural dwelling girls [OR=0.24 (95% CI: 0.16-0.37), P=0.016)]. The likelihood of vaccination was higher among girls; of birth order three [OR=2.45 (95% CI: 1.25-4.82), P=0.029)], who were schooling [OR=2.73 (95% CI: 1.12-6.63), P=0.027)], with high wealth index [OR= 2.31 (95% CI: 1.12-4.76), P=0.024)], living with mothers with high HPV knowledge [OR= 2.26 (95% CI: 1.41-3.61), P=0.001)], and whose mothers were aged 30-39 years [OR= 2.44 (95% CI: 1.07-5.59), P=0.034)]. Both child and mother characteristics showed a marked impact on HPV vaccination. Strategies like creation of awareness should target girls: in rural areas, not schooling, with lower social economic status, living with women below 29 years, of lower birth orders, and living with less knowledgeable women; and involving religious leaders in programs should be embraced in order to achieve high vaccination uptake.

Abstract Caregiving for cancer and HIV/AIDS patients is complex, and the burden may vary with the type of disease, stages of the illness, and the type of palliative care intervention. Cancer and HIV/AIDS diagnosis and treatment adversely affect not only the patients but also their families and caregivers. They are vulnerable to stress, distress, and depression. Studies in developed countries have shown high prevalence of depression among family caregivers, but the scale of the problem among family caregivers in Uganda is not known. Objective This study aimed to establish the prevalence and factors associated with depressive symptoms among family caregivers of palliative care patients at Hospice Africa Uganda. Method We used a mixed method study to determine the prevalence and factors associated with depressive symptoms among family caregivers of palliative care patients at Hospice Africa Uganda. We assessed depressive symptoms using the Patient Health Questionnaire-9 (PHQ-9) and collected socio-demographic data using a tailored questionnaire. We used binary logistic regression to assess for the association between depressive symptomatology and caregiver socio-demographic and clinical characteristics. Results We recruited 161 family caregivers, 64% of whom were female. The study revealed a high prevalence of depressive symptoms (46%) (n = 74) among the family caregivers. Education status and religious affiliation were significantly associated with depressive symptomatology. Significance of results Family caregivers of palliative care patients face a high burden of depressive symptoms. Efforts to care for family caregivers within palliative care should include assessment and management of depressive symptoms in this population.

As a prosperous and developed country, of course the State of Brunei Darussalam has implemented a very good education, economy and government system in accordance with the state ideology that is firmly held, namely Malay Islam Beraja (MIB). In the aspect of education, socio-economics and leadership in Brunei Darussalam embody Islam that is Rahmatan lil alamin according to the explanation we have conveyed. Education in Brunei Darussalam is characterized by the dominance of Islamic Religious Education which is specifically managed by Kesultanana in the Haji Sultan Hassanal Bolkiah Foundation (YSHHB) as well as at the tertiary level such as at UBD (Universiti Brunei Darussalam), KUPU (Kolej Universiti Perguruan Ugama) Seri Begawan and UNISSA (Sultan Sharif Ali Islamic University).The Sultanate government as fully responsible for the education process also integrates Islamic religious education with science, where according to the teachings in the Qur'an and Hadith, all have a connection and are beneficial to humans. Likewise with progress in the economic sector, where the State of Brunei Darussalam is a producer of oil and gas in Southeast Asia and even globally, which supports the welfare of its people. A government system that continues to maintain security and stability by adhering to the MIB ideology, carrying out Islamic teachings very well, this can be seen from every policy and regulation delivered by the Sultanate.

