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Jalal, Pishtiwan Abdulwahid. "Sectarianism in Kurdistan Region of Iraq Between Political and Theological schism." Diss., Virginia Tech, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/99090.
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Sectarianism has become the magic word with which many scholars and politicians describe the current Middle East politics. Much of the existing literature presumes that most of the state and non-state actors of the region are divided over Shia and Sunni blocs led by Iran and the Kingdom of Saudi Arabi (KSA) respectively. However, so far scholars have left out the Kurds within their studies on sectarianism. Scholars have not explicitly pointed out why they are disinterested in sectarianism among the Kurds; it might be due to the perception that the Kurds are mostly Sunnis who have an ethnic and not a religious cause. The main aim of this research is to look at sectarianism in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI) and find out whether or not of this perception is true. To do so, this research rejects the general application of the English term "sectarianism" in the first place as a theme to explain the politics of the Middle East. Instead, in the first chapter it is argued that there are three tiers of relations among regional actors: 1) state-state realpolitik, which is based on geopolitical realities among Turkey, Iran and the KSA, 2) political sectarianism (taifiyya) among sectarian groups such as the MB, Wahabis and Shia, often conducted through political agents like state and non-state actors, and 3) the civil and non-violent sect-sect theological sectarianism (madhabiyya) among those three sects. In the second chapter this new understanding of sectarianism is then applied on the domestic politics of the KRI. It is argued that while there is theological sectarianism in the KRI, there is no political sectarianism. The third chapter explores the foreign relations of the KRI. It argues that the KRI as an unrecognized state, acts rationally to survive. It evades sectarianism and deemphasizes its demands of international recognition. Alternatively, the KRI pursues 'Regional Acceptance Policy' within which the Kurdish leadership persuades the regional powers, especially Turkey and Iran, that the de facto state will not declare independence, in return, they ask regional powers' acceptance of the KRI as a legitimate actor with its unique status.Doctor of Philosophy
Throughout the 20th century ethno-nationalism was the strongest sentiment in the Middle East. Within the past decade or so, however, Islam's two main sectarian identities, Shia and Sunni, have become extraordinarily strong, if not stronger than ethno-national identities. The common understanding of the region's politics is that Iran, as a Shia majority country, has allied with the other Shia non-Persian countries and actors, such as Iraq and Hezbollah. The Sunni countries, on the other hand, have gathered around the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA) against Iran or Shias in general. There is also, however, a common perception that Kurds are the only people in the Middle East who have not become sectarian. This research is to see whether this perception towards the Kurds is true, and if it is, why? The first chapter argues that the English term "sectarianism" fails to explain the current politics of the Middle East. Instead, it is argued, there are two different forms of sectarianism in Islam; one is about theological disagreements, which in Arabic is called "madhabiya", the other is about the political competition among the various Muslim groups which in Arabic is called "taifiya". Regardless of the religious factor, states of the Middle East act rationally based on geopolitical realities. Political sectarianism comes emerges especially when those sectarian groups mobilize under political parties and armed militia groups. Sects and states sometimes cooperate for mutual interests and hence it appears that the entire conflicts of the region are driven by sectarian motivations. The second and third chapters then explore sectarianism in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI) within this new understanding. The KRI acts like the state actors based on its interests and not its Sunni sectarian identity. Contrary to the common perception towards the unrecognized state which assumes that the KRI's ultimate goal should be international recognition (IR), it is here argued that the KRI prioritizes 'regional acceptance' (RA) over IR. Within the KRI there is theological sectarianism among Salafists, Sufis, and political Islamists. However, there is no political sectarianism because the Kurdish government has neutralized and unarmed the sectarian groups.
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DeLozier, Elana. "Threats to Religious Legitimacy and State Security: The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia's Quest for Stable Continuity." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/35150.
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This thesis examines how Saudi Arabia responds to threats posed to its dynastic survival with specific emphasis on the current threat posed by Islamism. Saudi Arabia needs both religious legitimacy and state security in order to ensure the stability and continuity of the Kingdom. These needs produce a recurrent tension within the Saudi foreign policy framework because they pull in opposing directions. These tensions become particularly acute when the Kingdom is faced with a grave threat to either its religious legitimacy or its state security. Two cases studies are used to illustrate the Saudi Arabian response to threat. The Pan-Arab movement of the 1950s and 1960s threatened Saudi Arabia's religious legitimacy, and the 1991 Kuwait War threatened Saudi Arabia's state security. The Kingdom was able to endure these threats by balancing the resulting tensions. Historically, Saudi Arabia has only had to manage one type of threat at a time; however, Islamism represents an unprecedented threat because it simultaneously endangers Saudi Arabia's state security and religious legitimacy and to a greater degree than past threats. Islamism is qualitatively more intense because it combines dimensions that had previously been separate and manageable by the Kingdom. This thesis argues that since Islamism is confining the space for political maneuverability, Saudi Arabia faces its most serious threat to stable continuity--a danger which might undermine the Kingdom if a change to threat response is not made.Master of Arts
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Farias, Igor Henriques Sabino de. "Deslocados internos por perseguição religiosa e o Estado islâmico: uma análise do caso iraquiano (2006 - 2014)." Universidade Estadual da Paraíba, 2018. http://tede.bc.uepb.edu.br/jspui/handle/tede/3025.
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This dissertation discusses the influence of religion on International Relations (IR). Its general objective is to emphasize the importance of religion as one of the explanatory variables of contemporary international politics. In order to do so, it uses concepts from the English School to analyze the increase in the number of internally displaced persons due to religious persecution in Iraq after the rise of the terrorist group Islamic State between 2006 and 2014. It is therefore argued that there is a relation between the two facts. In order to verify this assumption and achieve the general objective of the research, the main religious elements that can influence international relations are classified, emphasizing the concepts of non-state religious actor and transnational religious issues. It then discusses how these elements can be understood in the light of the main theories of IR, such as Realism, Liberalism, Constructivism and English School, but emphasizes the latter. It is also conceptualizes terms such as internal displacement and religious persecution, with reference to the main sources of international law. Finally, it is demonstrated, through analysis of the official propaganda of the Islamic State, how Islamic religious elements were used by the group in order to persecute Christians and Yazidis in Iraq. This fact caused a large number of internally displaced persons due to religious persecution in the country. It is concluded, therefore, that, although religion is still an explanatory variable of IR neglected in the academic world, it is increasingly present in events of international politics, especially after the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001.
