Journal articles on the topic 'Religion and state – Middle East'
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Shichor, Yitzhak. "Separation of State and Religion: The East Asian Model and The Middle East." Asian Journal of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies 15, no. 2 (April 3, 2021): 159–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/25765949.2021.1936843.
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Baskan, Birol. "The State in the Pulpit: State Incorporation of Religious Institutions in the Middle East." Politics and Religion 4, no. 1 (November 1, 2010): 136–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048310000477.
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AbstractPolitical development literature held that the process of secularization is conflict-ridden between the state and religious institutions. Later state building literature left state-religion relations outside its theoretical scope and left a puzzle in our understanding of state building. How did state-religion relations really change in the course of modern state formation? This article argues that the relationship between state builders and religious institutions was not necessarily conflictual. Rather, there were potential areas of cooperation between the two. However, whether any cooperation was realized was historically contingent. Depending on the type of relationship established, state-religion relations took different institutional shapes. This article makes two observations. First, if the religious institutions have a fairly hierarchical internal organization, then the state and religious institutions part their ways. This is the picture classical political development literature paints. Second, in cases where the state faces a disunited body of religious institutions, the state incorporates religious institutions into its apparatus, its extent depending on the institutional capacity of the state. As the institutional capacity of the state increased, its control over religious institutions also increased. The article then illustrates these observations through major cases from the Middle East.
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Madaminova, Durdona. "DEVELOPMENT CHARACTERISTICS OF THE MIDDLE EAST IN THE CONTEXT OF GLOBAL CHANGE." Journal of Social Research in Uzbekistan 02, no. 02 (May 1, 2022): 34–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.37547/supsci-jsru-02-02-05.
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This article analyzes the specific development features of the Middle East region in the context of globalization, internal and external factors affecting them. The article reveals the specific stages of development of the Middle East, the peculiarities of the formation of national state structures, the harmony of language, religion and culture in the development of the region, the internal factors influencing the development of relations with the outside world on the basis of comparative political and historical methods.
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Kurmanaliyeva, A. D., and T. Shaptay. "The Features Of Modernization Of Religion and State in Middle East." Eurasian Journal of Religious Studies 10, no. 2 (2017): 4–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.26577/ejrs-2017-2-109.
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Pankhurst, Reza. "Muslim Contestations over Religion and the State in the Middle East." Political Theology 11, no. 6 (December 15, 2010): 826–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/poth.v11i6.826.
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Kazarian, Nicolas. "Interfaith Dialogue and Today’s Orthodoxy, from Confrontation to Dialogue." Review of Ecumenical Studies Sibiu 13, no. 1 (April 1, 2021): 51–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ress-2021-0005.
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Abstract Orthodoxy has a long experience of cohabitation with other religions and Christian denominations. However, this experience has not always been a peaceful and easy one, especially when molded by the rise of nationalism during the second half of the 19th century and global geopolitical forces throughout the 20th century. A series of historical events, from Russia to the Middle East, from the Balkans to Central Europe, have shaped the Orthodox relationship to religious pluralism, redefining the religious landscape through movement of populations and migrations. These many conflicts and historical events have proved the multifaceted reality of Orthodoxy, from its role as a state religion, such as in Greece, and a majority religion, such as in Russia, to a minority religion with limited rights, such as in Turkey, or, more generally speaking, in the Middle East. It is in this very complex context that interfaith relations unfold, too often in a very violent and traumatic way.
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Mahmood, Saba. "Religious Freedom, the Minority Question, and Geopolitics in the Middle East." Comparative Studies in Society and History 54, no. 2 (March 22, 2012): 418–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417512000096.
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The right to religious freedom is widely regarded as a crowning achievement of secular-liberal democracies, one that guarantees the peaceful coexistence of religiously diverse populations. Enshrined in national constitutions and international laws and treaties, the right to religious liberty promises to ensure two stable goods: (1) the ability to choose one's religion freely without coercion by the state, church, or other institutions; and (2) the creation of a polity in which one's economic, civil, legal, or political status is unaffected by one's religious beliefs. While all members of a polity are supposed to be protected by this right, modern wisdom has it that religious minorities are its greatest beneficiaries and their ability to practice their traditions without fear of discrimination is a critical marker of a tolerant and civilized polity. The right to religious freedom marks an important distinction between liberal secularism and the kind practiced in authoritarian states (such as China, Syria, or the former Soviet Union): while the latter abide by the separation of religion and state (a central principle of political secularism), they also regularly abrogate religious freedoms of their minority and majority populations. Despite claims to religious neutrality, liberal secular states frequently regulate religious affairs but they do so in accord with a strong concern for protecting the individual's right to practice his or her religion freely, without coercion or state intervention.
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Babana-Hampton, Safoi. "Gender and Citizenship in the Middle East." American Journal of Islam and Society 18, no. 3 (July 1, 2001): 129–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v18i3.2011.
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The fourteen case studies that compose this volume address the variousinstitutional, economic, social, cultural, and political dimensions of thedebate on gender and citizenship in the Middle East. Using a crossculturalcomparative approach, the theoretical introduction as well as theindividual case studies seek to challenge dominant (especially western)feminist models of analysis of the question of gender and citizenship in theMiddle East. The validity of dominant feminist paradigms is questioned byintroducing new social and cultural variables, and putting at stake anumber of traditionally unquestioned or unrecognized modes of identityformation, such as kinship, family, tribe, and sects, which critically affect awoman's citizenship status. The volume purports to contest essentializingmyths about the Middle East that artificially give it a character of regionalcoherence, and homogenize the image of Middle Eastern women as acategory. The volume thus theorizes the gendering of citizenship from thelargely unexplored perspectives that open up from introducing the abovevariables, toward a better understanding of the complex nature of the laws(religious, political, patriarchal and patrilineal) governing the constructionof a gendered citizenship in the Middle East.The theoretical introduction to the volume outlines the dynamics of anumber of points of departure that presumably underlie the writing of the"legal subject in the Middle East," namely nations, states, religion, family.The contributors seem to all concede that "most Middle Eastern states havecemented the linkage between religious identity, political identity,patrilineality, and patriarchy-that is, between religion, nation, state, andkinship." The Middle Eastern countries studied in the volume are dividedregionally into four areas: North Africa (including Egypt, Algeria, Tunisiaand Morocco); Eastern Arab States (including Lebanon, Palestine, Jordanand Iraq); the Arab Gulf (including Saudi Arabia, Kuwait and Yemen); theNon-Arab Middle East (including Turkey, Iran, and Jewish and PalestinianArab women in Israel). The authors of the various case studies conductedan exhaustive investigation of the related topics, albeit with a notabledifference of outlook varying between liberal individualistic and communitarianconservative positions.The methodological approach adopted by various contributors draws ...
