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1

Hopkin, David. "Les religieux et la culture vernaculaire en Europe : un aperçu et un exemple." Port Acadie, no. 24-25-26 (October 31, 2013): 424–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1019149ar.

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Le rôle joué par les religieux tant dans la collecte que dans la valorisation des traditions orales n’est pas spécifique à la Bretagne ni au Canada francophone : les religieux sont tout aussi présents parmi les folkloristes et ethnographes d’autres régions de l’Europe. Et les mêmes questions peuvent être posées sur leur implication dans la culture populaire : leur investissement a-t-il à voir avec leur vocation religieuse (ou était-ce simplement un résultat fortuit chez une personne cultivée au fait des tendances littéraires qui vit en étroite relation avec la culture rurale) ? Comment ont-ils surmonté l’hostilité religieuse pour certains éléments douteux de la culture populaire, et l’association du populaire et de la superstition ? Y avait-il notamment des réseaux cléricaux autour des savoirs populaires qui diffusaient des modèles de comportement en matière de collecte ? Y avait-il une conception spécifiquement catholique ou protestante de la valeur du folklore ? Comment la position d’autorité des prêtres au sein de la communauté a-t-elle influé sur leur pratique de collecte ? Comment ont-ils répondu à la politisation de la religion ? Quel est l’impact de toutes ces considérations sur les matériaux qu’ils ont recueillis et sur la façon dont ils les ont diffusés auprès du public ? Après un court résumé de la place des religieux dans la collecte folklorique en Europe depuis le dix-huitième siècle, ce chapitre considère trois motifs qui ont poussé les religieux à s’intéresser à la culture vernaculaire : le sens du merveilleux ; le problème de survivances païennes, et les savoirs linguistiques au service des missions. Pour conclure on prend l’exemple du père Louis Pinck, l’un des religieux les plus redoutables dans le Reichsland Elsass-Lothringen, et personnage controversé dans l’histoire mouvementée de l’Alsace et de la Lorraine entre les deux guerres. Si les cinq volumes du Weisen Verklingende de Pinck sont l’un des grands monuments de la collecte de la chanson folklorique en France au xxe siècle, leur forme doit beaucoup à l’influence de ses préoccupations religieuses et sacerdotales. La Lorraine présente un point commun avec la Bretagne et le Canada francophone : la politique linguistique y a également été au centre des activités de collecte.
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2

Claverie, Élisabeth, and Anna Fedele. "Incertitudes et religions vernaculaires/Uncertainty in vernacular religions." Social Compass 61, no. 4 (November 12, 2014): 487–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0037768614546996.

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3

Hernández-Carretero, María. "The Anti-Politics of Inclusion." Social Anthropology/Anthropologie Sociale 31, no. 1 (March 1, 2023): 48–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/saas.2023.310105.

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Abstract This article examines volunteer engagement with newcomers in Norway following increased arrivals in 2015, through which locals wished to help the newly arrived settle into Norwegian society. I explore why some volunteers described these activities as ‘apolitical’, sometimes actively silencing topics connected to politics and religion. Volunteers’ depoliticising tendencies represent an effort to promote social cohesion in the context of polarised immigration debates, of a vernacular inclination to fostering social cohesion by minimising differences, and of a longstanding cooperative relationship between Norwegian civil society and state. While regarded by some volunteers as apolitical, these activities matched authorities’ encouragement of citizen engagement with newcomers’ ‘everyday integration’ and reproduced state logics of integration, concerned with equipping newcomers with the linguistic, societal and cultural knowledge deemed necessary for their incorporation. By reproducing hierarchies between different types of newcomers, helpers and helped, and state ideas of difference, volunteers inadvertently produced an ‘anti-politics of inclusion’. Cet article propose d'interroger l'engagement bénévole de la population locale vis-à-vis des nouveaux.lles arrivant.e.s en Norvège, à la suite de l'augmentation du nombre de demandeurs.ses d'asile, réfugié.e.s et autres migrant.e.s venant en Europe en 2015. En favorisant des initiatives locales directes d'accompagnement, les habitants souhaitaient faciliter l'intégration de ces personnes dans leurs nouvelles communautés. J'examine alors comment des bénévoles parlent de ces activités en termes d'inclusion et sans connotation politique, en écartant parfois, au cours des activités, des sujets liés à la politique et à la religion. Je postule que la dépolitisation pratique et discursive des bénévoles doit être considérée comme un engagement visant à promouvoir la cohésion sociale dans une période marquée par des débats polarisés sur l'immigration. Plus largement, ces engagements s'inscrivent dans le cadre d'une tendance vernaculaire visant à promouvoir la cohésion sociale en minimisant la perception de la différence, et s'insèrent dans une politique favorisant un dialogue de longue date entre la société civile norvégienne et l’État. Mais alors que les bénévoles considèrent ces activités comme dénuées de toute connotation politique, elles correspondent finalement à la politique des autorités d'encourageant l'engagement citoyen par ‘l'intégration au quotidien’ des nouveaux.elles arrivant.e.s. De même, je montre que la structuration et les objectifs des activités bénévoles perpétuent cette politique étatique qui veut favoriser la transmission du savoir linguistique, social et culturel aux nouveaux.elles arrivant.e.s afin qu'ils/elles puissent trouver leur place dans la société. Cet article propose donc d'analyser le paradoxe créé par des bénévoles qui, en reproduisant le sens de la distinction et les hiérarchies entre différents groupes – nouveaux arrivant.e.s, assistant.e.s, et personnes assistées – ont, à leur insu, impulsé ‘une antipolit ique de l'inclusion’.
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4

Illman, Ruth. "Researching vernacular Judaism: reflections on theory and method." Nordisk Judaistik/Scandinavian Jewish Studies 30, no. 1 (May 26, 2019): 91–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.30752/nj.77287.