Esta dissertação discute a influência da religião nas Relações Internacionais (RI) e tem como objetivo geral ressaltar a importância da religião enquanto uma das variáveis explicativas da política internacional contemporânea. Para isso, utiliza-se de conceitos da Escola Inglesa para analisar o aumento do número de deslocados internos por perseguição religiosa no Iraque após a ascensão do grupo terrorista Estado Islâmico, entre 2006 e 2014. Defende-se, portanto, que existe uma relação entre os dois fatos. A fim de verificar esse pressuposto e alcançar o objetivo geral da pesquisa, classifica-se os principais elementos religiosos que podem influenciar as relações internacionais, dando ênfase aos conceitos de ator religioso não estatal e questões religiosas transnacionais. Em seguida, discute como esses elementos podem ser compreendidos à luz das principais teorias de RI, como Realismo, Liberalismo, Construtivismo e Escola Inglesa, ressaltando, porém, essa última. Conceitua-se também termos como deslocado interno e perseguição religiosa, tendo como referente as principais fontes de Direito Internacional. Por fim, é demonstrado, por meio da análise da propaganda oficial do Estado Islâmico, como elementos religiosos islâmicos foram instrumentalizados pelo grupo a fim de perseguir cristãos e yazidis no Iraque. Fato que ocasionou um grande número de deslocados internos por perseguição religiosa no país. Conclui-se, portanto, que, embora a religião ainda seja uma variável explicativa das RI negligenciada no meio acadêmico, está cada vez mais presente em eventos da política internacional, sobretudo após os atentados terroristas do 11 de setembro de 2001.
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Sabeh, Mada. "Démocratie et religions au Proche-Orient : les cas du Liban, d'Israël, des Territoires palestiniens et de la Turquie." Thesis, Paris 5, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA05H010/document.
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Existe-t-il un pluralisme démocratique, une démocratie différente de celle des normes « occidentales » ? C’est la question que nous nous sommes posés dans notre recherche, en partant sur une hypothèse affirmative, dans un contexte spécifique qui est celui de l’alliance communément contestée entre démocratie et religion. Nous avons décidé de nous pencher sur les démocraties du Proche-Orient, sur leurs particularismes liés au rapport étroit qui existe dans ces pays entre politique et religion. Les pays de la région qui sembleraient à nos yeux les plus démocratiques à ce jour sont le Liban, Israël (en incluant une étude des Territoires palestiniens également), et la Turquie. En tenant pour principes démocratiques l’égalité et la liberté, présents dans leurs constitutions respectives, nous avons décidé d’étudier les spécificités de chaque pays ; celui d’être un Etat confessionnel pour le Liban, un Etat Juif pour Israël, un Etat sans Etat pour les Territoires palestiniens, un Etat à la fois laïc, turc, et islamique pour la Turquie. Il existe des failles démocratiques dans chacun de ses Etats, que nous avons mises en évidence, tout comme des évolutions positives. Le nationalisme présent dans chacun de ces pays est particulièrement prononcé, selon les différentes communautés d’appartenances, ce qui fait de l’appartenance ethnique principale une appartenance nationale ; d’où notre choix ambitieux d’appeler ces Etats des démocraties ethniques, se basant sur l’ethnos (l’appartenance communautaire du peuple). C’est aussi en raison de cette condition qu’ils connaissent surtout des lacunes vis-à-vis de la reconnaissance d’autres appartenances, leurs minorités respectivesDoes a democratic pluralism exist, implying a democracy different from the "Western" standards? Based on a positive assumption, this is the question that we attempt to answer to in this research within a specific framework, namely the commonly contested alliance between democracy and religion. We have decided to study Middle-Eastern democracies with their specificities related to the narrow link that exists in those countries between politics and religion. The countries of the area that seemed, as of today, the most democratic to us are Lebanon, Israel (including a study of the Palestinian Territories) and Turkey. Based on the democratic principles of Equality and Liberty, also present in their respective constitutions, we have decided to look into the specificities of each country; such as being a confessional state for Lebanon, a Jewish state for Israel, a state without a state for the Palestinian Territories and a state being at the same time secular, Turkish and Islamic for Turkey. In each of these countries there are democratic flaws that we have highlighted, as well as positive evolutions. The Nationalism present in each of these countries is particularly pronounced according to the different communities to which one belongs, which leads the main ethnic to become a national identification, hence our ambitious choice to name these states ethnic democracies based on the ethnos (people's identification to a community). It is also because of this specificity that they encounter weaknesses towards the recognition of other identifications such as their respective minorities
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Al-Hinai, Abdulmalik Abdullah. "State formation in Oman 1861-1970." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.312066.
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The main hypothesis of this study is that in the period from the 1860s to the 1960s the politics and decision-making of the Omani state were influenced by four forces, namely the British, the merchants, the tribal leaders and the ulama. The arguments relate only to the Sultanate of Oman, since no reliable data are available for the Imamate of Oman. During the second half of the seventeenth century the Omani state entered its imperial age, which lasted until the middle of the nineteenth century. The Ya'ariba dynasty, which was the first ruling family in that age, was similar to the states described by Ibn Khaldun. This was followed by the rise of the Al Bu Said dynasty. The imperial age lasted until the collapse of the Omani empire in 1861. The main finding of this study are first that the British role was the most prominent in the formation of the post-imperial Omani state, while these of the merchants, the tribal leaders and the ulama were mostly indirect or minimal. Secondly, the study found that, in addition to the tribal conflict, the period between 1861 and the 1950s was dominated by two other forms of social struggle, namely conflict between the merchants and the peasants, and tensions in the fragile alliance between the tribal and religious leaders. Thirdly, the several types of external subsidy, which Oman started to receive after] 861, laid the foundation of the rentier state in Oman, much earlier than the oil era. Fourthly, the political division of Oman, which resulted from the Treaty of Sib of 1920, never led to the emergence of two independent states. The situation, which prevailed between 1920 and 1955, was to a large extent one of one state with two systems. It is hoped that, in addition to its contribution to the study of the history and international relations of Oman, this study will provide students of political economy with a better understanding of the nature of the Omani state as one of the oldest states in the Arab World.
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Al-Ansi, Mohsin Abdulla. "Fisheries of the state of Qatar." Thesis, University of Aberdeen, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.262916.
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Total fish landings in Qatar increased from 1736t in 1980 to 7845t in 1992. Around 93% of this growth was due to an increase in the artisanal fleet. this increase was exemplified by increases in i) numbers of vessels from 174 to 422, ii) numbers of fishermen from 573 to 1962, iii) mean vessel power from 30 to 67 kW. The mean Qatar National Fishing Company (QNFC) CPUE during 1984 to 1991 was 112.4 kg.h-1. The QNFC trawlers ceased operation in 1992 when market share by value of catch had declined to 4.6%. The artisanal fleet continued to land a greater variety of high value species with landings reaching 6996t during 1993. Market 'consumption' of Siganus spp. generally increased during the spawning season. Females may release > 1 million eggs (mean - 400,000, ± 43,000) in a single spawning, generally between March and May. Spawning was later in 1993 than 1992 and is possibly linked to the lunar cycle. The main spawning grounds of Siganus are around islands, the coastline and coral reefs. Most fry were found in bays and lagoons near Wakrah and Dhakirah, no fry were found in mangroves. S. canaliculatus can reach maturity by year one (females at 14.5cm, males at 13.5cm total length) but most reach maturation in year two. S. canaliculatus is probably best aged by vertebral annuli, other studies also suggest it can easily withstand a salinities up to 58. Gulf salinity is approximately 42. Imposition of a closed season during April-May is recommended, particularly at sites close to the coastline and islands. Penaeus semisulcatus accounted for 97.5% by weight of total shrimp catches during this study. The mean annual CPUE for this species was 16.6 (S.D. 9.96) and 3.03 (S.D.2.2) kg.h-1 at Doha and Khore respectively (1992-93).