“Human beings are not born once and for all on the day their mothers give birth to them [...] life obliges them over and over again to give birth to themselves.” (Garcia Marquez 165) Introduction The refugee experience is, at heart, one of rebirth. Just as becoming a new, distinctive being—biological birth—necessarily involves the physical separation of mother and infant, so becoming a refugee entails separation from a "mother country." This mother country may or may not be a recognised nation state; the point is that the refugee transitions from physical connectedness to separation, from insider to outsider, from endemic to alien. Like babies, refugees may have little control over the timing and conditions of their expulsion. Successful resettlement requires not one rebirth but multiple rebirths—resettlement is a lifelong process (Layton)—which in turn require hope, imagination, and energy. In rebirthing themselves over and over again, people who have fled or been forced from their homelands become both mother and child. They do not go through this rebirthing alone. A range of agencies and individuals may be there to assist, including immigration officials, settlement services, schools and teachers, employment agencies and employers, English as a Second Language (ESL) resources and instructors, health-care providers, counsellors, diasporic networks, neighbours, church groups, and other community organisations. The nature, intensity, and duration of these “midwives’” interventions—and when they occur and in what combinations—vary hugely from place to place and from person to person, but there is clear evidence that post-migration experiences have a significant impact on settlement outcomes (Fozdar and Hartley). This paper draws on qualitative research I did in 2012 in a regional town in New South Wales to illuminate some of the ways in which settlement aides ease, or impede, refugees’ rebirth as fully recognised and participating Australians. I begin by considering what it means to be resilient before tracing some of the dimensions of the resettlement process. In doing so, I draw on data from interviews and focus groups with former refugees, service providers, and other residents of the town I shall call Easthaven. First, though, a word about Easthaven. As is the case in many rural and regional parts of Australia, Easthaven’s population is strongly dominated by Anglo Celtic and Saxon ancestries: 2011 Census data show that more than 80 per cent of residents were born in Australia (compared with a national figure of 69.8 per cent) and about 90 per cent speak only English at home (76.8 per cent). Almost twice as many people identify as Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander as the national figure of 2.5 per cent (Australian Bureau of Statistics). For several years Easthaven has been an official “Refugee Welcome Zone”, welcoming hundreds of refugees from diverse countries in Africa and the Middle East as well as from Myanmar. This reflects the Department of Immigration and Citizenship’s drive to settle a fifth of Australia’s 13,750 humanitarian entrants a year directly in regional areas. In Easthaven’s schools—which is where I focused my research—almost all of the ESL students are from refugee backgrounds. Defining Resilience Much of the research on human resilience is grounded in psychology, with a capacity to “bounce back” from adverse experiences cited in many definitions of resilience (e.g. American Psychological Association). Bouncing back implies a relatively quick process, and a return to a state or form similar to that which existed before the encounter with adversity. Yet resilience often requires sustained effort and significant changes in identity. As Jerome Rugaruza, a former UNHCR refugee, says of his journey from the Democratic Republic of Congo to Australia: All the steps begin in the burning village: you run with nothing to eat, no clothes. You just go. Then you get to the refugee camp […] You have a little bread and you thank god you are safe. Then after a few years in the camp, you think about a future for your children. You arrive in Australia and then you learn a new language, you learn to drive. There are so many steps and not everyone can do it. (Milsom) Not everyone can do it, but a large majority do. Research by Graeme Hugo, for example, shows that although humanitarian settlers in Australia face substantial barriers to employment and initially have much higher unemployment rates than other immigrants, for most nationality groups this difference has disappeared by the second generation: “This is consistent with the sacrifice (or investment) of the first generation and the efforts extended to attain higher levels of education and English proficiency, thereby reducing the barriers over time.” (Hugo 35). Ingrid Poulson writes that “resilience is not just about bouncing. Bouncing […] is only a reaction. Resilience is about rising—you rise above it, you rise to the occasion, you rise to the challenge. Rising is an active choice” (47; my emphasis) I see resilience as involving mental and physical grit, coupled with creativity, aspiration and, crucially, agency. Dimensions of Resettlement To return to the story of 41-year-old Jerome Rugaruza, as related in a recent newspaper article: He [Mr Rugaruza] describes the experience of being a newly arrived refugee as being like that of a newborn baby. “You need special care; you have to learn to speak [English], eat the different food, create relationships, connections”. (Milsom) This is a key