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This article presents the ethnographically driven multi-method research perspective of vernacular religion and analyses its potential to contribute to the theoretical advancement of Jewish studies. The ongoing discussion on religion and change within the study of religions in gen­eral and Jewish studies in particular is outlined and structured around three ‘turns’ identified in the re­search on vernacular religiosity. To exemplify these theoretical and methodological considerations, a recently initiated research project focusing on vernacular Judaism in Finland is presented. This project seeks to examine central ideas of boundaries as they are negotiated and interpreted among Finnish Jewry, to compare the emerging patterns with Nordic counterparts and thus contribute to a more nuanced perception of Jewish identities in these contexts. The article concludes with a discussion on the advances of such an approach, pointing to the relative novelty of research into vernacular religion within Jewish studies and the exceptionality of the Finnish Jewish context.
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Raybaud, Corrine. "Commentaires sur le Premier Code des Lois de Huahine: E Ture No Huahine (1822-1823)." Victoria University of Wellington Law Review 32, no. 3 (August 4, 2001): 767. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/vuwlr.v32i3.5871.

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Le 5 mars 1797 débarquèrent du «Duff», les premiers missionnaires de la London Missionary Society. Ils commencèrent l’évangélisation des populations au début du XIXème siècle, tout d’abord à Tahiti et Moorea, puis dans les îles-sous-le-vent. Avec la progression du christianisme, des pans entiers de l’ancienne religion s’effondraient et les repères de la société se dissolvaient lentement. Le roi Pomare II sut tirer le meilleur parti de l’influence des missionnaires pour accroître son pouvoir sur des populations jusque là soumises à de nombreuses autorités. Les missionnaires se servirent de l’appui des Pomare pour réaliser leur évangélisation. Rapidement la nécessité apparue de rédiger des codes de lois, sorte de codes de bonne conduite qui feraient pendant dans le domaine profane à la Bible que les missionnaires faisaient découvrir en langue vernaculaire aux populations. Ces codes relatent les derniers aspects de la coutume, dans une société de tradition orale en plein bouleversement Ainsi furent promulgués par le roi Pomare II en 1819 les 19 articles du premier code de lois en Polynésie: le code E Ture1 No Tahiti. L’année suivante, en 1820 le roi Tamatoa aux îles-sous-le-vent proclama les 25 articles du code E Ture No Raiatea e no Tahaa e no Porapora e no Maupiti…. En 1823, la reine de Huahine, Teri’itaria fille de Tamatoa roi des îles-sous-le-vent et belle-soeur et concubine de Pomare II promulgua le premier code de lois de l’île de Huahine réalisé par des missionnaires et quelques chefs de l’île. Il comportait 30 articles et représentait la législation la plus aboutie en ce début de XIXème siècle en Polynésie.
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Valk, Ülo. "The Instrumental Vernacular." Journal of Ethnology and Folkloristics 17, no. 2 (December 1, 2023): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/jef-2023-0014.

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Abstract Written as a response to professor Simon Bronner’s critical analysis of the concept vernacular and its uses, published in the Journal of Ethnology and Folkloristics (2022), the article highlights the functionality of the term ‘vernacular’. It has become a folkloristic category, binding conceptual domains such as ‘folk’ and ‘institutional’, ‘folkloric’ and ‘authored’, ‘oral’ and ‘literary’, ‘belief’ and ‘knowledge’, which have often been set apart in former scholarship. The main focus of the article is on vernacular religion as a concept and methodology, introduced by Leonard N. Primiano in the 1990s, which opened up a new perspective in the study of religions. The article considers ‘vernacular’ as a flexible concept, instrumental in developing folkloristics in its trans-disciplinary dialogues. Projected on the history of folk-loristics as a multilingual field of studies with roots in multiple national, regional and ethnic traditions, vernacular as an outlook enables us to think of folklore as a transcultural concept and disconnect it from colonial legacies.
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Kamusella, Tomasz. "The Arabic Language: A Latin of Modernity?" Journal of Nationalism, Memory & Language Politics 11, no. 2 (December 29, 2017): 117–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jnmlp-2017-0006.

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Abstract Standard Arabic is directly derived from the language of the Quran. The Arabic language of the holy book of Islam is seen as the prescriptive benchmark of correctness for the use and standardization of Arabic. As such, this standard language is removed from the vernaculars over a millennium years, which Arabic-speakers employ nowadays in everyday life. Furthermore, standard Arabic is used for written purposes but very rarely spoken, which implies that there are no native speakers of this language. As a result, no speech community of standard Arabic exists. Depending on the region or state, Arabs (understood here as Arabic speakers) belong to over 20 different vernacular speech communities centered around Arabic dialects. This feature is unique among the so-called “large languages” of the modern world. However, from a historical perspective, it can be likened to the functioning of Latin as the sole (written) language in Western Europe until the Reformation and in Central Europe until the mid-19th century. After the seventh to ninth century, there was no Latin-speaking community, while in day-to-day life, people who employed Latin for written use spoke vernaculars. Afterward these vernaculars replaced Latin in written use also, so that now each recognized European language corresponds to a speech community. In future, faced with the demands of globalization, the diglossic nature of Arabic may yet yield a ternary polyglossia (triglossia): with the vernacular for everyday life; standard Arabic for formal texts, politics, and religion; and a western language (English, French, or Spanish) for science, business technology, and the perusal of belles-lettres.
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8

Monteith, W. Graham. "The constructive use of ‘vernacular religion’." Scottish Journal of Theology 59, no. 4 (October 16, 2006): 413–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0036930606002559.

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The study of vernacular religion is often confined to the discussion of ‘folk religion’ in a rather derogatory and sterile manner. An attempt is made to correct this by describing seven ideal-typical ways in which vernacular religion can be studied and defined. The seven types or discussions are: 1) whether vernacular religion represents elitist or popular religious practices and the nature of New Religious Movements; 2) the study of cults and New Religious Movements; 3) vernacular religion as folklore; 4) Bellah's concept of ‘civil religion’ and its application to modern British culture particularly as it relates to public expressions of mourning; 5) ecclesiastical historians' use of the concept in historical studies; 6) Küng's use of paradigm as formulated by Kuhn, discussed in the context of two examples of modern usage of the term in vernacular religion; and 7) vernacular religion and modern hermeneutics as preachers attempt to relate local practices to their congregations. In order to use any combinations of these constructions in a positive manner, it is suggested that we develop a diagnostic technique which recognises that people have an inherent desire to discover ways of relating everyday experience to their religious expression. Such a method is developed using both Murphy and Tracy to show how attention may be paid to vernacular religion without succumbing to the trap of relativism.
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CAMBOSE, ASTRID. "Reflections on Christian Magic." Martor. The Museum of the Romanian Peasant Anthropology Review 28 (November 15, 2023): 138–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.57225/martor.2023.28.09.