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Di, Vita Salvatore <1990>. "The Islamic State statehood and the concept of state in the Middle East." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/9143.
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On June 29, 2014, the Sunni Salafist jihadist organization known as Islamic State of Iraq and Levant proclaimed Abu Bakr Al-Baghdadi its caliph and changed its name in Islamic State - as a new caliphate. In this way, it posed the flag of a State on the conquered territories between Iraq and Syria. The quick - even not unexpected - development of IS and its pragmatical separation from al-Qaida undermined further the precarious equilibrium of the Middle East. Furthermore, this event represents a new issue for the international community. It opens a new debate and puts the concept of state into the spotlight.
The main question is if the Islamic State can be considered a state. Is the Islamic State a formal state? Scholars and experts of geopolitic tried to answer this question using the limited datas in their possession. The relevance of the answer is related to the fact that is important to understand how other subject have to engage with IS. To understand if it is a State or a terroristic group can conditions the international strategy of other states to face this problems. However, to answer this question is necessary to dissemble it, developing a discourse that analyses all the elements subtended by this argument.
First of all, it is indispensable to understand what the concept of state refers to. What is a "State"? (how do you define a state?) This idea can be analyzed from different perspectives that can lead to different conclusions. Indeed, there are various elements that are used to define a state: some territorial other refers to a population, (some conceptual) legitimacy, power, independency. These elements can be found in different degrees in different state.
Thus, following the thread of the discourse to the main answer, one is naturally led to wonder if there is a universal kind of state. Turning now to the Middle Eastern context asking the question: How has the state developed in the Middle East? Looking at this area, it can be assumed that the State is characterized by a structural instability that starts at least by the end of the Ottoman Empire, or even before its end. Therefore, we are interested in what are the main causes of this lack of equilibrium. In the Middle East there are some elements that, mixed with each other, converge to give a certain specificity to this region. For example historical elements, like the process of formation of the state and the post-colonial period; economical elements, like the presence of important reinter states; sociological elements, like tribes and minorities, and the strong presence of the religion with its separatism. Authoritarian States, Reinter States, Weak States, Failed States, Political Islam. Many of these elements generate sentiments characterized by trans-national aspects like Pan-Arabism or Pan-Islamism. The knowledge and understanding of this mix of features is a necessary precondition to explain the context in which the new entity of the Islamic State has been developed.
Thus, the debate arrives at the most central question of this analysis: For who is it important to understand if the Islamic State is a state or not? IS wants a territory. The separation from Al-Qaeda is a clear clue of it. Another indication should be on the name itself. They present themselves as the Islamic State and not as an Islamic State like the Islamic Republic of Iran. The concept of Umma is recurring in the public discourse, and the materials provided by IS itself as the magazine Dabiq, can show its politic. However, there are many uncertainties about the statehood of this entity that can possibly be defined as a counter-State.
The importance of this study is due to the necessity to analyze what IS claims to be, how it is actually acting, how the international system is facing it and how all these factors are delimitated in the Middle Eastern context can give a key to understand what is happening in the territories of Iraq and Syria.
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Rowe, Paul Stanley. "Ancient crosses and tower-keeps : the politics of Christian minorities in the Middle East." Thesis, McGill University, 2003. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=19477.
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The interplay of religion and politics has been a consistent theme in the comparativepolitics of identity, and more specifically with regard to Middle Eastern politics Yetcoverage of religion and politics in the region is generally focused on the Muslimmajority and neglects the existence and impact of non-Muslim religious elements inMiddle Eastern societies. The most prominent of these are the various groups ofChristian Arabs.This work begins with a reassessment of common comparative theoretical approaches tothe study of religion and politics. It introduces a critical and dynamic constructivistapproach to religion, defining it as belief'. Using belief the political environment, andrelative demographics as a guide, it creates four general types of Christian groups as ameans to understand Christian group activation. These types match up with three generalmodes of engagement with the outside political culture in Middle Eastern contexts:competitive-nationalistic systems, neo-millet systems, and secular non-sectarian systems.These analytical tools are applied to the political activity of Christian groups in threeMiddle Eastern polities: Egypt, Lebanon, and Palestine. In Egypt, a stable neo-milletsystem is the result of the dominance of a single deferential organization amongChristians: the Coptic Orthodox Church. In Lebanon, years of competitive nationalisticpolitics have given way to an emergent neo-millet system as a result of the decline inidentity-based nationalistic parties and the increasing prominence of the traditionalChurch hierarchy. Among Palestinians, nominalism, deference, and voluntaristicactivism mix to create a neo-millet system with aspects of other systems of engagement.This study concludes that neo-millet systems are the natural outcome of a stronglyidentity-focused religious belief system among Arab Christians, one the author terms"tower-keep" theology. However, the dynamics of change fostered by new styles ofbelief, the challenges of responding to an eroding population base, and the influence ofdiaspora communities and coreligionists abroad all point to new systems of engagementto come in the future.
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Pacciardi, Agnese. "Globalization in the middle east: regression in progress." Bachelor's thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2018. http://amslaurea.unibo.it/16018/.
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The MENA region has been for centuries one of the most vibrant and cosmopolitan areas in the world. Due to its geographical position, it was a gateway between the East and the West, an area that merged people from different cultures, religions and civilizations. It was the birthplace of the three major monotheistic religions of the world and it was for centuries an area where science, economy and art flourished unquestioned. While the great majority of the areas in the world present a progressive tendency to go from a closed and self-centered society to an open, cosmopolitan one, sacrificing regional specificities in favor of an international integration and interaction, the MENA region surprisingly presents a counter trend. That same region that used to be the center of intercultural, scientific and commercial exchanges is almost reversing. As a fact, during the last decades, the process of globalization brought Western countries to a gradual opening to each other, while the Middle East seems not to fit in this process. Although with some exceptions, little progress has been done and this area seems to be determined to resist. The paradox of globalization in the MENA region is that, instead of smoothing the differences, as it is doing elsewhere, it is fueling parochialism, thus strengthening the cultural identity and exacerbating the decade-long opposition between the East and the West. Not only governments and radical movements, but also intellectuals and a great part of the population dread it and perceive it as a threat. Where the Arab world has been forced to let globalization in, it has also made sure to preserve and stress the role of tradition and religion both in the public and private sphere. This research intends to investigate the uniqueness of globalization in the Arab world, analyzing the process from different perspectives. The core of the dissertation will analyze globalization from three main aspects: economic, political and cultural.
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Eilon, Joab B. "State tribe and mandate in Transjordan, 1918-1946." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.365513.
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Stephanous, Andrea Zaki. "Religion and politics in the Middle East : political Christianity in the Islamic context." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2002. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.504224.
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Jones, Harold R. "The development of a series of culturally sensitive radio discipleship programs for broadcast in the Middle East by Life Agape of the Middle East." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 1988. http://www.tren.com.
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Procyshen, Crystal. "Promises made? : variance and liberalization in the Middle East." Thesis, McGill University, 2003. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=79803.