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Aloufi, Khalid Kulaib, Lina Abdel Alafghani, Rawaa Ismail Ismail, Ban Abdullah Alzaid, Mohammed Tariq Alkhidhr, Shoug Sultan Alsubaie, Ahmed Ali Alzaidi, et al. "Epidemiological and etiological factors related to suicide in the Middle East." International Journal Of Community Medicine And Public Health 8, no. 9 (August 27, 2021): 4567. http://dx.doi.org/10.18203/2394-6040.ijcmph20213265.
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Estimates show that suicide is relatively common among Middle Eastern countries as a total of 26,000 fatalities in 2016 were attributable to suicide in them. However, the quality of care of mental illness in these countries is not adequate as compared to the international levels. The aim of the study was to discuss the different epidemiological and etiological factors that were linked with suicide in the Middle East, according to evidence obtained from studies in the literature. The impact of cultures and religions on dealing with mental illnesses and suicide as well as the roots of these conditions will be explored to find the appropriate solutions. Suicide in the Middle East is common but unique from other countries in the world. Religion, socio-economic status, war and conflict in many regions play a big role in the rate of suicide. Religion reduces the prevalence rates of suicide but other factors might be more dominant as many regions are in conflict and have low socio-economic status. Furthermore, gender, family conflicts and mental illnesses were identifiable risk factors in the literature. More efforts on a national level is warranted as well as among communities to reduce the rates of suicide. The initiation of support groups among those with mental illnesses and low socio-economic state will prove extremely beneficial in reducing the rate of suicide as they are almost non-existent in Middle East.
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Muhrim Djakat, Misbahuddin Misbahuddin, and Kurniati Kurniati. "CHANGING THE PARADIGM OF STATES IN THE RABIC MIDDLE EAST REGION BRINGS AUTHORITARIANISM TOWARDS DEMOCRACY." International Journal of Social Science 2, no. 5 (January 28, 2023): 2115–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.53625/ijss.v2i5.4819.
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The demonstration phenomenon that was launched by the Arab Spring has caused political upheaval in Middle Eastern countries, starting from Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, Yemen, and Syria which is still continuing today, is a bridge to change, the fall of authoritarian regimes, and also as a symbol of struggle pro-democratic Arab people who demand a paradigm shift in the Middle East state. The intended change is in the economic, social, open and democratic aspects of the political system. The Arab Spring phenomenon still leaves many problems, Middle Eastern countries are still in a slump, trapped in conflict and civil war. The democratic transition that was aspired to did not go well, being held hostage by the interests of authoritarian and sectarian regimes: ethnicity, religion, sects and political groups. Authoritarianism is one of the causes of instability and has colored the political dynamics of the Middle East. Socio-historically, authoritarianism and sectarianism in the Middle East have multi-layered roots over a long period of time. This paper tries to read the paradigm shift in the Arab region state state against authoritarianism towards democracy
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Antoun, Richard T. "FUNDAMENTALISM, BUREAUCRATIZATION, AND THE STATE'S CO-OPTATION OF RELIGION: A JORDANIAN CASE STUDY." International Journal of Middle East Studies 38, no. 3 (August 2006): 369–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743806412393.
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In the Middle East over the past half-century, three religious processes have grown together. One, the growth of fundamentalism, has received worldwide attention both by academics and journalists. The others, the bureaucratization of religion and the state co-optation of religion, of equal duration but no less importance, have received much less attention. The bureaucratization of religion focuses on the hierarchicalization of religious specialists and state co-optation of religion focuses on their neutralization as political opponents. Few commentators link the three processes. In Jordan, fundamentalism, the bureaucratization of religion (BOR), and state co-optation of religion (SCR) have become entwined sometimes in mutually supportive and sometimes in antagonistic relations. The following case study will describe and analyze the implications of this mutual entanglement for the relations of state and civil society and for the human beings simultaneously bureaucratized and “fundamentalized.”
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Jung, Dietrich. "Globalization, State Formation and Religion in the Middle East: “Is Islam Incompatible with Democracy?”." Distinktion: Journal of Social Theory 5, no. 1 (January 2004): 61–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1600910x.2004.9672877.
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Amar, Paul, and Omnia El Shakry. "Introduction: Curiosities of Middle East Studies in Queer Times." International Journal of Middle East Studies 45, no. 2 (April 25, 2013): 331–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743813000068.
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Starting in 2010, movements of transformation, spaces of sociability, relations of power, and economies of affect in the Middle East plunged into a time of radical dislocation. Fearless, dissident solidarities challenged patterns of identity, normativity, and authority that had constituted the region for more than a generation. One epoch ended, in which struggles over power seemed all too often restricted to constrained contests between nongovernmental organizations, religious dissidents, and security-state repressors. In their place new insurgencies came to question the narratives, binaries, and regimes of feeling pinned to “identity politics” as defined by categories of class, gender, sexuality, and religion. Curious forms of revolutionary social uprising exploded among gender, labor, and community dissidents at street level, generating novel popular cultures, rebel counterpublics, and carnivals of new-media experimentation.
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Lukyanova, Galina O., and Olga S. Chikrizova. "Key Models of Religious Institutions’ Interaction in the Context of the State-Church Relations in Russia and Egypt." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 21, no. 4 (December 27, 2021): 712–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2021-21-4-712-733.
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The article reveals and comparatively analyses the peculiarities of the state-church relations in Russia and Egypt. Currently, the role of religion and religious institutions in world politics is actively increasing, as well as the process of secularization of public life is being redefined. Religion still often becomes the cause of discrimination, persecution of certain groups of society; the level of Islamophobia in Western countries and Religiophobia in the whole world is not decreasing. In these conditions, the importance of state-church relations within key international actors is also growing. The purpose of the study is to provide comparative analysis of the specifics of the state religion policy of Russia and Egypt in order to develop recommendations for the use of Russian religious institutions to strengthen Russias position in the Middle East. Russia and Egypt were chosen as research objects, since these countries have a rich history of interaction in the religious sphere, which could become a basis for the future cooperation between religious institutions of the two countries. In addition, Egypt is one of the key states in the Middle East, where Russian influence has never been dominant, but where exactly religious organizations such as the Russian Orthodox Church (ROC) most actively and successfully pursued Russias interests. Methodologically, the article is based on historical and empirical institutionalism, as well as comparative analysis and historical-genetic method. The study is quite novel, as it identifies four models of interaction between religious communities, which are based on two criteria: a) presence of religious institutions representing the interests of a particular community; b) status of religion in the state (dominant / minority religion). The practical significance of the study lies in its attempt to make recommendations for improving the use of religious organizations in Russia to promote state interests in Egypt on the basis of the highlighted features of state-church relations in Egypt.