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This article tackles the much-disputed borderline between religion and magic, focusing on a sensitive subject that is still under debate: the Christian magic. The Christian doctrine states its irreconcilable opposition to magic, but in a practical perspective the line of separation between the two is quite blurred. The paper argues that many Christian priests and most of the Christian believers can be seen as practitioners of magic, like shamans, clairvoyants, or witches in more marginal cults. These practitioners form a very large community with shared practices of confronting evil. They interrelate on the grounds of timeless common magic representations. The paper suggests that in all religions, and despite the possible prescriptions of the religious authorities, the commoners produce and make use of their own version of that specific religion. Scholars call this version a popular, lay, or vernacular religion. The present article explores the cultural and social meaning of these terms. In the case of vernacular Christianity, should the interpretation focus on Christianity, or on the too vaguely defined term vernacular? And, in the latter case, is it sure that some vernacular features could still be called Christian? The present article proposes an analysis of field data separated from the usual religious frame of interpretation in order to reach a possibly different understanding of how popular religion actually works on a daily basis. Can popular practice transform any given religion into some sort of magic bearing the appearance and using the canonical religious symbols? The paper discusses contemporary examples based on the fieldwork I have conducted in villages with predominantly Orthodox Christian population and in villages with Roman Catholic population in the region of Moldavia, Romania, between 2015 and 2021. The data reflects the following practices: a) Fasting as a magic tool; b) Consecration of different substances and objects in order to sustain magic practices; and c) Special forms of religious service, such as “black liturgy” or “barefoot liturgy,” “cutting morsels,” priests’ curses, and priests’ help with believers’ oath-making. All these rituals have a religious appearance and at the same time they illustrate magic at work.
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Lyutaeva, Mariya S. "Lived Religion and Vernacular Religion. Conceptualization of the Terms." Vestnik of Northern (Arctic) Federal University. Series Humanitarian and Social Sciences, no. 3 (June 20, 2023): 119–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.37482/2687-1505-v261.

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The conceptual network used in modern religious studies is being constantly updated and supplemented with new terms, while “classical” concepts are undergoing semantic shifts as well. This paper is focused on the history of the notions of lived religion and vernacular religion, which entered the scientific lexicon in the late 20th century. Both terms relate to the study of everyday life and its philosophical understanding and are based on extensive empirical research as well as anthropological data. The concepts of lived religion and vernacular religion were proposed by scholars as an alternative to the traditional and widespread binary schemes for describing religion, which contrast the high/low, elite/folk and institutionalized/non-institutionalized forms of religion. The genesis and spread of these concepts reflected the general trend, which consists in refraining from applying a uniform Western European model and denominational theological discourse to the variable phenomena of religious experience. The term lived religion, which originated in memoirs and biographical literature, characterized the personal experience of Christians, extending to the daily religious practices of various traditions. Vernacular religion goes back to the Latin word vernaculus, which had been used to describe something native, local, domestic and, later, to distinguish the local language from the official Latin. The term was proposed by philologists to solve religious problems of studying unorganized, spontaneous, everyday and individual forms of manifestation of religion. Currently, both terms are being successfully used, including in Russian scientific discourse, in religious studies on various phenomena of materialization, kitsch, gender and many other aspects of religion.
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Cusack, Carole M. "Charmed Circle: Stonehenge, Contemporary Paganism, and Alternative Archaeology." Numen 59, no. 2-3 (2012): 138–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852712x630752.

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AbstractThe impressive stone circle Stonehenge is understood by academic archaeologists to be a site of ritual significance to the prehistoric inhabitants of Wiltshire. It is constructed on cosmological principles based on a solar alignment, reflecting “a distinctive idea of time, which revolved around the cyclical movements of sun, moon, and stars across the heavens, as indicators of the passing seasons” (Fagan 1998:160). This article sketches mainstream archaeological interpretations of Stonehenge, then contrasts them with the popular narrative of its Druidic origin and purpose, which emerged in the seventeenth century. Modern Druids have negotiated the right to perform rituals at Stonehenge with English Heritage, the custodial body with responsibility for the monument, and Druidry has been recognised as a religion in the United Kingdom in 2010 (Beckford 2010). Modern Druidry, an “invented tradition,” conflicts with academic archaeology in its claims regarding Stonehenge (Chippindale 1986:38–58). Postmodern archaeological theories, which privilege “popular folk archaeology” (Holtorf 2005b:11), are more open to vernacular interpretations of artifacts and sites. These perspectives are broadly compatible with the deregulated religio-spiritual marketplace of the twenty-first century, which is characterized by a plethora of new religions and a pluralistic model of religious truth.1
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Antonyan, Yulia. "Worship of Shrines in Armenia." Journal of Religion in Europe 14, no. 3-4 (December 20, 2021): 367–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18748929-bja10059.

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Abstract In this article, the author tries to trace the trajectories of Soviet and post-Soviet transformations of vernacular religiosity in Armenia, in particular, the cult of shrines. She argues that the cult of shrines and related manifestations of vernacular religion were consistently reconceptualized, first, in the period of Soviet secularization and modernization, and, secondly, in the period of post-Soviet and post-secular transformations of the Armenian society. The Soviet modernity led to ‘neo-archaization’ of vernacular religious practice by instrumentalizing some pre-institutional forms and manifestations of religiosity. The post-secular reconceptualization of vernacular religion draws upon new realities, such as mobile/virtual religiosity, new religious materiality, commodification and consumerism, and a new, modernized interplay between institutional and non-institutional dimensions of religion(s).
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Thornton, Brendan Jamal. "Refiguring Christianity and Black Atlantic Religion: Representation, Essentialism, and Christian Variation in the Southern Caribbean." Journal of the American Academy of Religion 89, no. 1 (March 1, 2021): 41–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jaarel/lfab023.