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Recent events suggest Islamism is a relatively new trend; however, Islamist organizations have functioned in the Middle East as entrenched social movements, religious groups, and even political parties since the onset of the 20th century. Moreover, the portrayal of these organizations as stagnant or reified is inaccurate; these groups often display both verbal and behavioural signs of tactical, strategic, and in some cases, ideological change over time. This study explores if and how Islamist organizations change their platforms and pattern of action in the context of the state-led liberalization (and its aftermath) that swept the Middle East in the 1970s and 80s. This period of time is quite revealing with respect to state-Islamist relations due to economic constraints compelling the state to negotiate with domestic social forces that it would have otherwise repressed. In many of these phases of controlled liberalization, the state and prominent Islamist groups entered into an informal 'pact', which delineated the demands, promises, and boundaries involved in this process of 'opening'. This study suggests that it is not solely the violent or non-violent approach by the state to these groups that determines whether Islamists employ conflictive or cooperative patterns of action. Instead, this study hypothesizes that it is the convergence or divergence of the state from the 'pact' that determines the Islamist response; this allows us to better understand Islamist activity that seems 'unexpectedly' cooperative or conflictive vis-a-vis the state. The case studies of the Muslim Brotherhood in Jordan and Egypt, and the Front Islamique du Salut in Algeria allow for a comparative exploration of this phenomenon.
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Ward, Walter David. "From Provincia Arabia to Palaestina Tertia the impact of geography, economy, and religion on sedentary and nomadic communities in the later Roman province of Third Palestine /." Diss., Restricted to subscribing institutions, 2008. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1692812631&sid=14&Fmt=2&clientId=1564&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
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McCallum, Fiona. "The political role of the patriarch in the contemporary Middle East : an examination of the Coptic Orthodox and Maronite traditions." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/2776.
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The objective of this study is to analyse the contemporary political role of Christianity in the Middle East. This will be achieved by focusing on the office of the patriarch. In most of the Eastern Christian churches, the patriarch is widely accepted as the spiritual head of the community and, throughout the centuries, this authority has often been translated into temporal power. Although other communal actors have challenged the dominant position of the patriarch, this dual role as spiritual and civil leader provides resources which can be used to strengthen the claim to be the political representative at the expense of lay rivals. The case studies selected for this project - the Coptic Orthodox and the Maronite churches - share several key characteristics. Firstly, both evoke a distinct identity on the basis of faith yet are directly linked to a specific homeland - Egypt and Lebanon respectively. In contrast to spiritual leaders of communities which are not concentrated in one particular country, the Coptic Orthodox and Maronite patriarchs have the potential to become involved in national affairs if desired. Secondly, both communities have pressing if different concerns as indigenous Christians in a turbulent regional environment dominated by another religion - Islam. The vast majority of these relate to the position of the community in the homeland. Thirdly, both communities have recently experienced widespread expansion outside the traditional territory in the Middle East. This allows an examination of the impact this growth has had on both the church and community at home and abroad. Fourthly, since becoming the head of each church, Patriarch Shenouda III, Coptic Orthodox Patriarch of Alexandria and all Africa and Patriarch Nasrallah Boutros Sfeir, Patriarch of Antioch and all the East of the Maronites, have proven to be charismatic and influential figures in church and national affairs. They have clearly played significant parts in relations between the community and state in the decades since their election to office. Finally, the two case studies have been selected as they best represent the potential of Christian communities to have a political role in this region. While the Copts constitute only a small proportion (5-10% depending on the identity of the source) of the Egyptian population, they are still the largest Christian community in the Middle East, numbering around 5-6 million. In contrast, the Maronites are a small community in terms of size. It is estimated that there are no more than 600,000 Maronites in Lebanon. Yet within Lebanon, they still make up over 20% of the population, offering them a chance to have a significant impact on national affairs. This study proposes that the patriarch exercises a political role because of his position as the head of the community. The authority and tradition of the office is constantly invoked to reinforce this position. In the contemporary period, this can be attributed to the desire to fill the leadership vacuum which exists amongst Christians in the Middle East.
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McDonald, Darren Joseph. "Crisis of Faith: Jimmy Carter, Religion, and the Making of U.S.-Middle East Foreign Policy." Thesis, Boston College, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/3703.
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Thesis advisor: Seth JacobsU.S. President Jimmy Carter's handling of the Arab-Israeli conflict and the Middle East can only be properly understood in the context of his religious beliefs. Carter pursued what amounted to a faith-based foreign policy. Guided by the Christian concepts of justice, forgiveness, humility, and an emphasis on the importance of individuals, Carter attempted to make policy conform to the standards set by his faith. Viewing the Arab-Israeli conflict through this lens, he committed to advancing the Middle East peace process out of a Christian sense of duty. Religious belief caused Carter to champion the Palestinians' cause since he believed that the Palestinian people were suffering grave injustices under the Israeli occupation of the West Banka and Gaza. Ultimately, his faith-based approach proved unable to resolve the many diplomatic challenges facing his administration in the region. Fearing that any chance for peace might be lost, he invited Prime Minister Menachem Begin of Israel and President Anwar Sadat of Egypt to Camp David for substantive talks in September 1978. Only when Carter abandoned his religiously grounded policy orientation and embraced a coldly calculating approach did he succeed in getting the Israelis and Egyptians to agree to a deal. With the conclusion of the Israeli-Egyptian peace treaty in March 1979, Carter effectively removed himself from any further involvement in the process
Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2012
Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: History
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Wolpe, Camille L. "State-building, Systemic Shocks and Family Law in the Middle East and North Africa." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2012. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/political_science_theses/50.
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Family law regulates the formation of marriage, divorce, marital property rights, child custody, inheritance, and spousal duties. This study aims to demonstrate how family law formation in the Middle East and North Africa reflects the struggle among social and political forces to capture the state and assert authority. The balance of power between competing social forces impacts both the timing (short-term versus long-term struggle) and type (progressive or regressive) of family law after independence. The ability of one of two competing forces, broadly categorized as traditionalist versus modernist, to capture the state is necessary for codification and is predictive of family law content. Case studies reveal that systemic shocks (e.g. revolution, social unrest, or foreign intervention) tip the balance of power in favor of traditional or modernizing forces in the post-independence state-building process and facilitate the successful consolidation of power and the codification of family law.
18
HASHIM, WAHID HAMZA. "THE IMPACT OF MODERNIZATION ON MIDDLE EASTERN POLITICS." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/184061.
