Academic literature on the topic 'Religion et politique – Arménie – 1945-1990'
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Journal articles on the topic "Religion et politique – Arménie – 1945-1990":
Deirdre, Meintel. "Ethnicité." Anthropen, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.17184/eac.anthropen.095.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Religion et politique – Arménie – 1945-1990":
Akopian, Astrid. "Sans foi, ni loi ? La liberté de conscience en Arménie soviétique de 1956 à 1988." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris 10, 2024. http://www.theses.fr/2024PA100019.
The arrival of Nikita Khrushchev marked a significant turning point in the perception of religious freedoms in the USSR. During the initial decades of the Soviet experiment, there was a fluctuation between outright rejection of all spirituality and intermittent tolerance. However, the comprehensive examination of religious matters as a multifaceted phenomenon and the mobilization of various public spheres to influence citizens' beliefs only truly assumed a centralized role during the era of de-Stalinization. The social underpinnings of the so-called "religious fog" had dissipated, yet religious expressions did not wane. This ideological shift undeniably indicated a somewhat reluctant recognition that faith could not be solely explained by economic factors. Nevertheless, this did not deter Soviet authorities from vehemently opposing religious phenomena, exemplified by the Khrushchev campaign, which, unlike previous persecutions, heavily relied on legal measures as an ideological tool.Nonetheless, the religious policy initiated in the 1950s appeared to have objectives that transcended ideology alone. In a Soviet society grappling with crises and marred by years of disparities between official rhetoric and everyday practices, the spiritual question acquired greater political and social dimensions. The interplay between temporal and spiritual authori-ties under Nikita Khrushchev's secretariat becomes even more intricate when examining the case of the Armenian Republic. Its distinctive religious landscape suggests significant interna-tional and political concerns at play
Gonçalves, Cécile. "Estado Novo salazariste et « sortie de la religion »." Paris, EHESS, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015EHES0090.
This thesis is an attempt to define the nature of the political system established by Antonio di Oliveira Salazar in the wake of the military coup occurred in 1926 in Portugal. The Salazar regime shares many similarities with the Mussolini regime (exaltation of the nation, one-party system, taste for uniforms, hate of communism). But it constitutes a different form of recomposition of the "ordinating primacy of politics. " Its recomposition proposed to renew an alliance between secular and spiritual authorities to create a "strong state". Analysis of this alliance between Church and State has been the guiding principle of our work in the context of a comparison with totalitarianism or "secular religion". Even if the Estado Novo is a product of the crisis of democracy of the interwar period, it remain different in nature from Nazi and fascist totalitarianisms because he did not hope to return to thi primordial unity between religious and political structures of stateless societies but it wanted to return to the stage of collaboration between political and spiritual powers characterizing the era of early modernit that is to say the absolute monarchy. Our idea is that Salazar's "art of governing" was more indebted to Marquis of Pombal's regalism than to the anthropological revolution orchestrated by the Nazi and fascism regimes
Atamian, Astrig. "La mouvance communiste arménienne en France : entre adhésion au PCF et contemplation de l'Ararat : les "rouges" de la communauté arménienne de France, des années 1920 aux années 1990." Thesis, Paris, INALCO, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014INAL0005.
In December 1920, while Armenia was being sovietized, the French Communist Party (PCF) was founded during the Tours Socialist Congress. Armenian refugees arriving in France in the beginning of the 1920s, mostly survivors of the genocide committed by the Young Turks in the Ottoman Empire, were going to be doubly requested by the communist world : on the one hand, as migrant workers requiring orderly organization, they are taken in charge by the PCF and on the other as a diasporic entity of a nationality now included in the USSR, they are also targeted by Soviet Armenia. Unlike the PCF which aims at involving Armenians in social struggles and increasing their internationalist feelings, Soviet power takes advantage of patriotic feelings spread among diasporic armenians in order to better thwart "free and independent Armenia" supporters’ influence. Made of PCF members and more broadly prosoviet Armenians, this so-called "French Armenian Communist movement” fade away with the collapse of the USSR
Donatello, Luis Miguel. "« Le catholicisme de la libération en Argentine et ses options politiques et religieuses : de l'effervescence sociale et politique dans les années 60 et 70 à la résistance au néo-libéralisme dans les années 90 »." Paris, EHESS, 2005. http://www.theses.fr/2005EHES0137.
This thesis places in a series of general reflections on the relations between Catholicism and politics in the Modern Argentina. For it we will approach the problem from the concepts of political ascetics and political - religious options, justifying the utilization of both, in the measure that they allow us to realize of an intersection between spheres Hereby, we centre on a part of this crossing, on that one that, in a beginning, we will name a Liberationist Catholicism. In this way, our analysis will be founded on two singular manifestations of the phenomenon. On the one hand, in those militants, groups and catholic organizations that in the 60s ' and 70 ' sought to expand the borders of the religious thing across political parties, and especially in the insurrectional alternative. Another singular manifestation to which we will approach, they will be the options politician religious objected to the neoliberalism in nineties
Pereira, Sousa Ana Mercedes. "Modernité, religion et politique en Colombie : la théologie de la libération et les communautés ecclésiales de base : 1950-1991." Paris 8, 1998. http://www.theses.fr/1998PA081508.
This is a resarch about "modernity, religion and politics in colombia: liberation theology and basic ecclesial communities 1950-1991". It is realized from a social-historical and cultural viewpoint. The text is divided into eleven sections, in the first section the author draws a thoretical framework about the messianic and utopic religious practices that are shown in the praxis of the religious actors who share the postulates of the liberation theology, in the following sections the author presents the colombian context and develops a periodization of the liberation theology movement, and in each of the periods, she analyses its articulation to the popular movements. In the last sections she analyses from a micro-social viewpoint the dayto-day existence of the becs, especially that of their basic members, and the cultural and religious transitions they suffer. Finally she draws some conclusions about the future of this movement in the context of the crisis of the utopias
Tinas, Rukiye. "État et religion dans la Turquie post-kémaliste. : L’évolution du Parti de la justice et du développement (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, AKP) : Les deux mandats : 2002-2007 et 2007-2011." Thesis, Lyon 2, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013LYO20020.
In modern Turkey clearly marked by secularism, the AKP called “conservative democrat” by its founders from the Islamist movement is the winner of elections of any kind since its appearance in 2001. Although the Kemalist Establishment had wanted to throw out this party could not do it. Paradoxically any attempt on his part has only increased its popularity. Then, the question is “what are the sociocultural and political transformations of society as well as the strengths of the AKP, which may explain its success story both inside and outside the country? ”. The answer to this question depends on what is “Conservative democracy” which could get the green light from the Establishment to enter the political arena: where the party is situated on the political spectrum, what distinguishes it from its counterparties, the most important is it really a political ideology which is distinct from Islamism as suggested by its ideologues? This is how we can know if Turkish Islamism is in the process of inventing in the Muslim world a form comparable to what was the “Christian democracy” in European countries. And if we can classify the AKP among the Islamists, we will examine whether the future of Islam as a political force of government is in Turkey or elsewhere?