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Abstract This article considers the analytic categories scholars use to conceptualize religious difference in the Caribbean and addresses the relatively sparse theorizing of Christianity in the study of so-called syncretic or creole religions of the African diaspora. I take the Spiritual Baptists of Trinidad and Tobago as a case study to shed light on the significant divergences between vernacular definitions of Christianity and those designations scholars use to parse and make sense of Afro-Creole diversity. I am especially interested in what is at stake analytically. Spiritual Baptists challenge conventional articulations of Christian orthodoxy and Black Atlantic religiosity by reconciling a “fundamentalist” Christian identity with an especially fluid cosmopolitan eclecticism. Drawing on comprehensive ethnographic research, I show how the unique permutations of creole variation within Spiritual Baptist faith unsettle deterministic equations of race and religion and contest the often manufactured oppositions between Christianity and African religion.
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Siekierski, Konrad. "Review of: Roussou, Eugenia (2021) Orthodox Christianity, New Age Spirituality and Vernacular Religion: The “Evil Eye” in Greece. London, New York: Bloomsbury Advances in Religious Studies, Bloomsbury Academic — 216 p." State Religion and Church in Russia and Worldwide 39, no. 3 (2021): 338–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/2073-7203-2021-39-3-338-343.

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Alybina, Tatiana. "Contemporary Mari Belief: The Formation of Ethnic Religion." Journal of Ethnology and Folkloristics 12, no. 2 (December 1, 2018): 95–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/jef-2018-0013.

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Abstract In this article* I describe the process of developing of Mari ethnic religion based on the tradition of animistic beliefs. I aim to consider two areas of contemporary Mari religion, the activities of the official religious organisation and the vernacular tradition as practiced by people in the countryside. The Mari vernacular belief system has been seen as one of the components of Mari ethnic identity. Since the collapse of the Soviet Union, Mari religious tradition has played a role in strengthening national identity, and so the religious organisation has been officially registered. Today there is an attempt to adapt Mari religious practices to the conditions of the religious market, in the face of which vernacular tradition seems to lose its connection with the ethnic worldview and rural way of life. My analysis of research material from fieldwork conducted shows the existence of belief rituals that are followed independently from the official Mari religious movement. Contemporary Mari religious tradition has two layers and can be described as a process of transformation from vernacular belief to ethnic religion with its religious institutions and group of experts.
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Kovalchuk, Andriy, and Andriy Man’ko. "Paganism in Ukraine as a potential for the development of religious tourism." Visnyk of the Lviv University. Series Geography, no. 52 (June 27, 2018): 132–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vgg.2018.52.10179.

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An artificial term “pagan” is used to denote someone who believes in his/her authentic religion different from Abrahamic religions: Judaism, Christianity, and Islam. There are 400–500 millions of pagans in the world. They are divided into such groups: 1) aboriginal or autochthonous cults are widespread mostly among indigenous peoples of Asia, Africa, America, Australia and Oceania, and have not only deep historical roots, but also have kept the polytheistic religious worldview of their ethnos; 2) representatives of “vernacular” paganism, which combines some elements of ancient beliefs (magic, cult of nature, cult of ancestors, fortune telling etc.) with a specific Abrahamic religion; 3) groups of supporters of healthy lifestyle and living well in the harmony with nature, pagan religions characterized by substantial syncretism with environment-oriented teachings; 4) religious denominations, which combine an autochthonous religion of its people with its current political aims. Overall paganism is one of the least aggressive religions in the world. Ukrainian pagans (Ridnovirs, rodovirs (Slavic Native Faith)) have approximately 120 communities in all regions of Ukraine. The biggest amount of them is concentrated in Vinnytska, Khmelnytska, Zaporizka, Dnipropetrovska, Poltavska, Lvivska oblasts and the city of Kyiv. There are no foreigners among all clerics-pagans, which is unusual for most Ukrainian denominations. Paganism is an indigenous religion of the Ukrainians, which stands up for the authenticity of our society and country. According to our calculations, there are more than 100 pagan sacred places in Ukraine: ancient and functional, more or less preserved and managed, attractive for tourists. Podillia, Podniprovia, the Carpathians, Pollissia are characterized by the greatest concentration of pagan sacred sites - places of worship of anthropogenic and natural origin: sanctuaries, temples, sacrificial altars, caves, cliffs, megaliths (dolmens, cromlechs, menhirs), petroglyphs, burial mounds, trees, idols, springs, pantheons etc. However, most of these places are not widely known or they are known only as natural or historical and cultural objects. In order to make those facts well known, it is necessary to organize an advertising campaign in support of this issue and to stop an adversary, biased attitude of the whole society or some representatives of separate religions towards paganism. In addition, it is important to stop destroying pagan sacred places and to turn them into touristic spots. Multiple highlights of the ethnical religious and cultural significance of Ukrainian pagan sacred sites will augment already known information about them and will add religious tourists and pilgrims to the general flow of travellers. Key words: paganism, Abrahamic religions, organization of religious tourism, paganism in Ukraine, organization of pilgrimage, religious tourism in Ukraine.
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Warburg, Margit. "Knowing, Being, Doing – Perhaps Not So New." Temenos - Nordic Journal of Comparative Religion 57, no. 1 (June 23, 2021): 9–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.33356/temenos.109530.

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A comment on the article ‘Knowing, Being, and Doing Religion: Introducing an Analytical Model for Researching Vernacular Religion’ by Ruth Illman and Mercédesz Czimbalmos, published in Temenos vol. 56 no. 2 (2020), 171–99.
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Nordberg, Andreas. "Old Customs." Temenos - Nordic Journal of Comparative Religion 54, no. 2 (December 19, 2018): 125–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.33356/temenos.69935.