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Alkan Özcan, Sevinç, and Muhammed Hüzeyin Mercan. "The Impact of Covid-19 On State-Religion Relations: A Study On Israel And Iran." Journal of Humanity and Society (insan & toplum) 11, no. 2 (June 20, 2021): 169–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.12658/m0626.
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Regulations, measures and restrictions implemented by state authorities on public events and mass gatherings due to fear, anxiety, and panic caused by COVID-19 pandemic have made religious field more open to state intervention since the global pandemic started and religious practices underwent radical changes. Governments’ public health measures concerning the places of mass worship and religious gatherings to stop the spread of the pandemic and the reactions of religious groups against their orders and imposed restrictions emerged as a new dimension of the debates on state-religion and state-individual relations. In this regard, the main purpose of the study is to discuss the new global religious trends that emerged with the outbreak of COVID-19 pandemic, which reshapes state-religion relations through the regulations and measure for containing the virus, in light of the experiences in different regions and religious traditions, and to analyze the relationship between the religion and the state in the Middle East, specifically the cases of Israel and Iran as religious character is dominant and orthodox religious groups play a significant role within the social and political structure in both countries.
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Zeghal, Malika. "Religion and Politics: The Complex Relationship between Islamism and the State." Middle East Studies Association Bulletin 32, no. 1 (1998): 25–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026318400036129.
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Since The Early 1980s, a vast literature has developed on Islamism, a phenomenon that can be defined as “the recourse to the vocabulary of Islam, used in the postcolonial period to express within the state, or more often against it, an alternative political program that uses the heritage of the West as a foil, but allows nevertheless the re-appropriation of its principal references”. Its intellectual roots and the socio-economic reasons for its emergence are now examined in detail by scholars. Those studies have also illuminated the diversity of Islamism across the Middle East, thereby de-homogenizing an object too often thought of as monolithic.
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Hosseini, Seyedehbehnaz. "The Kaka‘i: A Religious Minority in Iraq." Contemporary Review of the Middle East 5, no. 2 (April 5, 2018): 156–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2347798918762200.
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The religion of Kaka‘I has been an under-researched religion in the Middle East but recent interest in Iraq has changed this situation marginally. A new discourse in the contemporary social and political world has brought back the notion of religion and the appropriation of religious thought to the forefront of social polemics. Following continuous murders, displacements and threats by the militant Islamic group, the Islamic State (IS), as well as their marginalization in Iraq, Kaka‘i declared themselves to be Muslims. They sought improvement in the quality of systems existing in region, the creation of democratic secular regimes that believe in democracy and rights of other peoples and religions, as well as the application of human rights principles in the constitutions of states in which they reside. In addition, Kaka‘i are motivated to gain official recognition of their civil statutes and identity and they want to end the situation in which they are considered as a religious minority. Kaka‘i and Islam are incompatible as religions. Such actions bring to mind the historical and modern perspectives that form the basis of religion with regard to the development of this religious minority under the pressure of their environment.
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Rock-Singer, Aaron. "CENSORING THE KISHKOPHONE: RELIGION AND STATE POWER IN MUBARAK'S EGYPT." International Journal of Middle East Studies 49, no. 3 (July 26, 2017): 437–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743817000320.
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AbstractHow do states produce religion and how can the study of state censorship cast light on this phenomenon? This article examines the logic by which two Egyptian government bodies, the Ministry of Culture and the Islamic Research Academy, censored the sermons of a premier Islamist preacher, Shaykh ʿAbd al-Hamid Kishk (d. 1999), between 1987 and 1993. To do so, it draws on two distinct sets of sources: a sixteen-volume printed edition of Kishk's sermons published in Egypt and MP3s of original performances recorded initially by audiocassette. While previous studies on religion and state power in the Middle East emphasize the strategies by which states use religion to assert their interests, this article uses the censorship of a leading antiregime preacher to probe the undertheorized distinction between claiming and producing religion. A focus on the strategies, in turn, casts light on both the internal diversity of religious visions within the Egyptian state and on the subtle, yet significant, ways in which state actors not only censor but also are shaped by their Islamist challengers.
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Zinin, Y. "Phenomenon of Islamic State of Iraq and Levant: A Glimpse from the Middle East." Journal of International Analytics, no. 1 (March 28, 2015): 135–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2015-0-1-135-144.
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The article analyzes the current supranational regulation of the energy market in the EU in the light of the interrelations between Russia and the EU. It is focused on the description The article treats a phenomenon of Islamic state of Iraq and Levant (ISIL): its underground, ideological conception and ways for its combating as it is seen and handled by scientific-and-expert community of the Middle East. A nature of arguments and rhetoric propagated by local Islamists is closely examinated. The author esteems that within the concurrence on vision space in the region political Islam will be henceforth present. Consequently, differentiation of trends inside this phenomenon, alignment between its moderate and extreme fractions will be going on. The importance of so called Wassatiya –reasonable, Middle Way Islam combatting ISIL and other extreme streams takes more and more root in media and scientific-and-expert community in the Middle East. Secular-liberal thinking has not yet became an competitive power in arab countries due to arhaic social relations and excessive religion traditions which are very strong.
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Fox, Jonathan, and Shmuel Sandler. "Separation of Religion and State in the Twenty-First Century: Comparing the Middle East and Western Democracies." Comparative Politics 37, no. 3 (April 1, 2005): 317. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20072892.
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Mitra, Subrata Kumar. "Desecularising the State: Religion and Politics in India after Independence." Comparative Studies in Society and History 33, no. 4 (October 1991): 755–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s001041750001731x.