Full textAbstract:
This study analyzes various perspectives of modernization theory in some Middle Eastern countries and examines the impact of modernization, both in its western and eastern formula, on the legitimacy and stability of these countries. It also examines those external factors that influenced these countries' internal and external policies. The study's major hypothesis is that Modernization + Secularization = Instability, whereas Modernization - Secularization = Stability in Middle Eastern Islamic countries. Secularization is a component of both the western and eastern paths; consequently, a Middle Eastern country that attempts to modernize and secularize along either of these paths is doomed to instability. The hypothesis suggested herein is analyzed in regard to twelve Middle Eastern countries. The principal conclusions are that the collapse of the Shah's regime in 1979 was a direct result of his western and secular policies; Egypt's political and economic instability was a result of its unsuccessful oscillation between west and east; Lebanon's limited experience with liberal democracy was a failure because of internal secularization and sectarian politics, and external interference by foreign powers; the instability of the Ba'athist regimes of Syria and Iraq is a consequence of their secular socialist policies; and South Yemen's Marxist-Leninist policies were a major cause for its unstable political regime. Even though Libya's Third International Theory of Modernization, based on an Islamic framework, seems to generate political stability for Qadhafi's regime, his latest adoption of Marxist-Leninist ideology may delegitimize his rule; on the other hand, the latest external pressures by the United States and Western European powers on Libya have legitimized Qadhafi's rule and boosted his popularity, for the time being. In contrast, Algeria's pragmatic socialism has been carefully tailored to its Islamic tradition and therefore has resulted in one of the major stable political systems in the Middle East. Contrary to the pessimist modernization theorists who predict the demise of the traditional monarchies when attempting to rapidly modernize, modernization in Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, Jordan, and Morocco seems for the most part to have been accompanied by political stability due to their exclusion of the secular component of the western path.
19
Davis, Peita. "Filling the Void: Hizbullah's State Building in Lebanon." Thesis, Department of Government and International Relations, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/2163.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract Hizbullah is a militarised sub-state group that challenges Lebanon's authority by establishing a parallel power-structure within the state. This thesis argues that the failure of the Lebanese government to provide for its citizens, particularly the disenfranchised Shiite population, has allowed Hizbullah to fill the void of Lebanon's absent government by creating a parallel state-like structure. Hizbullah’s state building is driven by domestic politics, as it strives to “democratically” restructure the political system in its favour rather than take the state by force. Hizbullah occupies a political, social and military position within Lebanon that extends far beyond any traditional definition of a sub-state group. In analysing Hizbullah as a state-building movement, this thesis will shed light on the organisation’s autonomy, strength and objectives in Lebanon and also provide a holistic approach to further study of militarised sub-state groups. iiiN/A
Department of Government and International Relations
20
Bouhamdan, Tyra Murielle. "Religion, the Law and the Human Rights of Women in the Middle East: A Quantitative Analysis." Atlanta, Ga. : Georgia State University, 2009. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/political_science_theses/31/.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (M.A.)--Georgia State University, 2009.Title from title page (Digital Archive@GSU, viewed July 20, 2010) Michael Herb, committee chair; Jelena Subotic, Scott Graves, committee members. Includes bibliographical references.
21
Torres, Alanna C. "Natural resources as a source of conflict in the Middle East." Pitzer College, 2009. http://ccdl.libraries.claremont.edu/u?/stc,72.
Full textAbstract:
The purpose of my thesis was to counter Samuel Huntington’s argument that the world’s conflict is over differing civilizations, religions, or cultures. Whether or not religion is declining or growing, it cannot be used to portray the world in a 'cosmic war,' or a battle between 'good and evil'. Natural resources, not religions, rest at the basis for the Islamic fundamentalist and militant movement due to its response to the Western structural pressures that are modernizing Muslim societies. Oil and water become vital tools for exercising power and authority of one nation over another, and are identified as the true culprits for a conflict that is often furtively concealed.
22
Eibl, Ferdinand. "Social dictatorships : the political economy of the welfare state in the Middle East and North Africa." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:4a507ddf-78ba-49bc-9994-0ac8de2b1fbf.
Full textAbstract:
This dissertation explores the diverging social spending patterns in labour-abundant regimes in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). It is motivated by two main research questions: 1. Why have social spending levels and social policy trajectories writ large diverged so drastically across labour-abundant MENA regimes? 2. How can we explain the market persistence of spending levels after divergence? To answer the first question, this study develops a theory about the emergence of authoritarian welfare states. It argues that autocratic leaders need both the incentives and the abilities to distribute welfare for authoritarian welfare states to emerge. The former are shaped by coalition building dynamics at the onset of regime formation while the latter are conditioned by the external environment. At the level of incentives, broad coalitions emerge in the presence of intra-elite conflict and the absence of salient communal cleavages and, if present jointly, provide a strong incentive for welfare provision. Conversely, a cohesive elite or salient communal division entail small coalitions with few incentives to distribute welfare broadly. At the level of abilities, a strong external threat to regime survival is expected to undermine the ability to provide social welfare in broad coalitions. Facing a 'butter or guns' trade-off, elites shift priority to security expenditures and the population accepts that because no alternative regime could credibly commit to neglecting external defence in the presence of external threats. Only an abundant resource endowment can provide the necessary resources to avert this trade-off. To answer the second question, I rely on two important mechanisms in the welfare state literature to explain path dependance. The first one can broadly be summarised as 'constituency politics' in that beneficiaries of social policies succesfully avert deviations from the spending path in the form of systemic reforms or large-scale spending cuts. Mobilisation of these constituencies should be particularly vigourous if initial advantages conferred to these groups habe been reinforced over time, for instance, because these groups grew in size or got entrenched in the state administration. The second mechanisms are spill-over effects to unintended beneficiaries who can over time become important gatekeepers against path divergence. Methodologically, the study is characterised by a mixed-methods approach which combines quantitative tests with the analysis of qualitative evidence in the form of arhcival material, newspapers, and field interviews. Moreover, the study also follows a multi-level approach in that the viability of the argument is tested comparatively at the cross-country level and process-traced at the micro-level in two in-depth case studies of Tunisia and Egypt.
23
Carroll, Will. "Hamas and the Arab state a transnational terrorist social movement's impact on regimes in the Middle East /." Diss., Connect to the thesis, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10066/728.
Full text
24
Tekelioglu, Ahmet Selim. "International Relations Theory And The International Relations Of The Middle East: A State Of The Field Study." Master's thesis, METU, 2009. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12610244/index.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
ABSTRACT
INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS THEORY AND THE INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS OF THE MIDDLE EAST: A STATE OF THE FIELD STUDY
Tekelioglu, Ahmet Selim
M.Sc., Department of International Relations
Supervisor: Prof. Dr. Meliha AltuniSik
January 2009, 82 pages
This thesis analyzes the level of interaction between International Relations theories and the literature on the international relations of the Middle East. The disciplines- area studies controversy is analyzed in a way to account for the low level of cooperation between International Relations as an academic discipline and Middle East studies. The thesis looks into the literature in order to demonstrate to what extent developments in International Relations theories informed the study of the international relations of the Middle East. The thesis emphasizes the need for a normative/ critical aprroach in order to overcome the bridge beween these fields caused by epistemological and methodological as well as by the political economy of scholarship informed by ideological rivalries.
25
Abuhawa, Hatim Hassan Eltahir. "British enterprise, the state and economic development in the Arab Middle East Banks and cotton, 1864-1939." Thesis, Royal Holloway, University of London, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.391670.
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Saouli, Adham. "Dilemmas of late formation : international system and state survival in the Middle East : case studies : Saudi Arabia and Iraq." Thesis, St Andrews, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/752.