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Although they highlight the Norse (religious) term siðr ‘custom’ and its cognates, some researchers of pre-Christian Scandinavia suggest that the concept of religion involves a Christocentric discourse and should be used cautiously, or even only for Christianity. Some scholars therefore recommend a categorical distinction between pre-Christian (religious) siðr and Christian religion. This paper contributes to this ongoing discussion. I argue that while it is meaningful to highlight the term siðr and its cognates, the distinction between pre-Christian siðr and medieval Christian religion is problematic. 1) While siðr had various meanings in vernacular language, the current debate emphasises only its religious aspect, thus turning the indigenous term into an implicit etic concept. 2) The word siðr and its cognates were also used in medieval Scandinavian languages as designations for Christianity, and hence, the categorisation of pre-Christian siðr and medieval Christian religion is misleading. 3) The distinction between popular siðr and formal religion is fundamentally based on the two-tier model of popular/folk religion–religion. 4) The vernacular (religious) word siðr in the sense of ‘religious customs, the religious aspects of the conventional way of life’ and the heuristic category of (lived) religion are in fact complementary in the study of religion in both Viking and medieval Scandinavia.
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McSheffrey, S. "Heresy, Orthodoxy and English Vernacular Religion 1480-1525." Past & Present 186, no. 1 (February 1, 2005): 47–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pastj/gti001.

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Newton, John. "Vernacular Religion in Everyday Life: Expressions of Belief." Folklore 124, no. 3 (December 2013): 365–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0015587x.2013.817212.

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Cosentino, Donald. "Vernacular miracles: blood and bones in neapolitan religion." Material Religion 10, no. 4 (December 2014): 472–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.2752/175183414x14176054221409.

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Arinin, Evgenyi I., Maria S. Lyutaeva, and Margarita V. Silantyeva. "Understanding the “Vernacular”: Between “Native Chickens”, Architectural “Peculiarity”, and “Living Religiosity”." Voprosy Filosofii, no. 2 (February 8, 2023): 121–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.21146/0042-8744-2023-2-121-131.

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The article explores the development of ideas about the ‘vernacular’ in Linguis­tics, Urban Planning, and Philosophy of Religion. It focuses on ‘living religios­ity’ reflected in personal and group perceptions and practices embedded in lan­guage. This understanding has shown continuity since ancient times, with its first written records as ‘vernaculum’ used by Plautus, Cicero, and Varro to denote ‘home’, ‘native’, and ‘domestic’ as compared to ‘universal’ meaning ‘Roman’. In the Renaissance, the term acquires new connotations. These result from the then-emerging nation-states and the consequent need to translate the Bible into ‘vernacular’ (i.e., common, local) languages, on the one hand, and the ideal­ization of Cicero’s Rome scented with an ‘inexplicable metropolitan aroma’ symbolically inherited by the new centers of influence across the globe – on the other. In the 19th century, researchers introduce the subculture of na­tional ‘folklore’ (or ‘popular wisdom’) identified with a ‘folk religion’ (typical of grass-roots) colliding with an official lofty ‘theological religion’. To over­come the misrepresentation of such ‘folk’ religious manifestations in ethnogra­phy and folklore, scholars formulate the concept of ‘vernacular religion’ aimed to correctly reflect the dynamism of actual religious life, including both ‘ecclesi­astical’ and ‘extra-church’ forms of religiosity. Accordingly, in a bid to avoid the stereotypical juxtaposition of the official vs. popular, or ‘pure’ vs. ‘spoiled’, which is still relevant for such terms as ‘sect’, ‘paganism’, ‘superstition’, ‘rene­gades’, enemies of the ‘dominant religion’, and alike as retaining negative inter­pretations, the authors point out the prospects of using the term ‘private religion’ coined by Alexander Panchenko.
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Illman, Ruth, Mercédesz Czimbalmos, and Dóra Pataricza. "Bending, Breaking and Adhering to Rules of Contemporary Jewish Practice in Finland." Suomen Antropologi: Journal of the Finnish Anthropological Society 46, no. 3 (November 21, 2022): 32–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.30676/jfas.115509.

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This article draws on an ongoing research project that seeks to document ethnographically everyday Jewish life in Finland today. Based on the framework of vernacular religion, it approaches religion “as it is lived” (Primiano 1995) and analyses the many expressions and experiences of rules in day-to-day Jewish life as part of complex interactions between individuals, institutions, and religious motivations. Historical data, institutional structures and cultural context are put in dialogue with individual narratives and nuances, described as “self-motivated” ways of “doing” religion. In this article, we seek to investigate what a vernacular Jewish approach to making, bending, and breaking rules amounts to in a community where increasing diversity and deep-reaching secularity contest and reshape traditional boundaries of belonging. What rules are accepted, adopted and appropriated as necessary or meaningful for being and doing Jewish? Our analysis traces how static values and conceptions of “Jewishness” give way to more flexible subjective positions as our interviewees struggle to find religiously and culturally significant models from the past that can be subjectively appropriated today. Both everyday quandaries and existential questions influence their ways of crafting vernacular religious positions. Focusing on formal and personal rituals related particularly to family life and foodways, the article shows how rules are revisited and refashioned as the traditional boundaries between sacred and secular, gendered practices and ethnic customs, are transgressed and subjective combinations are developed. Keywords: vernacular Judaism; Jews in Finland; ethnography; religion and rule; kashrut; Jewish family life; Jewish rituals
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Illman, Ruth, and Mercédesz Czimbalmos. "Knowing, Being, and Doing Religion." Temenos - Nordic Journal of Comparative Religion 56, no. 2 (December 21, 2020): 171–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.33356/temenos.97275.