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The relationship of religion and politics is continuously fascinating and elusive, not least because it is rarely posed in a direct way. In stable democracies, incidents which are rather out of the ordinary, such as publishing the Satanic Verses in the United Kingdom or sporting the Islamic headscarf in a French state school, might push the issue temporarily to the centre of the political arena until the categories of normal politics, such as class, region, language or ethnicity, incorporate it or contrive to edge it beyond public visibility. In developing countries, one is accustomed to the more salient presence of religion in the public sphere: for example, the broad sweep of an Islamic revolution in Iran, popular jihad in the Middle East, the militant Sikhs in the Punjab, or the battle for the birthplace of Rama in North India. However, the intelligentsia in these countries who speak with the authority of modern science and the modern state see these events, important as they are, as the expression of primordial sentiments, and indicative of the underdeveloped nature of the people concerned, rather than as the political expression of unresolved issues, ill concealed by the fabric of normal politics and not articulated by political institutions.
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Landau, Jacob M., Milton J. Esman, and Itamar Rabinovich. "Ethnicity, Pluralism and the State in the Middle East." Die Welt des Islams 29, no. 1/4 (1989): 229. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1571027.
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Muhyiddin, Ahmad Shofi. "Sekularisme Ataturk: “Madaniyah” atau “Lā Dῑniyah”? (Tipologi Sekularisme Ataturk )." POLITEA 2, no. 2 (October 12, 2019): 147. http://dx.doi.org/10.21043/politea.v2i2.5772.
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<p class="06IsiAbstrak"><span lang="EN-GB">This article outlines the question whether Ataturk's secularism has the dimension of abolition of religion (lā dῑniyah) as assumed by many people or has the dimension of state domination over religion which is an expression of nationalism? This is because most classical Islamic political thinkers view that the relationship between religion and state is an organic unity, which cannot be separated from one another. The institutional form for the organic relationship arises in the form of a khilafah. These conditions describe the relationship between politics or power and religion as a symbiotic relationship that is mutually beneficial. As Europeans entered the Middle East, modern thoughts in the region also entered, one of which was kemalism. It was with this understanding that Ataturk in Turkey shocked the Islamic political world by displacing the already weak Ottoman Caliphate. The ideology of kemalism is caused by Ataturk actually a nationalist who admires the west, who wants the progress of Islam, therefore, according to him, it needs to be renewed in matters of religion to suit the Turkish soil. Thus, the practice of secularism in Turkey, broadly, belongs to the category of semi-secular practice, or typology of differential secularism, or "madaniyah". Because Ataturk places religion under state power, not abolishing or even destroying religion</span></p>
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Rachmawati, Tety, and Gita Karisma. "Konstruksi Identitas ISIS Melalui Digital Media “Youtube” di Indonesia." POLITEA 1, no. 2 (December 1, 2018): 125. http://dx.doi.org/10.21043/politea.v1i2.4315.
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<p><em>The Post-Cold War turning to globalizations era, evokes a variety of issues, particularly, identity and religion. Some scholars had stated strongly the relations between religion and identity. Some, not all, religious actors demonstrate terrorism trait and performed symbol which was identically close with Islam. One of the phenomenon of Islamist terrorism was Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS). ISIS was known as terrorist bringing Islamic doctrine that has mission to jihad (holy struggle). Islam was not different with other religions, it promote peace and harmony in the world. On the contrary, ISIS spread fear and intimidation. ISIS not only did terror in Iraq, Syria, or the Middle East countries but also in other countries such as countries in Europe, Asia, and America. This article attempted to answer how ISIS construct their transnational identity through digital media, Youtube. The method was using qualitative approach and data collection technique was literature study. The result of this paper described a process of building up ISIS identity cross national border and explained how could ISIS convince and recruit member beyond the state in case their movement in digital media, Youtube. </em></p><p>Key words: Identitas, ISIS, Youtube</p><p><strong> </strong></p>
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Munt, Harry. "The Jalayirids: Dynastic State Formation in the Mongol Middle East." Al-Masāq 29, no. 2 (May 4, 2017): 195–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09503110.2017.1327210.
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Hazyr-Ogly, T. ""Euroslam" - is it ridda or time consuming?" Ukrainian Religious Studies, no. 37 (December 6, 2005): 22–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.32420/2006.37.1701.
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Islam is now professed by the population of many countries in the Middle East, Asia, Africa, Europe. According to the World Islamic League, as of 2004, there were 1.2 billion Islamic followers in different countries (around 120 countries). In 35 countries, Muslims now make up 95-99 percent of the population, in 17 countries Islam is the state religion, and in 25 states, Muslims are an influential minority. Muslim communities are overwhelmed in Asia and North Africa. But they are also present in Europe, the US and Japan. According to statistics from the European Monitoring Center and Xenophobia (EUMC), Islam is the only religious religion in the world over the past 100 years, from 13 to 19.5 percent.
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Delgado, Jibreel. "Religions, Lifeways, Same Difference." American Journal of Islam and Society 33, no. 1 (January 1, 2016): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v33i1.230.
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A number of far-right politicians and conservatives in the United States continue to argue that the First Amendment’s freedom of beliefdoes not apply to Islam because it is not a religion in the western sense of the term, but a way of life that includes politics. By providingdefinitions from both western sociologists of religion and conservative political lobbyists and think tanks, I show that mostexperts on religion in the United States define religion as a way of life that governs behavior in the public sphere. I also argue that thesedefinitions match similar definitions, offered by Muslim scholars in the Middle East and South Asia for the last fifty years, of the Arabicword dīn, typically translated as “religion.” By tracing the origins of the idea that dīn signifies something other than religion because of its relation to regulating public behavior, I show that earlier mid-twentieth century Muslim critiques of equating dīn and religion had little to do with any intrinsic nature if Islam itself and far more to do with western scholarship of that period’s understanding of secularity, conceptualization of the state, and prediction of the inevitable demise of religious belief and practice.
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Delgado, Jibreel. "Religions, Lifeways, Same Difference." American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 33, no. 1 (January 1, 2016): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajiss.v33i1.230.
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A number of far-right politicians and conservatives in the United States continue to argue that the First Amendment’s freedom of beliefdoes not apply to Islam because it is not a religion in the western sense of the term, but a way of life that includes politics. By providingdefinitions from both western sociologists of religion and conservative political lobbyists and think tanks, I show that mostexperts on religion in the United States define religion as a way of life that governs behavior in the public sphere. I also argue that thesedefinitions match similar definitions, offered by Muslim scholars in the Middle East and South Asia for the last fifty years, of the Arabicword dīn, typically translated as “religion.” By tracing the origins of the idea that dīn signifies something other than religion because of its relation to regulating public behavior, I show that earlier mid-twentieth century Muslim critiques of equating dīn and religion had little to do with any intrinsic nature if Islam itself and far more to do with western scholarship of that period’s understanding of secularity, conceptualization of the state, and prediction of the inevitable demise of religious belief and practice.