dimension of resettlement: the adult becomes like an infant again, shifting from someone who knows how things work and how to get by to someone who is likely to be, for a while, dependent on others for even the most basic things—communication, food, shelter, clothing, and social contact. The “special care” that most refugee arrivals need initially (and sometimes for a long time) often results in their being seen as deficient—in knowledge, skills, dispositions, and capacities as well as material goods (Keddie; Uptin, Wright and Harwood). As Fozdar and Hartley note: “The tendency to use a deficit model in refugee resettlement devalues people and reinforces the view of the mainstream population that refugees are a liability” (27). Yet unlike newborns, humanitarian settlers come to their new countries with rich social networks and extensive histories of experience and learning—resources that are in fact vital to their rebirth. Sisay (all names are pseudonyms), a year 11 student of Ethiopian heritage who was born in Kenya, told me with feeling: I had a life back in Africa [her emphasis]. It was good. Well, I would go back there if there’s no problems, which—is a fact. And I came here for a better life—yeah, I have a better life, there’s good health care, free school, and good environment and all that. But what’s that without friends? A fellow student, Celine, who came to Australia five years ago from Burundi via Uganda, told me in a focus group: Some teachers are really good but I think some other teachers could be a little bit more encouraging and understanding of what we’ve gone through, because [they] just look at you like “You’re year 11 now, you should know this” […] It’s really discouraging when [the teachers say] in front of the class, “Oh, you shouldn’t do this subject because you haven’t done this this this this” […] It’s like they’re on purpose to tell you “you don’t have what it takes; just give up and do something else.” As Uptin, Wright and Harwood note, “schools not only have the power to position who is included in schooling (in culture and pedagogy) but also have the power to determine whether there is room and appreciation for diversity” (126). Both Sisay and Celine were disheartened by the fact they felt some of their teachers, and many of their peers, had little interest in or understanding of their lives before they came to Australia. The teachers’ low expectations of refugee-background students (Keddie, Uptin, Wright and Harwood) contrasted with the students’ and their families’ high expectations of themselves (Brown, Miller and Mitchell; Harris and Marlowe). When I asked Sisay about her post-school ambitions, she said: “I have a good idea of my future […] write a documentary. And I’m working on it.” Celine’s response was: “I know I’m gonna do medicine, be a doctor.” A third girl, Lily, who came to Australia from Myanmar three years ago, told me she wanted to be an accountant and had studied accounting at the local TAFE last year. Joseph, a father of three who resettled from South Sudan seven years ago, stressed how important getting a job was to successful settlement: [But] you have to get a certificate first to get a job. Even the job of cleaning—when I came here I was told that somebody has to go to have training in cleaning, to use the different chemicals to clean the ground and all that. But that is just sweeping and cleaning with water—you don’t need the [higher-level] skills. Simple jobs like this, we are not able to get them. In regional Australia, employment opportunities tend to be limited (Fozdar and Hartley); the unemployment rate in Easthaven is twice the national average. Opportunities to study are also more limited than in urban centres, and would-be students are not always eligible for financial assistance to gain or upgrade qualifications. Even when people do have appropriate qualifications, work experience, and language proficiency, the colour of their skin may still mean they miss out on a job. Tilbury and Colic-Peisker have documented the various ways in which employers deflect responsibility for racial discrimination, including the “common” strategy (658) of arguing that while the employer or organisation is not prejudiced, they have to discriminate because of their clients’ needs or expectations. I heard this strategy deployed in an interview with a local businesswoman, Catriona: We were advertising for a new technician. And one of the African refugees came to us and he’d had a lot of IT experience. And this is awful, but we felt we couldn't give him the job, because we send our technicians into people's houses, and we knew that if a black African guy rocked up at someone’s house to try and fix their computer, they would not always be welcomed in all—look, it would not be something that [Easthaven] was ready for yet. Colic-Peisker and Tilbury (Refugees and Employment) note that while Australia has strict anti-discrimination legislation, this legislation may be of little use to the people who, because of the way they look and sound (skin colour, dress, accent), are most likely to face prejudice and discrimination. The researchers found that perceived discrimination in the labour market affected humanitarian settlers’ sense of satisfaction with their new lives far more than, for example, racist remarks, which were generally shrugged off; the students I interviewed spoke of racism as “expected,” but “quite rare.” Most of the people Colic-Peisker and Tilbury surveyed reported finding Australians “friendly and accepting” (33). Even if there