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This article introduces a new analytical model for researching vernacular religion, which aims to capture and describe everyday religiosity as an interplay between knowing, being, and doing religion. It suggests three processes that tie this triad together: continuity; change; and context. The model is envisaged as a tool for tracing vernacular religion in ethnographic data in a multidimensional yet structured framework that is sensitive to historical data and cultural context, but also to individual narratives and nuances. It highlights the relationship between self-motivated modes of religiosity and institutional structures, as well as influences from secular sources and various traditions and worldviews.The article is based on an ongoing research project focusing on everyday Judaism in Finland. The ethnographic examples illustrate how differently these dynamics play out in different life narratives, depending on varying emphases, experiences, and situations. By bringing together major themes recognized as relevant in previous research and offering an analytical tool for detecting them in ethnographic materials, the model has the potential to create new openings for comparative research, because it facilitates the interlinking of datasets across contexts and cultures. The article concludes that the model can be developed into a more generally applicable analytical tool for structuring and elucidating contemporary ethnographies, mirroring a world of rapid cultural and religious change.
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Axelson, Tomas. "Vernacular Meaning Making." Nordicom Review 36, no. 2 (October 1, 2015): 143–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/nor-2015-0022.

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Abstract The outcome of an audience study supports theories stating that stories are a primary means by which we make sense of our experiences over time. Empirical examples of narrative impact are presented in which specific fiction film scenes condense spectators’ lives, identities, and beliefs. One conclusion is that spectators test the emotional realism of the narrative for greater significance, connecting diegetic fiction experiences with their extra-diegetic world in their quest for meaning, self and identity. The ‘banal’ notion of the mediatization of religion theory is questioned as unsatisfactory in the theoretical context of individualized meaning-making processes. As a semantically negatively charged concept, it is problematic when analyzing empirical examples of spectators’ use of fictional narratives, especially when trying to characterize the idiosyncratic and complex interplay between spectators’ fiction emotions and their testing of mediated narratives in an exercise to find moral significance in extra-filmic life. Instead, vernacular meaning-making is proposed.
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Nygaard, Mathias Ephraim. "Tomte Stories in Swedish Hälsingland: Place and Vernacular Religion." Folklore 130, no. 2 (April 3, 2019): 153–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0015587x.2018.1556980.

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George, Diana, and Mariolina Rizzi Salvatori. "Holy Cards/Immaginette: The Extraordinary Literacy of Vernacular Religion." College Composition & Communication 60, no. 2 (December 1, 2008): 250–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.58680/ccc20086867.

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Like other seemingly ordinary materials (cookbooks, street art, scrapbooks, etc.) the subject of our investigation “holy cards or (in Italian) immaginette” often function as rich repositories of personal and cultural memory as well as indicators of popular literacy practices. But to relegate them to the category of ephemera, as is customary with materials of this sort, diverts attention from their significant cultural and pedagogical value.
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Andersson, Lars M. "How do you Jew in Finland?" Nordisk judaistik/Scandinavian Jewish Studies 32, no. 2 (December 20, 2021): 94–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.30752/nj.112296.

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Kryukova, Natalia V. "The Religion of the Flock: Rural surbs in modern Armenia." Вестник антропологии (Herald of Anthropology) 47, no. 3 (September 5, 2019): 256–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.33876/2311-0546/2019-47-3/256-265.

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According to opinion polls, Armenia is one of the most religious countries in Europe. However, in some villages of the Aparan district Aragatsotn Marz parish life is almost completely absent. Everyday religiosity of the locals is connected with surbs – home and rural sanctuaries. These include some natural objects in the surrounding villages. Two parallel systems coexist in Armenia’s religious culture. One is the official Armenian Apostolic Church with its churches, a priesthood, and its spiritually cared flock, the other one includes vernacular practices and beliefs of much of this very flock. Rural surb is one of the phenomena of vernacular religious culture. The article attempts to typologize surbs, describes the rituals and practices of veneration of rural shrines.
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KARPUNINA, ANASTASIIA ALEXANDROVNA. "Modern approaches to the Study of Religion: Vernacular, Lived, Everyday, Tactical, Strategic and Material Religion." Клио, no. 10 (2022): 135–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.51676/2070-9773_2022_10_135.

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31

Preston, Patrick. "Some Italian Vernacular Religious Books, their Authors and their Readers, 1543–8." Studies in Church History 42 (2006): 197–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400003958.

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What might count as elite religion and popular religion within the restricted sphere of literate culture? The answer here is in terms of the production and reception of religious texts. Who wrote them and who read them, and with what kinds of assumptions and attitudes? Here I discuss the following questions: do the categories ‘elite’ and ‘popular’ divide up the field without remainder? Are ‘elite’ and ‘popular’ necessarily at odds? If ‘elite’ and ‘popular’ are not necessarily at odds, are they sometimes so?
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Primiano, Leonard Norman. "Vernacular Religion and the Search for Method in Religious Folklife." Western Folklore 54, no. 1 (January 1995): 37. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1499910.

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Howard, Robert Glenn. "Enacting a virtual ‘ekklesia’: online Christian fundamentalism as vernacular religion." New Media & Society 12, no. 5 (November 24, 2009): 729–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1461444809342765.

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Galloway, Andrew. "A Fifteenth-Century Confession Sermon on “Unkyndeness” (CUL MS Gg 6.26) and Its Literary Parallels and Parodies." Traditio 49 (1994): 259–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0362152900013052.

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The later Middle Ages was the high moment of the popular, vernacular sermon, yet relatively few examples of extraliturgical sermons can be recovered from the written evidence. Latin collections of sermon cycles—those preached in the context of the mass liturgy and saints' days—were produced in large quantities in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, functioning more or less directly as exemplars for the actual sermons that would then be preached in the local vernaculars of western Europe. In England, such Latin sermon collections of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries often include some vernacular materials, especially lyrics, and many treatises are extant that provide priests with the materials to make sermons on a wide range of topics and for an indefinite number of occasions. Of the relatively few English sermons and sermon collections extant from the period, however, by far the greatest number are, like the Latin cycles, those keyed to the cycle of Sunday texts and to saints' days, whose very formality militates against a sense of them as representative of the most common forms and themes of vernacular sermons, particularly those earnestly preached on the occasions like that which Chaucer satirically describes in theSummoner's Tale, when “ther wente a lymytour aboute / To preche, and eek to begge, it is no doubte” (3.1711–1712). With so few examples of non-liturgical sermons extant, our sense both of the reality and of the satire is incomplete.
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35

Briggs, Richard. "Vernacular Hermeneutics." Theology 103, no. 812 (March 2000): 125–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0040571x0010300209.