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Hajjar, Lisa. "Religion, State Power, and Domestic Violence in Muslim Societies: A Framework for Comparative Analysis." Law & Social Inquiry 29, no. 01 (2004): 1–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-4469.2004.tb00329.x.
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This article focuses on the issue of domestic violence in Muslim societies in the Middle East, Africa, and Asia. The analytical framework is comparative, emphasizing four factors and the interplay among them: shari'a (Islamic law), state power, intrafamily violence, and struggles over women's rights. The comparative approach historicizes the problem of domestic violence and impunity to consider the impact of transnational legal discourses (Islamism and human rights) on “local” struggles over rights and law. The use of shari'a creates some commonalities in gender and family relations in Muslim societies, notably the sanctioning and maintenance of male authority over female relatives. However, the most important issue for understanding domestic violence and impunity is the relationship between religion and state power. This relationship takes three forms: communalization, in which religious law is separate from the national legal regime; nationalization, in which the state incorporates religious law into the national legal regime; and theocratization, in which the national legal regime is based on religious law.
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Mohamad Shukri, Syaza Farhana. "Jocelyn Cesari, The Awakening of Muslim Democracy: Religion, Modernity, and the State." ICR Journal 6, no. 2 (April 15, 2015): 282–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.52282/icr.v6i2.343.
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The book argues against the prevalent theory of modernisation and democratisation that the separation between state and religion should be the natural outcome of a modernising Islamic society, similar to the historical trajectory of the West as a liberal political system. Instead, the author shows through her meticulous work in the Middle East that to the contrary, Islam is further politicised in the region following the formation of nation-states because there is a lack of demarcation between Islam and the nation as an identity. The main tenet of the book is that “[t]he use of Western secular techniques in law and constitutions created a strong connection between Islam and politics and contributed to the redefinition of Islam as a political norm in ways unknown under the Muslim empires.” (p. 7) It is this conflation between the religious and political self of Muslims in the early twentieth century that makes it difficult for state institutions to ignore the people’s natural desire for a religious life and therefore political system. Although this conversation is far from new, the author’s argument is meant to rattle the prevalent discourse so that we can find a way forward for democratic Muslims without having to undermine their experience or reality.
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Davie, Grace. "A Secular Age beyond the West: Religion, Law and the State in Asia, the Middle East and North Africa." Social Forces 98, no. 2 (May 22, 2019): 1–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/sf/soz064.
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Schak, David. "A secular age beyond the West: religion, law and the state in Asia, the Middle East and North Africa." Asian Studies Review 44, no. 3 (April 19, 2020): 554–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10357823.2020.1748750.
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Ping, Szu-Ning, and Wen-Yang Chang. "Testing the Association between State Capacity and Primary Schooling in the Middle East and North African (MENA) Region, 1971–2014." Journal of Educational and Social Research 9, no. 3 (September 1, 2019): 39–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/jesr-2019-0021.
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Abstract Although the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region has exhibited substantial progress over the past 40 years in improving primary schooling, marked variations in these achievements are evident within the region. This is an interesting puzzle if we recognize the MENA region is highly homogeneous in terms of religion, politics and socio-economic structure. We argue that in this paper, differences in state capacity–the degree to which MENA states attains desired primary education goals–contribute to these variations. To substantiate our argument, we applied different state capacity indicators and tested their impacts on primary schooling for the period 1971–2014. Empirical findings largely support our observations and results still hold with alternative indicators and model specifications. These findings have policy and academic implications for the study of state capacity, primary education and the MENA region.
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Darmawan, Arief Bakhtiar. "Islam dan Perilaku Politik di Timur Tengah." Insignia Journal of International Relations 5, no. 1 (May 15, 2018): 46. http://dx.doi.org/10.20884/1.ins.2018.5.1.895.
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This paper aims to analyze religion�s roles related to the political activities in the contemporary Middle East. Constructivism is a framework that offers the way to understand the phenomenon. Constructivism provides a place for the influence of non-material factors such as the value, identity, and purpose of actor behavior in politics. This study used descriptive-interpretative method to acknowledge the problem formulation. Through the lenght of descriptive-interpretative method, author carried out data management, unification, and examination by exertly looking for patterns and relations regarding the role of Islam in political activities in Middle-East. In this article, the author examines through two levels of analysis, ie state level and regional level. At the state level, Islamic political ideology grows in a modern state and often confronts democracy. The debate over the application of Islamic law, the involvement in elections, and the adaptation of Islamic justice principles and the principle of equality are the discourses that characterize political activity in the Middle East. At the regional level, Islam exerts impact in foreign policy in the region. The regional tensions between Sunni and Shiite groups, the resistance in the context of jihad, and the emergence of ISIS are part of the conflict that contributes to regional instability. These political behaviors shows that Islam is not a religion with a single interpretation.
Keywords: Islam, Middle East, constructivism, modern states, foreign policy
Artikel ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis peran atau pengaruh Islam dalam aktivitas politik di kawasan Timur Tengah terkini. Konstruktivisme merupakan kerangka pemikiran yang menyediakan jalan untuk memahami fenomena tersebut. Konstruktivisme memberi tempat bagi pengaruh faktor-faktor non-material seperti nilai, identitas, dan maksud dari perilaku aktor dalam dunia politik. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan deskriptif-interpretatif untuk menjawab rumusan masalah. Melalui pendekatan deskriptif-interpretatif, penulis melakukan pengaturan, penyatuan, dan pemeriksaan data dengan berupaya mencari pola dan relasi mengenai peran atau pengaruh Islam dalam aktivitas politik di Timur Tengah. Dalam artikel ini, penulis meneliti melalui dua level analisis, yaitu level negara dan level regional. Dalam level negara, ideologi politik Islam tumbuh dalam negara modern dan seringkali berhadapan dengan demokrasi. Perdebatan mengenai penerapan syariat Islam, keterlibatan dalam pemilihan umum, serta penyesuaian prinsip keadilan Islam dan prinsip persamaan hak merupakan diskursus yang mewarnai aktivitas politik di Timur Tengah. Dalam level regional, Islam memberi pengaruh dalam politik luar negeri di kawasan. Ketegangan regional antara kelompok Sunni dan Syiah, perlawanan dalam konteks jihad, serta kemunculan ISIS adalah bagian dari konflik yang menyumbang ketidakstabilan kawasan. Perilaku-perilaku politik tersebut menunjukkan bahwa Islam bukan agama dengan makna yang tunggal.