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Imai, Kohei. "The Possibility And Limit Of Liberal Middle Power Policies:the Case Of Turkish Foreign Policy Toward The Middle East During The Akp Period." Phd thesis, METU, 2011. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12613496/index.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
The main aim of this dissertation is to understand the change of Turkish state identity related to foreign policy behaviors after the collapse of the Cold War structure. The research question of this dissertation is why and how Turkey has constructed middle power identity, which is based on liberal foreign policies. This dissertation examines two main purposes. First purpose is to analyze AKP&rsquos liberalism based middle power policies from 2005 to 2010 toward the Middle East. In this dissertation, the liberal policies based on middle power are defined as implementing functional diplomacy, mediation role, niche di plomacy, coalition diplomacy, and norm diffusion. Second purpose is to understand the process of how the state constructs its policies. To that end, this dissertation takes notice of state identity, which is constructed by changes of circumstances, norms, state self-perception, and the perceptions of others. This dissertation assumes that the concept of middle power is one of Turkey&rsquo
s state identities in the area of foreign policy. Turkey&rsquo
s middle power behaviors make Turkey consciously aware of its middle power status. This dissertation analyzes the existence of two steps that are pathways for Turkey to understand itself as a liberal middle power in the international arena. The first step is to analyze the policies of Ö
zal, Erbakan and Cem. The second step is to examine AKP&rsquo
s foreign policy experiences and ideas, especially the ideas of Ahmet Davutoglu.
28
Hussain, Nazia. "Assessing the impact of religion and family in shaping UAE national women’s choice of, and engagement with their careers." Thesis, Cranfield University, 2015. http://dspace.lib.cranfield.ac.uk/handle/1826/9655.
Full textAbstract:
National women in the Gulf Cooperative Council (GCC) countries are highly educated
yet their work participation remains low when compared to the rest of the world. This
thesis aims to assess the impact of religion and family in the shaping of national
women’s careers in the GCC workforce, in particular the United Arab Emirates (UAE).
This aim is fulfilled by conducting three interlinked research projects; a systematic
literature review, a qualitative study and finally, a quantitative study.
The first research project comprises a systematic review of the literature that identifies
the barriers and enablers to the participation and advancement of female national
managers in the GCC workforce. The synthesis of articles reveals findings at the
societal, organizational, family and individual levels. At the societal level, barriers and
enablers are identified as those influenced by socio-cultural and religious norms and
practices. These norms and practices influence how organizations (public and private)
engage with their employees, and families engage with their individual members.
In the second research project, I choose to narrow the scope of my research from six
GCC countries to one country, the UAE. I explore the influence of family on the
experiences of ten senior female UAE national managers at key work decision stages; I
employ semi-structured interviews and, based on their experiences, the findings reveal
that the family has influence at both the role entry and role participation stages. No data
were available for the role exit stage. Furthermore, the experiences are different for
women from extended versus nuclear families.
In the third research project I choose to focus on the factors that support and impact on
the experiences of UAE national women during their career life cycle. The findings
indicate that overall there are no differences between the experiences of women from
nuclear families versus extended; however, there are differences between the model and
the UAE sample, both at the overall level and individual age stages.
My second research project; a qualitative study provides three contributions to
knowledge. Firstly, I extend the understanding of work related decisions, taking into
account family influences. However, in the UAE, based on my research, the outcome
will primarily be in favour of family due to the influence of socio-cultural and religious
norms and practices. I propose that the conceptual framework be extended by adding the
component of religion to it when considering the context of the UAE. Secondly, I
propose a modification to the framework enabling it to be used in the UAE context.
Thirdly, no previous empirical research has been conducted using this framework, with
the result that the data from my research contribute empirically. With respect to
contribution to practice, this qualitative study identifies the need for enhanced
recruitment strategies for women and more gender friendly policies and practices to
ensure the effectiveness of Emiratization within both the public and private sectors.
The evidence from my third research project; a quantitative study contributes
theoretically as my research demonstrates that the O’Neil and Bilimoria (2005) three
phase women’s career development model does not fit in the UAE context. The
research also contributes from a practical perspective as it identifies the need to improve
the development of networking, communication and leadership skills for women and
the implementation of comprehensive flexible working practices for women.
29
BATARSEH, BENJAMIN. "Transjordanian State-Building and the Palestinian Problem: How Tribal Values and Symbols Became the Bedrock of Jordanian Nationalism." The Ohio State University, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1598478205350977.
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30
Araj, Victoria D. "The Turkish Model, the Double-Security Dilemma, and the Political Reproduction of State Polities in the Middle East." Thesis, University of Bradford, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/16907.
Full textAbstract:
Conceptually the aims of this thesis are to show the salient features of the
political reproduction of states as a necessity for their survival as they
continually face a double-security dilemma in the neoliberal era. Empirically
this thesis examines Turkey’s ruling party from 2002 to 2015. The Justice
and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, AKP) maintained
authority by mitigating the polities and actors that posed vertical and
horizontal competition to their power (the double-security dilemma of
domestic and international threats faced by state rulers).
To outcompete and absorb its rivals, the AKP maintained a post-Islamist
alliance-building model of political reproduction through a globalized Islamic
neoliberal authority pattern until 2011. This became popularized as the
‘Turkish Model’, a model of political reproduction framed as suitable for other
Muslim-majority states. The findings from data analysis show that to maintain
the constitutive sovereignty of the Turkish state, the AKP built a post-Islamist
hegemony.
Furthermore, this thesis explores how the AKP horizontally built a pluralist
vision of neo-ottomanism enabling their navigation of the international
political system. Their ‘zero-problems’ foreign policy was the cornerstone of
building regional liberal peace. This policy was the basis of the AKP’s
maintenance of functional sovereignty until the ‘Arab Spring’. Yet, the new
double-security dilemma that emerged through the ‘Arab Spring’ not only
threatened the existence of post-Islamism within Turkey, but the existence of
the ‘Turkish Model’ itself. The AKP then moved towards a fortifying pattern of
authority to shield both themselves and the Republic from emergent threatsMarie Curie European Commission Sustainable Peacebuilding Project through Sabancı University and the Allan and Nesta Ferguson Charitable Trust.
31
Lovotti, Chiara <1988>. "Beyond weaponry and socialist internationalism: Soviet engagement with postcolonial state-building in the Arab Middle East, 1954-1966." Doctoral thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2022. http://amsdottorato.unibo.it/10437/1/TESI_FINAL_Chiara%20Lovotti_XXXIV.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
This research investigates the Soviet Union’s role in guiding state-building processes of postcolonial Arab countries of the Middle East, leading them to adopt economic and political elements of the socialist-Leninist models of development. The widespread narrative depicts the Soviets as having failed to export communism in those states and, therefore, as having failed to bring them closer to Moscow’s sphere of influence and values. However, various Soviet archives suggest a different reality. As the Cold War burst forth, between the mid-1950s and mid-1960s, contacts between Soviet and Arab officials were not just incredibly frequent but they went to the core of all main issues of socio-economic development of these transforming countries: party politics, institution building, agrarian reforms, industrialisation, security sector reforms, etc. The research focuses on a period that may be labelled as ‘the launching phase’ of the Soviet Middle East policy, which established a long-lasting framework for the Soviet-Arab dialogue. It also places significant attention on the ‘personal dimension’ of such a dialogue, showing how Moscow’s influence went hand in hand with the ability of Soviet leaders and diplomats to establish relations of personal trust with postcolonial Arab élites. A selected number of Arab countries are examined: Egypt, Iraq and Syria. For each of these countries, a limited period of time will be taken into consideration, when Soviet influence reached its peak and state-building policies might have drawn from the Soviet model (for Egypt 1954-1958; for Iraq 1958-1963; for Syria 1961-1966). On the one hand, the analysis of specific case-studies will allow to investigate the relationship between Moscow and each of these new Arab regimes; on the other, such a large geographical scope will permit to grasp the elements and the objectives of the broader Soviet policy towards the Middle East region.