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36

Leete, Art, and Piret Koosa. "Spiritual Power, Witchcraft and Protestants: Conflicting Approaches to Religious Belonging and Practice in the Komi Countryside." Numen 69, no. 5-6 (August 31, 2022): 517–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685276-12341666.

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Abstract In this article we aim to explore how vernacular ideas about spiritual power, words, and silence shape perceptions of religion and witchcraft among the rural Komi people, whose predominant religion is Russian Orthodoxy. In this framework we investigate local ideas of witchcraft, belonging, and strangeness. During our joint ethnographic fieldwork trips to the Komi Republic, Russia, these notions were evoked repeatedly in discussions concerning the Evangelical Protestants who established their mission in a village historically associated with witches. This particular coincidence is reflected in discourses that brand the Evangelicals culturally alien, drawing on both traditional and contemporary categories of otherness. Our analysis shows that ideas about magical power and the usage of words constitute significant aspects of vernacular understanding of faith regardless of formal denominational belonging. We claim that religious practices are switched more spontaneously than feelings of spiritual power and traditionally accepted religious belonging among the rural Komi.
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Hale, A. "Reevaluating Tradition and Modernity in Latin American Vernacular Religions." Ethnohistory 53, no. 2 (April 1, 2006): 419–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00141801-53-2-419.

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Bronner, Simon J. "Inspirational Insights: The Problematic Vernacular." Journal of Ethnology and Folkloristics 16, no. 2 (December 1, 2022): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/jef-2022-0010.

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Abstract Although many disciplines dropped the use of “vernacular” in the 21st century because of the term’s connotations of primitivism, classism, and marginalization arising from 19th-century colonialism, the term has risen in usage among folklorists and ethnologists in the early 21st century. Three distinct streams of usage are identified and analyzed for their nuanced meaning: linguistics, religion, and architecture. Folkloristic and ethnological usage is traced to concern whether ‘vernacular’, despite its problematic historic context, is preferable to ‘folk’ as a modifier of areas of inquiry, many of which are into fluid, non-objectified categories such as belief, faith, and play. A rhetorical shift coinciding with social change from analog to digital communication is apparent to binaries of official/unofficial and formal/ informal in cultural analysis. A further and possibly fringe development has been an ideological strategy represented by the compound term ‘stigmatized vernacular’ that embraces rather than repudiates cultural hierarchy. The evaluation of the problematic adoption by 21st-century folklorists and ethnologists of ‘vernacular’ is that it reifies the very problems that the users intended to resolve.
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Bacigalupo, Ana Mariella, Carlos A. Manrique, and Carlota McAllister. "Introduction: The Flesh of Justice in Latin America = Introducción: La Carne de la Justicia en América Latina." American Religion 5, no. 2 (March 2024): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/amr.00001.

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Abstract: The introduction to this special issue, "Subversive Religion and More-than-Human Materialities in Latin America," conceptualizes the transformative force of practices often gathered under the rubric of "popular religion," including Indigenous, Black, and campesino ritual as well as vernacular Catholicism and Pentecostalism. Rather than treating these practices as manifesting an essential alterity to either the modern state or the "West," we frame them as struggles to build a new world order both against and otherwise than frameworks. Exploring the materiality of these struggles across several dimensions—of the earth, of religious objects and rituals, and of the sovereign body—we describe the constitution of what we call the "flesh of justice" and probe its subversive effects. Drawing on the distinctive tradition of Latin American Marxism to contest the separation of the subaltern "otherwise" from the domain of modern politics, we offer two analytics for engaging with the flesh of justice in Latin America: subversive cosmopolitics and theopolitics. Resumen: La introducción a este número especial sobre "Religión subversiva y materialidades más-que-humanas en América Latina" conceptualiza la fuerza transformadora de prácticas muchas veces nombradas como "religión popular", incluyendo rituales indígenas, negros o campesinos, así como catolicismos o pentecostalismos vernáculos. En lugar de tratar estas prácticas como manifestaciones de una alteridad esencial frente al estado moderno o al "Occidente", las entendemos como luchas para construir un nuevo orden mundial en contra de y también de otro modo que esos marcos. Al explorar la materialidad de estas luchas en varias dimensiones—de la tierra, de los objetos y rituales religiosos, y del cuerpo del soberano—describimos la constitución de lo que llamamos la "carne de la justicia" e indagamos en sus efectos subversivos. Recurriendo a la tradición distintiva del marxismo latinoamericano para rechazar la segregación de la "otredad" subalterna de la política moderna, ofrecemos dos analíticas para aprofundizar en la carne de la justicia en América Latina: la cosmopolítica subversiva y la teopolítica.
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40

Bowman, Marion. "Christianity, Plurality and Vernacular Religion in early Twentieth-Century Glastonbury: A Sign of Things to Come?" Studies in Church History 51 (2015): 302–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400050257.

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This essay focuses upon a significant place, Glastonbury, at an important time during the early twentieth century, in order to shed light on a particular aspect of Christianity which is frequently overlooked: its internal plurality. This is not simply denominational diversity, but the considerable heterogeneity which exists at both institutional and individual level within denominations, and which often escapes articulation, awareness or comment. This is significant because failure to apprehend a more detailed, granular picture of religion can lead to an incomplete view of events in the past and, by extension, a partial understanding of later phenomena. This essay argues that by using the concept of vernacular religion a more nuanced picture of religion as it is – or has been – lived can be achieved.
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Bowman, Marion. "Vernacular Religion, Contemporary Spirituality and Emergent Identities: Lessons from Lauri Honko." Approaching Religion 4, no. 1 (May 7, 2014): 101–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.30664/ar.67542.