Kata kunci: Islam, Timur Tengah, konstruktivisme, negara modern, politik luar negeri
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Frendo, J. D. C. "Religion and Politics in Byzantium on the Eve of the Arab Conquests." Florilegium 10, no. 1 (January 1991): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/flor.10.001.
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The three decades or so that go to make up the long and eventful reign of the Emperor Heraclius (610-641) constitute both a turning point in the evolution of the Byzantine state and a watershed in the history of Europe and the Middle East. It is difficult, therefore, though essential in the first instance for the purpose of the present analysis, to try to disentangle one aspect of this situation from the other. Nevertheless, a useful starting point for such an attempt has, I think, been provided by G. Ostrogorsky’s characterization of the changes that the Byzantine state itself underwent during a stretch of time if not identical with, at least in close proximity to and inclusive of, the period in question. It should be noted, moreover, that his observations are in a sense self-contained and, what is perhaps more important, that they are offered independently of any consideration of the epoch-making significance of the more or less simultaneous rise of Islam:
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Jawad, Rana, Daniel Béland, and Emmanuele Pavolini. "State of the Art: ‘The People’ and Their Social Rights: What Is Distinctive About the Populism-Religion-Social Policy Nexus?" Social Policy and Society 20, no. 2 (January 11, 2021): 267–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474746420000664.
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The aims of this review article are two-fold: (1) to set out the key theoretical trends in the study of religion, populism and social policy as antithetical concepts that also share common concerns; (2) to re-assert the relevance of social policy to the social and political sciences by making the case for studying outlier or indeed rival topics together – in this case populism and religion. Social policy scholars do not necessarily associate these two topics with modern social policy, yet they have a long history of influence on societies all over the world; populism is also especially timely in our current era. The article contributes to the literature by: (a) helping social policy better understand its diverse and at times contradictory constituencies; (b) contributing to a more complex and inclusive understanding of social policy and, therefore, social welfare. In setting out the state-of-the-art, the article also draws upon research on social policy which spans various continents (North America, Europe, the Middle East and North Africa and Latin America) and a preceding paper collaboration by the authors on religion and social policy (Pavolini et al., 2017).
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Anwar, Saiful. "Kejahatan Bertopeng Agama: Sebuah Tinjauan Sosiologi Agama." Tarbawy : Jurnal Pendidikan Islam 4, no. 2 (December 15, 2017): 252–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.32923/tarbawy.v4i2.822.
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Religion wherever it is, always being replaced in high state of human life. Religion, as the source of all sources, is used as a tool to role human either vertically or horizontally. Karl Marx said that religion is a blessed heart against a cold and heartless world. Religion is a human medium to have more sympathy and empathy for others to live a warmer and friendlier life in peace. However, it cannot be denied that religion was once a sword used to commit genocide or mass annihilation by a group of humans against other human groups either directly or indirectly. Crusades, the middle-east war that is still going on are two examples of the dark events of human destruction wrapped by religion. Terrorism that occurs today is a deviation that is also wrapped by religion. These crimes are the result of a distortion of religious doctrine. Not only are physical destructive but also psychological and materialistic crimes. Cases of misappropriation of funds like the First Travel case are one of them. This paper will attempt to explore the phenomenon of crime in the name of Islam that happened lately in Indonesia. This paper will explore the phenomenon with a philosophical and social approach.
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Novàk, Sara. "Peace Process in the Middle East after 9/11." International Journal of Social Science Research and Review 1, no. 1 (December 1, 2018): 9–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.47814/ijssrr.v1i1.5.
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The Middle East occupies a unique geographical and strategic position. Hence, it is not a coincidence that every great power in history has sought to advance its interests in the region. In addition to its geographical and strategic uniqueness, the Middle East is the birthplace and spiritual center of the three most important monotheistic religions, namely Christianity, Judaism and Islam, as well as the greatest single reserve of oil. Last, but not least, due to its geopolitical importance, any inter- and intra-state conflict in the Middle East has the potential not only of destabilizing the region as a whole or upsetting the regional balance of power but also affecting global stability. For these reasons, the Middle East has been a major center of world affairs; an economically, politically, and culturally sensitive area. The purpose of this volume is to provide an account of international relations in the contemporary Middle East. To address the question of regional order, attention will focus on the policies of external actors – such as the United States (US), Russia, China, the European Union, and the United Nations – as well as on regional hegemonic aspirations and resulting rivalries.
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Schwartz, David, and Daniel Galily. "The Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt: Ideology vs. Pragmatism." Open Journal for Studies in History 4, no. 1 (April 19, 2021): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.32591/coas.ojsh.0401.01001s.
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This study aims to present the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt, its ideology and pragmatism. With progress and modernization, the Islamic movements in the Middle East realized that they could not deny progress, so they decided to join the mainstream and take advantage of technological progress in their favor. The movement maintains at least one website in which it publishes its way, and guides the audience. Although these movements seem to maintain a rigid ideology, they adapt themselves to reality with the help of many tools, because they have realized that reality is stronger than they are. The main points in the article are: The status of religion in the country; What is the Muslim Brotherhood? According to which ideology is the movement taking place? - Movement background and ideology; Theoretical background – The theory of Pragmatism; How is pragmatism manifested in the activity of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt? In conclusions: The rise of the Islamist movements as a leading social and political force in the Middle East is the result of the bankruptcy of nationalism, secularism and the left in the Arab world, which created an ideological vacuum, which is filled to a large extent by the fundamentalists, ensuring that Islam is the solution. It is not only about the extent of the return to religion, but about the transformation of religion into a major political factor both by the regimes and by the opposition. These are political movements that deal first and foremost with the social and political mobilization of the masses, and they exert pressure to apply the Islamic law as the law of the state instead of the legal systems taken from the Western model.
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McCain, Carmen. "Censorship, citizenship and cosmopolitan unity in Muslim and Christian creative responses to repression in northern Nigeria." Africa 92, no. 5 (November 2022): 739–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972022000651.