32
Hedberg, Nicholas J. "The exploitation of a weak state Al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula in Yemen." Thesis, Monterey, California : Naval Postgraduate School, 2010. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2010/Jun/10Jun%5FHedberg.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Middle East, South Asia, Sub-Saharan Africa))--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2010.Thesis Advisor(s): Hafez, Mohammed M. ; Second Reader: Springborg, Robert. "June 2010." Description based on title screen as viewed on July 14, 2010. Author(s) subject terms: Yemen, al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula, Terrorism, Weak States. Includes bibliographical references (p. 89-95). Also available in print.
33
Jones, Kevin Wampler. "The Arab Quest for Modernity: Universal Impulses vs. State Development." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2007. https://dc.etsu.edu/etd/2113.
Full textAbstract:
The Arab Middle East began indigenous nation building relatively late in the twentieth century. Issues of legitimacy, identity, and conflicts with the West have plagued Arab nations. Arab states have espoused universal ideologies as solutions to the problems of Arab nation building.
The two ideologies of Pan-Arabism and Islamic modernism provided universal solutions to the Arab states. Both Pan-Arabism and Islamic modernism gained validity in political polemics aimed against colonialism, imperialism, Zionism, and the West. Both ideologies promised simple solutions to complex questions of building modern Arab society. Irrespective of ideology, Arab states have always acted in self-interest to perceived external threats. The West has perpetuated universal solutions to Arab nation building through continued intervention in the Middle East. The Arabs perpetuated universal solutions to Arab- nation building as panacea to the problems of becoming modern nations.
34
Hussain, Nazia. "Assessing the impact of religion and family in shaping UAE national women's choice of, and engagement with, their careers." Thesis, Cranfield University, 2015. http://dspace.lib.cranfield.ac.uk/handle/1826/9655.
Full textAbstract:
National women in the Gulf Cooperative Council (GCC) countries are highly educated yet their work participation remains low when compared to the rest of the world. This thesis aims to assess the impact of religion and family in the shaping of national women’s careers in the GCC workforce, in particular the United Arab Emirates (UAE). This aim is fulfilled by conducting three interlinked research projects; a systematic literature review, a qualitative study and finally, a quantitative study. The first research project comprises a systematic review of the literature that identifies the barriers and enablers to the participation and advancement of female national managers in the GCC workforce. The synthesis of articles reveals findings at the societal, organizational, family and individual levels. At the societal level, barriers and enablers are identified as those influenced by socio-cultural and religious norms and practices. These norms and practices influence how organizations (public and private) engage with their employees, and families engage with their individual members. In the second research project, I choose to narrow the scope of my research from six GCC countries to one country, the UAE. I explore the influence of family on the experiences of ten senior female UAE national managers at key work decision stages; I employ semi-structured interviews and, based on their experiences, the findings reveal that the family has influence at both the role entry and role participation stages. No data were available for the role exit stage. Furthermore, the experiences are different for women from extended versus nuclear families. In the third research project I choose to focus on the factors that support and impact on the experiences of UAE national women during their career life cycle. The findings indicate that overall there are no differences between the experiences of women from nuclear families versus extended; however, there are differences between the model and the UAE sample, both at the overall level and individual age stages. My second research project; a qualitative study provides three contributions to knowledge. Firstly, I extend the understanding of work related decisions, taking into account family influences. However, in the UAE, based on my research, the outcome will primarily be in favour of family due to the influence of socio-cultural and religious norms and practices. I propose that the conceptual framework be extended by adding the component of religion to it when considering the context of the UAE. Secondly, I propose a modification to the framework enabling it to be used in the UAE context. Thirdly, no previous empirical research has been conducted using this framework, with the result that the data from my research contribute empirically. With respect to contribution to practice, this qualitative study identifies the need for enhanced recruitment strategies for women and more gender friendly policies and practices to ensure the effectiveness of Emiratization within both the public and private sectors. The evidence from my third research project; a quantitative study contributes theoretically as my research demonstrates that the O’Neil and Bilimoria (2005) three phase women’s career development model does not fit in the UAE context. The research also contributes from a practical perspective as it identifies the need to improve the development of networking, communication and leadership skills for women and the implementation of comprehensive flexible working practices for women.
35
Hazbun, Waleed (Waleed Albert) 1968. "Between global flows & territorial control : the state, tourism development, and the politics of reterritorialization in the Middle East." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/16800.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 2002."February 2002."
Includes bibliographical references (p. 412-441).
This electronic version was submitted by the student author. The certified thesis is available in the Institute Archives and Special Collections.
This dissertation presents a new type of theory about the impact of increased transnational capital flows on state building processes. Most of the political science literature about globalization has been focused on debating the question of deterritorialization where the powers of territorial nation-states are viewed as being eroded by the increased transnational mobility of capital. This dissertation, in contrast, demonstrates how international tourism development-like many other aspects of globalization--can also produce "reterritorialization" characterized by the increased relevance of "place" for global economic activity. With increased globalization firms often seek to locate themselves in specific territories in order to capture what I call locational rents and external economies. In contrast to the dislocating effects of deterritorialization, reterritorialization can increase the political influence of state, societal, and transnational agents able to create localities that generate locational rents and external economies. The dissertation explores how states in the Middle East have promoted reterritorialization through tourism development in an attempt to enhance their control over capital and cultural flows as they promote economic liberalization and the incorporation of their economies into global markets. My fieldwork explored two national case studies with different configurations of territorial control. In Tunisia, I found that centralized state control over the territorially defined resources and institutions driving the reterritorialization process allowed the state to extend its control over transnational capital flows, the local private sector,
(cont.) and the location of tourism development within Tunisia. In Jordan, by contrast, control over tourism spaces has been highly fragmented between rival state organizations, private firms and land holders, non-governmental organizations, and transnational actors such as environmentalists and heritage preservation experts. This situation has required the state to contend with societal resistance, organizational obstacles, and unfavorable bargains with societal actors.
by Waleed Hazbun.
Ph.D.
36
Miller, Aimee H. "Goddesses of Color: Interfaith Altars." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2016. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/773.
Full textAbstract:
This paper explores the intertwined history of certain goddesses of the Middle East and the Americas. This history informs the original invented contemporary deities that my project centers around. Using recycled materials and collected objects, my project displays two religious altars, one from my heritage and one from my experience living in Brazil. One altar is based on afro-Brazilian sea goddesses, and one is a contemporary imagined interpretation of a Judeo-Christian female figure. The two altars together compose an installation that seeks to unify a pagan practice and two distinct monotheistic traditions while still honoring their separate parts. These parts is built in the studio.