is no active discrimination on the basis of skin colour in employment, education, or housing, or overt racism in social situations, visible difference can still affect a person’s sense of belonging, as Joseph recounts: I think of myself as Australian, but my colour doesn’t [laughs] […] Unfortunately many, many Australians are expecting that Australia is a country of Europeans … There is no need for somebody to ask “Where do you come from?” and “Do you find Australia here safe?” and “Do you enjoy it?” Those kind of questions doesn’t encourage that we are together. This highlights another dimension of resettlement: the journey from feeling “at home” to feeling “foreign” to, eventually, feeling at home again in the host country (Colic-Peisker and Tilbury, Refugees and Employment). In the case of visibly different settlers, however, this last stage may never be completed. Whether the questions asked of Joseph are well intentioned or not, their effect may be the same: they position him as a “forever foreigner” (Park). A further dimension of resettlement—one already touched on—is the degree to which humanitarian settlers actively manage their “rebirth,” and are allowed and encouraged to do so. A key factor will be their mastery of English, and Easthaven’s ESL teachers are thus pivotal in the resettlement process. There is little doubt that many of these teachers have gone to great lengths to help this cohort of students, not only in terms of language acquisition but also social inclusion. However, in some cases what is initially supportive can, with time, begin to undermine refugees’ maturity into independent citizens. Sharon, an ESL teacher at one of the schools, told me how she and her colleagues would give their refugee-background students lifts to social events: But then maybe three years down the track they have a car and their dad can drive, but they still won’t take them […] We arrive to pick them up and they’re not ready, or there’s five fantastic cars in the driveway, and you pick up the student and they say “My dad’s car’s much bigger and better than yours” [laughs]. So there’s an expectation that we’ll do stuff for them, but we’ve created that [my emphasis]. Other support services may have more complex interests in keeping refugee settlers dependent. The more clients an agency has, the more services it provides, and the longer clients stay on its books, the more lucrative the contract for the agency. Thus financial and employment imperatives promote competition rather than collaboration between service providers (Fozdar and Hartley; Sidhu and Taylor) and may encourage assumptions about what sorts of services different individuals and groups want and need. Colic-Peisker and Tilbury (“‘Active’ and ‘Passive’ Resettlement”) have developed a typology of resettlement styles—“achievers,” “consumers,” “endurers,” and “victims”—but stress that a person’s style, while influenced by personality and pre-migration factors, is also shaped by the institutions and individuals they come into contact with: “The structure of settlement and welfare services may produce a victim mentality, leaving members of refugee communities inert and unable to see themselves as agents of change” (76). The prevailing narrative of “the traumatised refugee” is a key aspect of this dynamic (Colic-Peisker and Tilbury, “‘Active’ and ‘Passive’ Resettlement”; Fozdar and Hartley; Keddie). Service providers may make assumptions about what humanitarian settlers have gone through before arriving in Australia, how they have been affected by their experiences, and what must be done to “fix” them. Norah, a long-time caseworker, told me: I think you get some [providers] who go, “How could you have gone through something like that and not suffered? There must be—you must have to talk about this stuff” […] Where some [refugees] just come with the [attitude] “We’re all born into a situation; that was my situation, but I’m here now and now my focus is this.” She cited failure to consider cultural sensitivities around mental illness and to recognise that stress and anxiety during early resettlement are normal (Tilbury) as other problems in the sector: [Newly arrived refugees] go through the “happy to be here” [phase] and now “hang on, I’ve thumped to the bottom and I’m missing my own foods and smells and cultures and experiences”. I think sometimes we’re just too quick to try and slot people into a box. One factor that appears to be vital in fostering and sustaining resilience is social connection. Norah said her clients were “very good on the mobile phone” and had links “everywhere,” including to family and friends in their countries of birth, transition countries, and other parts of Australia. A 2011 report for DIAC, Settlement Outcomes of New Arrivals, found that humanitarian entrants to Australia were significantly more likely to be members of cultural and/or religious groups than other categories of immigrants (Australian Survey Research). I found many examples of efforts to build both bonding and bridging capital (Putnam) in Easthaven, and I offer two examples below. Several people told me about a dinner-dance that had been held a few weeks before one of my visits. The event was organised by an African women’s group, which had been formed—with funding assistance—several years before. The dinner-dance was advertised in the local newspaper and attracted strong interest from a broad cross-section of Easthaveners. To Debbie, a counsellor, the response signified a “real turnaround” in community relations and was a big