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AbstractNigeria is often portrayed as having a ‘Muslim north’ and a ‘Christian south’. Such representations oversimplify the complicated interrelationships between the two religious communities and their geographic locations. Similarly, while much has been written on the conflict between Muslims and Christians in Nigeria’s Middle Belt region, there has been less scholarly attention to the philosophical and communal relationships between adherents of the two religions in northern Nigeria. I argue that there are parallels in the way in which Hausa-speaking Muslim artists responded to a censorship crisis in Kano State in 2007–11 and in the way in which Hausa-speaking Christian musicians from Nigeria’s north-east responded a few years later to the Boko Haram crisis. I examine Muslim filmmaker Hamisu Lamido Iyantama’s response to the Kano State Censorship Board, alongside Christian musician Saviour Y. Inuwa’s response to Boko Haram. Iyantama and Inuwa both counter repressive forces by expressing parallel understandings of their identities as citizens in the pluralistic state of Nigeria and as righteous members of universal religious communities that emphasize God’s justice in the end times. I argue that these Hausa-language artists present a vision of cosmopolitan unity across ethnicity and religion, as an alternative to the repressive forces of both state censorship and the anarchic violence of Boko Haram.
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Ozturk, Ahmet Erdi. "Turkey and Saudi Arabia Relations in the Twenty-First Century: Power, State Identity and Religion." Border Crossing 12, no. 2 (October 31, 2022): 85–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/bc.v12i2.2423.
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During the first two decades of the Twenty-First century, we have begun — and will continue to — experience a new dimension in the political roles of power, state identity and religion in different ways. One can read this situation as the concentration of these notions at the core of global politics implemented by political leaders who have been transforming their countries appearances and perceptions worldwide. Furthermore, we will also be experiencing an increase in the intersectionality between domestic and foreign policy that are covered by power, state identity and religion. Within this framework, Muslim majority countries in the Middle East, which are underdeveloped in terms of liberal democracy, have been engaging in a global struggle over state identity and power that stretches from different part of the world, and this has been affecting both the regional dynamics and beyond via global Muslim diasporas. Among many different examples two of these countries have become quite visible: Turkey, under the leadership of Recep Tayyip Erdogan, and Saudi Arabia with its crown prince, Mohammed bin Salman. The two countries have long been in a problematic relation and this has been intensified after Saudi agents murdered journalist Jamal Khashoggi at the kingdom's Istanbul consulate in 2018. But, how did their relations come to this point and how do power, state identity and religion play different roles? To answer this question, this article argues that not directly religion, but also international power struggles and differences between state identities could play different roles into the relations between states, but the positions of the states could not be stable and can be changeable according to their interests.
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Lohvynenko, I. A., and Ye S. Lohvynenko. "The status of women in the Ancient East: peculiarities of marriage and family relations in Mesopotamia." Law and Safety 85, no. 2 (June 30, 2022): 91–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.32631/pb.2022.2.09.
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The main criteria of social differentiation of women in the first state formations of the Middle Ages have been studied. The influence of religion on the formation of understanding of the place and role of women in society has been shown. Peculiarities of marriage and family relations in ancient Mesopotamia have been considered. The factors determining the social hierarchy of women in the ancient civilizations of the Biennial have been determined and analyzed. The causes of temple and street mass prostitution have been clarified. Features of the position of female slaves have been described.
The work is based on the principle of historicism. When studying primary sources, comparative legal, hermeneutic methods and systematic analysis were used. The anthropological method was used when revealing the worldview of the people of that time and their values, the gender method was used when studying the status of women in the state institutions of the Middle Ages.
It was concluded that the social position of women in ancient Mesopotamia was not unambiguous. Religion influenced a person's worldview, the understanding of the nature of a woman, her place and role in society. The rite of “sacred marriage” was one of the significant religious rituals, which encouraged the reproduction of similar sacred acts in worldly life, and became the ideological basis of the activity of the priests of Mezhyrechya. On the basis of the analysis of the legislation of the state institutions of the time, the purpose of marriage was determined, that is the birth and upbringing of children who were to inherit and multiply the family property and perform the necessary sacred rites, which were to help the dead in the afterlife. The inability to have children became the reason for divorce, as a rule, at the husband's will. The wife also had the right to initiate the divorce process in the municipal court, but under certain circumstances specifically defined by law.
The most influential in society were the high priestesses – entum and naditum, who were related by blood to the famous families of Mesopotamia. They had wealth, broad socio-economic rights and the greatest social protection. Prostitutes and slaves were the least protected. It is noted that the origins of modern problems of gender inequality can be seen in the distant past, in the ancient world, in particular in Mesopotamia, which had a significant impact on European civilization. Women's History The Biennial provides grounds for asserting that solving the problems of gender inequality is not possible only by changing the legislation. A comprehensive approach is necessary, which would take into account such components as religion, culture, law, economy, psychology, etc.
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Litvinov, Vyacheslav Petrovich. "On the Problems of Police Services in the States of the Muslim East: the Middle Ages and the Modern Period." Islamovedenie 12, no. 3 (October 31, 2021): 102–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.21779/2077-8155-2020-12-3-102-113.
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The article is devoted to the history of the police in the states of the Muslim East in the Middle Ages and the modern period. According to the author, the police appeared in the tribal com-munities of this region even before the emergence of the state and performed, among other things, the functions of political investigation. In the countries of the Muslim East, the formation of the police was determined by the general regularities of global change, as well as the specificity of Islam as a religion and Sharia as legislation. The article identifies the historical models and reveals the na-ture of the institution of the police in the Muslim world, including their national security functions. Much attention is paid to the activities of the religious police in Central Asia. According to the au-thor, their abolition in Russian Turkestan revealed many negative phenomena that had existed earli-er in the life of Muslim society in the pre-Russian period. The author concludes that in the states of the Muslim East as a whole the police played a historically positive role in the development of the region.
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Zeghal, Malika. "Religion and Politics in Egypt: The Ulema of Al-Azhar, Radical Islam, and the State (1952–94)." International Journal of Middle East Studies 31, no. 3 (August 1999): 371–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800055483.
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A vast literature has been produced since the 1980s on the emergence of Islamist movements in the Middle East. This literature offers different rationales for the emergence of new kinds of foes to the political regimes of the region. Filling the void left by the leftist opposition, the Islamist militants appeared around the 1970s as new political actors. They were expected neither by the state elites, which had initiated earlier modernizing political and social reforms, nor by political scientists who based their research on modernization-theory hypotheses. The former thought that their reform policies toward the religious institution would reinforce their control of the religious sphere, and the latter expected that secularization would accompany the modernization of society. The surprise brought by this new political phenomenon pushed observers to focus mainly on the Islamists and to overlook the role of the ulema, the specialists of the Islamic law, who were considered entirely submitted to the state.