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This article examines lessons which can still be learned from Professor Lauri Honko’s research and writings, particularly for those working at the interstices of folklore and religious studies who appreciate the mutually enriching relationship between the two fields which has been the hallmark of modern Finnish and Nordic scholarship. Three broad areas are considered here by way of illustration: the importance of studying belief and the continuing utility of genre as a tool of research; the use of folklore and material culture in the formation of cultural and spiritual identities in the contemporary milieu; and tradition ecology in relation to Celtic spirituality.
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Ayad, Merna Wagih Naguib, and Michael Zakaria Emil Sharwbiem. "Vernacular Architecture for Enhancing Environmental- A Case Study ofHousing in Abu Al Reesh Village in Egypt." International Journal of Current Engineering and Technology 11, no. 01 (February 10, 2021): 34–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.14741/ijcet/v.11.1.5.

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Vernacular architecture clearly expresses the strong relationship between man and his surrounding environment, as it represented a mirror reflected the material and human requirements and components of the environment that corresponds to it. From the standpoint of vernacular architecture which is compatible with the environment came as a contemporary innate expression of the reality of place and time, we are trying in this paper to come up with a clear definition of vernacular architecture and the features that characterized it as an attempt to add the human touch to modern architecture, and this is done by studying the vernacular architecture of and analyzing factors Influencing its urban formation, then exposure to the vernacular design of residential buildings and the extent of their environmental and cultural compatibility. The paper concludes with analysis, deduction and evidence that vernacular architecture produces a distinctive local character whose built environment is compatible with local nature and cultures and this is what supports the individual's sense of belonging, as it is man's success in adapting to his environment that enables humanity to communicate and continue. Purpose of the study ▪ Determining the features and characteristics of vernacular architecture by analyzing an architectural example of an Egyptian village with a vernacular architectural character ▪ Study the extent to which vernacular architecture is compatible with the environment as an aspect of the natural aspects and the human aspect such as customs, traditions and religion ▪ Emphasize the importance of preserving vernacular housing as it is considered a local heritage ▪ Take advantage of the Vernacular architecture method in dealing with humans and the environment in designing our modern architecture and using technology
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LAMBERTS, J. "Vatican II et la Liturgie en langue vernaculaire." Questions Liturgiques/Studies in Liturgy 66, no. 2 (September 1, 1985): 125–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/ql.66.2.2015210.

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44

Brown, Mason. "We Drew a Swastika of Grain: Vernacular Religion in the Tibetan Songs of Nubri, Nepal." Religions 11, no. 11 (November 9, 2020): 593. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel11110593.

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The academic study of Tibetan Buddhism has long emphasized the textual, philological, and monastic, and sometimes tended to ignore, dismiss, or undervalue the everyday practices and beliefs of ordinary people. In this article, I show that traditional folk songs, especially changlü, are windows into the vernacular religion of ethnically Tibetan Himalayans from the Nubri valley of Gorkha District, Nepal. While changlü literally means “beer song”, and they are often sung while celebrating, they usually have deeply religious subject matter, and function to transmit Buddhist values, reinforce social or religious hierarchies, and to emplace the community in relation to the landscape and to greater Tibet and Nepal. They do this mainly through three different tropes: (1) exhortations to practice and to remember such things as impermanence and death; (2) explications of hierarchy; and (3) employment of spatialized language that evokes the maṇḍala. They also sometimes carry opaque references to vernacular rituals, such as “drawing a swastika of grain” after storing the harvest. In the song texts translated here, I will point out elements that reproduce a Buddhist worldview, such as references to deities, sacred landscape, and Buddhist values, and argue that they impart vernacular religious knowledge intergenerationally in an implicit, natural, and sonic way, ensuring that younger generations internalize community values organically.
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Sarfati, Liora. "The Cosmopolitan Vernacular: Korean Shamans (Mudang) in the Global Spirituality Market." Religions 14, no. 2 (January 31, 2023): 189. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel14020189.

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Cosmopolitanism has often been used to discuss religions that had been institutionalized, canonized, and then transmitted globally through premodern cultural flows. In contrast, vernacular religions have maintained their local uniqueness in terms of pantheons, belief systems, practices, and ritual objects—even into the 21st century. This article discusses the cultural and societal conditions that have enabled the vernacular traditions of Korean shamanism (musok) to travel globally in real and virtual worlds. Not all Korean shamans (mudang) work with foreigners, but the four ethnographic case studies that this article examines are cosmopolitan practitioners. They assert that spirits can communicate beyond spoken languages, that mudang clients do not have to be Koreans, and that media depictions are a vehicle for making the practice available to more people in Korea and worldwide. Such international activity has become an easily achievable task in hypermodern conditions. The vernacular is flexible in meaning and usage because institutions do not supervise it and it is often an undocumented oral tradition. Mudang constantly recreate musok practices from their personal interpretation of the religious experience. Thus, when musok goes global, it is reinterpreted and transformed to fit the cultural understandings of the target audiences.
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Salameh, Franck. "FROM THE EDITORS." Levantine Review 1, no. 1 (May 31, 2012): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.6017/lev.v1i1.2154.

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A peer-reviewed electronic journal, The Levantine Review publishes scholarship (in English, French, Arabic, Hebrew, Turkish, Syriac, and Levantine vernaculars) on the history, cultures, religions, politics, and the intellectual, philological, and literary traditions of the contemporary Levant and Near East.
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Goldberg, D. Martin. "The Dichotomy in Romano-Celtic Syncretism: Some Preliminary Thoughts on Vernacular Religion." Theoretical Roman Archaeology Journal, no. 2008 (April 17, 2009): 187. http://dx.doi.org/10.16995/trac2008_187_202.

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Gura, Philip F., and David D. Hall. "Wonders of the Puritan World: Vernacular Religion in Seventeenth-Century New England." American Quarterly 41, no. 3 (September 1989): 543. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2713155.

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49

Kononenko, Natalie. "Vernacular religion on the prairies: negotiating a place for the unquiet dead." Canadian Slavonic Papers 60, no. 1-2 (April 3, 2018): 108–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00085006.2018.1446242.

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50

Purewal, Navtej K., and Virinder S. Kalra. "Women's ‘popular’ practices as critique: Vernacular religion in Indian and Pakistani Punjab." Women's Studies International Forum 33, no. 4 (July 2010): 383–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.wsif.2010.02.012.

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