boon to the women’s sense of belonging. Erica, a teacher, told me about a cultural exchange day she had organised between her bush school—where almost all of the children are Anglo Australian—and ESL students from one of the town schools: At the start of the day, my kids were looking at [the refugee-background students] and they were scared, they were saying to me, "I feel scared." And we shoved them all into this tiny little room […] and they had no choice but to sit practically on top of each other. And by the end of the day, they were hugging each other and braiding their hair and jumping and playing together. Like Uptin, Wright and Harwood, I found that the refugee-background students placed great importance on the social aspects of school. Sisay, the girl I introduced earlier in this paper, said: “It’s just all about friendship and someone to be there for you […] We try to be friends with them [the non-refugee students] sometimes but sometimes it just seems they don’t want it.” Conclusion A 2012 report on refugee settlement services in NSW concludes that the state “is not meeting its responsibility to humanitarian entrants as well as it could” (Audit Office of New South Wales 2); moreover, humanitarian settlers in NSW are doing less well on indicators such as housing and health than humanitarian settlers in other states (3). Evaluating the effectiveness of formal refugee-centred programs was not part of my research and is beyond the scope of this paper. Rather, I have sought to reveal some of the ways in which the attitudes, assumptions, and everyday practices of service providers and members of the broader community impact on refugees' settlement experience. What I heard repeatedly in the interviews I conducted was that it was emotional and practical support (Matthews; Tilbury), and being asked as well as told (about their hopes, needs, desires), that helped Easthaven’s refugee settlers bear themselves into fulfilling new lives. References Audit Office of New South Wales. Settling Humanitarian Entrants in New South Wales—Executive Summary. May 2012. 15 Aug. 2013 ‹http://www.audit.nsw.gov.au/ArticleDocuments/245/02_Humanitarian_Entrants_2012_Executive_Summary.pdf.aspx?Embed=Y>. Australian Bureau of Statistics. 2011 Census QuickStats. Mar. 2013. 11 Aug. 2013 ‹http://www.censusdata.abs.gov.au/census_services/getproduct/census/2011/quickstat/0>. Australian Survey Research. Settlement Outcomes of New Arrivals—Report of Findings. Apr. 2011. 15 Aug. 2013 ‹http://www.immi.gov.au/media/publications/research/_pdf/settlement-outcomes-new-arrivals.pdf>. Brown, Jill, Jenny Miller, and Jane Mitchell. “Interrupted Schooling and the Acquisition of Literacy: Experiences of Sudanese Refugees in Victorian Secondary Schools.” Australian Journal of Language and Literacy 29.2 (2006): 150-62. Colic-Peisker, Val, and Farida Tilbury. “‘Active’ and ‘Passive’ Resettlement: The Influence of Supporting Services and Refugees’ Own Resources on Resettlement Style.” International Migration 41.5 (2004): 61-91. ———. Refugees and Employment: The Effect of Visible Difference on Discrimination—Final Report. Perth: Centre for Social and Community Research, Murdoch University, 2007. Fozdar, Farida, and Lisa Hartley. “Refugee Resettlement in Australia: What We Know and Need To Know.” Refugee Survey Quarterly 4 Jun. 2013. 12 Aug. 2013 ‹http://rsq.oxfordjournals.org/search?fulltext=fozdar&submit=yes&x=0&y=0>. Garcia Marquez, Gabriel. Love in the Time of Cholera. London: Penguin Books, 1989. Harris, Vandra, and Jay Marlowe. “Hard Yards and High Hopes: The Educational Challenges of African Refugee University Students in Australia.” International Journal of Teaching and Learning in Higher Education 23.2 (2011): 186-96. Hugo, Graeme. A Significant Contribution: The Economic, Social and Civic Contributions of First and Second Generation Humanitarian Entrants—Summary of Findings. Canberra: Department of Immigration and Citizenship, 2011. Keddie, Amanda. “Pursuing Justice for Refugee Students: Addressing Issues of Cultural (Mis)recognition.” International Journal of Inclusive Education 16.12 (2012): 1295-1310. Layton, Robyn. "Building Capacity to Ensure the Inclusion of Vulnerable Groups." Creating Our Future conference, Adelaide, 28 Jul. 2012. Milsom, Rosemarie. “From Hard Luck Life to the Lucky Country.” Sydney Morning Herald 20 Jun. 2013. 12 Aug. 2013 ‹http://www.smh.com.au/national/from-hard-luck-life-to-the-lucky-country-20130619-2oixl.html>. Park, Gilbert C. “’Are We Real Americans?’: Cultural Production of Forever Foreigners at a Diversity Event.” Education and Urban Society 43.4 (2011): 451-67. Poulson, Ingrid. Rise. Sydney: Pan Macmillan Australia, 2008. Putnam, Robert D. Bowling Alone: The Collapse and Revival of American Community. New York: Simon & Schuster, 2000. Sidhu, Ravinder K., and Sandra Taylor. “The Trials and Tribulations of Partnerships in Refugee Settlement Services in Australia.” Journal of Education Policy 24.6 (2009): 655-72. Tilbury, Farida. “‘I Feel I Am a Bird without Wings’: Discourses of Sadness and Loss among East Africans in Western Australia.” Identities: Global Studies in Culture and Power 14.4 (2007): 433-58. ———, and Val Colic-Peisker. “Deflecting Responsibility in Employer Talk about Race Discrimination.” Discourse & Society 17.5 (2006): 651-76. Uptin, Jonnell, Jan Wright, and Valerie Harwood. “It Felt Like I Was a Black Dot on White Paper: Examining Young Former Refugees’ Experience of Entering Australian High Schools.” The Australian Educational Researcher 40.1 (2013): 125-37.