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Goldberg, Ellis. "Imagining Citizens." International Journal of Middle East Studies 50, no. 2 (May 2018): 343–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743818000259.
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Events since 2011 replaced earlier discussions about authoritarian stability in the Middle East with new ones about the meaning of democracy and the nature of revolution. The experiences and debates of Egyptians in the last six years also raise important questions around citizenship and the nature of political community. Just as there have not always been nation-states, there have not always been feelings of membership, identification, and activity associated with them. Citizenship and political community are frequently discussed in relation to secularism and religion and relative to an argument that the affective claims of Islam are incompatible with the modern presumptively secular state. I argue, however, that the shoring up—or disintegration—of nationalism and citizenship are shaped by the imagination of everyday individuals and state elites.
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Mart, Michelle. "The “Christianization” of Israel and Jews in 1950s America." Religion and American Culture: A Journal of Interpretation 14, no. 1 (2004): 109–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rac.2004.14.1.109.
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AbstractIn the 1950s, the United States experienced a domestic religious revival that offered postwar Americans a framework to interpret the world and its unsettling international political problems. Moreover, the religious message of the cold war that saw the God-fearing West against atheistic communists encouraged an unprecedented ecumenism in American history. Jews, formerly objects of indifference if not disdain and hatred in the United States, were swept up in the ecumenical tide of “Judeo-Christian” values and identity and, essentially, “Christianized” in popular and political culture. Not surprisingly, these cultural trends affected images of the recently formed State of Israel. In the popular and political imagination, Israel was formed by the “Chosen People” and populated by prophets, warriors, and simple folk like those in Bible stories. The popular celebration of Israel also romanticized its people at the expense of their Arab (mainly Muslim) neighbors. Battling foes outside of the Judeo-Christian family, Israelis seemed just like Americans. Americans treated the political problems of the Middle East differently than those in other parts of the world because of the religious significance of the “Holy Land.” A man such as Secretary of State John Foster Dulles, who combined views of hard-nosed “realpolitik” with religious piety, acknowledged the special status of the Middle East by virtue of the religions based there. Judaism, part of the “Judeo-Christian civilization,” benefitted from this religious consciousness, while Islam remained a religion and a culture apart. This article examines how the American image of Jews, Israelis, and Middle Eastern politics was re-framed in the early 1950s to reflect popular ideas of religious identity. These images were found in fiction, the press, and the speeches and writings of social critics and policymakers. The article explores the role of the 1950s religious revival in the identification of Americans with Jews and Israelis and discusses the rise of the popular understanding that “Judeo-Christian” values shaped American culture and politics.
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Dahlgren, Susanne, and Monika Lindbekk. "Introduction." Hawwa 18, no. 2-3 (October 28, 2020): 117–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15692086-12341374.
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Abstract This article focuses on adjudication of Muslim family law in countries that range from the Middle East and North Africa to South-East Asia. It begins by shortly summarizing the development of shari‘a in pre-modern times, up until the 19th century. We discuss the basic features of marriage among classical jurists and argue that the close connection known today between the family and Islamic law can be traced to the emergence of modern nation states and centralizing state structures. We then provide a description of important personal status reforms during the 20th and 21st centuries and consider the growing body of scholarship that engages with adjudication of Muslim family law in action and in context. Finally, we consider the contribution that the articles contained in the special double issue make to the field of research, including the questions of gender and judicial authority, religion-based judicial activism, and the courts’ involvement in larger socio-political processes.
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Novikova, Ramilya G. "ISLAM AND GENETICS: RELIGIOUS, ETHICAL AND LEGAL ISSUES." RUDN Journal of Law 23, no. 4 (December 15, 2019): 565–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-2337-2019-23-4-565-585.
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The rapid development and achievements of science and technology provides people to improve their lives. Over the past 10 years, genetic researches have grown significantly. Today they are the subject of debate not only by doctors, lawyers, but also theologians. Currently, legislation of countries in Middle East regulates genomics and genetic research differently. Countries are having orient towards religion and therefore pay more attention in these countries to the ethical regulators of Islam besides only legal regulation of genomics (humans, animals, plants, i.e. all living things). Ethical standards are gradually becoming legal norms. In some countries of the Middle East, there are draft laws on the legal regulation of genetics; in some countries given attention in the legal acts of executive authorities in genomics sphere, and in some, have been developed local acts of leading medical centers. A number of eastern countries are also highlighted, in the legislation of which some aspects of the legal regulation of genetic research act as legislative novels. In the most economically developed Middle Eastern countries, genetics is one of the priority programs of the state, in particular, there are national strategic programs for the development of countries already use of modern methods of genome sequencing, bioinformatics, and validation methods. Many Middle Eastern countries have ratified international acts in genetic research and on issues related to their regulation. In addition, Islamic states have developed an independent concept of genomics regulation, taking into account the attitudes of the fundamental sources of Islamic law. Based on the read material of the article, the reader learns about the legal, ethical and legal regulation in the field of genomics of Middle Eastern Islamic states.
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Afshar, H. "Review: Secularism, Gender and the State in the Middle East: the Egyptian Women's Movement * Najde Al-Ali: Secularism, Gender and the State in the Middle East: the Egyptian Women's Movement." Journal of Islamic Studies 13, no. 3 (September 1, 2002): 360–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jis/13.3.360.
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Naïli, Falestin, Valentina Napolitano, and Pauline Piraud-Fournet. "Introduction: Charity, Relief and Humanitarianism as a Means of Maintaining Social and Political Stability in the Middle East. A Longue Durée Analysis of Actors, Categories and Practices." Endowment Studies 6, no. 1-2 (December 30, 2022): 1–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24685968-06010008.
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Abstract Different forms of charity, relief and humanitarian action can be jointly approached as a means of governance and social regulation. More precisely, in the Middle East the question of stability – social and political – can be considered as a central driver for local and international actors alike. This study adopts a broad historical framework, reaching from antiquity to the present day, with the aim of approaching the subject with an openness conducive to understanding the evolution of the actors, modes of action and representations underlying aid initiatives. The longue durée approach allows to show two main specificities of the modern and contemporary Middle East: firstly, the evolution of aid practices is directly linked to human mobility, since they are connected to religious practices, commerce or violence, which led to the need to take a census, to categorise and sometimes isolate populations in order to govern and control them. Secondly, in the absence of the welfare state as the most important provider of aid, the state has until today in the Middle East much less prominence among the multiplicity of aid providers, such as the family, non-governmental, religious and community organisations.