37
Darwich, May Ayman Hassan. "Ideational and material forces in threat perception : Saudi and Syrian choices in Middle East wars." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/19478.
Full textAbstract:
How do states perceive threats? Why are material forces sometimes more prominent in shaping threat perception, whereas ideational ones are key in other instances? This study aims to move beyond the task of determining whether material or ideational factors offer a more plausible explanation by arguing that threat perception is a function of the interplay between material factors and state identity, the influence of which can run both ways. Based on ‘analytical eclecticism’, I develop a two-layered conception of security as both physical and ontological, in which the interaction of ideational and material forces can be analysed. Ontological security is intimately connected with identity; its pursuit, therefore, requires distinctiveness and differentiation from the ‘Other’ as well as a coherent and consistent identity narrative at the domestic level. Physical security, on the other hand, involves the identification of threats that constitute a danger to the survival of the state. While ontological and physical security spheres have distinct dynamics and processes, they constitute two interrelated layers. Accordingly, I argue that states can suffer from ontological insecurity while their physical security remains intact, and vice versa. In some instances, physical security and its corresponding material forces condition identity narratives while in other instances the causal arrow points in the other direction. To illustrate these processes, I present a ‘structured, focused’ comparison of Syrian and Saudi threat perceptions during three major wars in the region: the Iran-Iraq War (1980-1988), the 2006 Lebanon War, and the 2009 Gaza War. While providing novel insights for explaining the dynamics of threat perception in the Middle East, this study contributes to the broader IR literature by proposing a conceptual framework that links the literature on Self/Other relations, ontological security, and realism in IR theory. This study thus demonstrates the potential utility of bringing IR theory and the Middle East as an area study into closer dialogue.
38
Buijs, Lorena Maria Elisa. "September 11 : catalyst for structural-genealogical narrative of a new world (Dis)order." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1006463.
Full textAbstract:
The attacks of September 11, 2001, have changed America forever. In a horrific manner the vulnerability of the highly developed states was demonstrated and exposed in world politics. The event is ushering a new political era where far reaching shifts in international relations are under way. In the post Cold-War international world it appears that the ideological conflict between capitalism and socialism has been replaced by a new world order. One that has retained the binary conflict structure of the Cold War, except that this binary is now presented by political Islam and consumerist's capitalism (Martin, 2000:155). Indeed, in the previous bipolar world order, the acute distinction between capitalism and communism served to attenuate the discord in and between religions. This complex blurring of distinctions has been systematically heightened since the end of the Cold War, as it has allowed Western governments to maintain controlling interests outside of their dominions (Gupta, 2002:6) . This struggle has since been conceived in a variety of different, but related ways: A 'Clash of Civilizations' (Huntington 1996), or as an inescapable dialectic typical of the process of globalization itself (Barber, 1996:245). In the case of Huntington's (1996:19-20) genealogical narrative, he refers to global politics and the way in which the future will be reconfigured according to cultural identities. The division along these cultural lines, will furthermore "shape" the patterns of cohesion, disintegration, and conflict in the Post-Cold War world" (Huntington, 1996:20). Huntington's thesis is rather overriding in explaining the clash between the supposedly 'West' vs. 'Rest', whose interaction is historically determined. Yet, the genealogical narrative is not sufficient in taking into account the dynamics of globalization. Benjamin Barber's structural narrative, on the other hand, goes to great lengths to illustrate the paradoxical relationship between Jihad and McWorld, and how both forces tend to survive in a world that they inevitably create. By' acknowledging the relevance of both binaries (East/West), it is hoped to transcend them by presenting a structural-genealogical grand narrative, which will essentially allow one to understand Jihad as being a structural moment of the genealogical narrative. Given this general strategy, it will become perceptible that Jihad is one form of anti-globalization as the structural narratives become part of the genealogical and the genealogical part of the structural. In essence, then, this thesis is attempting to come to grips with the phenomenon of September 11, from a political-philosophical perspective. More specifically, this study will firstly be looking at two different, but related narratives that have emerged post-September 11, to make sense of the event. Given the structural-genealogical approach, the central concern in this study is consequently to look at two separate but related interests. The one pertains to history and the other to historiography.
39
Ghiabi, Maziyar. "Drugs, addiction and the state in Iran : the art of managing disorder." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:c2cbaeb6-502b-4383-b975-2812602f1efa.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis explores the politics of drugs and addiction in Iran in light of processes of state formation. The case of Iran provides a paradigm of what has come to be known as the 'War on Drugs' in a political and cultural setting that has been characterised, by most of the area studies literature, by other investigations and scholarly questions. Iran, nevertheless, represents an outstanding case for the study of the War on Drugs; it is at the geopolitical crossroads of international drug routes, it has one of the world highest rates of drug 'addiction' - estimated at between 2-3% and 6-7% of the entire population - and it has progressively seen the rise of synthetic, industrial drugs, such as methamphetamines (shisheh). The thesis situates the phenomenon of drug use in the social and political history of Iran with a particular attention to the transformations taking place after the Islamic Revolution in 1979. It provides a genealogical map of policy experimentations in the field of drugs, while it also casts light on the rationale that governs the formation and transformation of state practices vis à vis drugs, especially during the reformist and post-reformist period (1997-2013). To do so, the research combines extensive archival research using Persian sources (newspapers, reports, films, memoires, etc.) starting from the early 1900s, with ethnographic fieldwork in public clinics, rehab centres, drug using hotspots and, more generally, the street. The outcome is an in-depth engagement with narcotic politics, which unearths unstudied dynamics of Iran's contemporary politics and society. Instead of moralising approaches, what is unveiled is a state that adopts both rhetoric and practice that are secularised and in tune with Western models of policymaking. Eventually, the thesis reveals how the image of the Iranian state has not only been misplaced, but it has also been a myth.
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Oskay, Ceyda. "Tribalism, State Formation, And Citizenship In Kuwait." Master's thesis, METU, 2010. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12612890/index.pdf.
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The thesis explores the relationship, or assumed relationship between nomadic
tribalism and the stateless group in Kuwait. While exploring this issue, the thesis
also examines state formation and tribalism throughout the history of Kuwait.
By exploring what the author calls, "Pan-Tribalism,"
the thesis also explores assumed cross-border linkages, and perceptions of loyalty, or disloyalty among various groups in Kuwait. The thesis includes research on the history of Kuwait because it reveals early tribal dynamics. The thesis uncovers the roots of certain historical issues and power structures that exist today - as all of this is related to citizenship and statelessness. The thesis takes a close look at the impact of oil on state-formation both due to the mass influx of immigrants that oil wealth caused, as well as the welfare/distributive state policy that emerged afterwards. Both of these issues directly affected citizenship. Additionally, it thus explores internal oil politics rather an international oil politics
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Afshari, Sarjaz Masoumhe Sara. "The reception of Christian television in contemporary Iran : an analysis of audience interactions and negotiations." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/25987.
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This research explores Iranian audiences of Farsi Christian satellite channels. It considers what the narratives and interviews of participants of this research reveal about the way audiences interact and negotiate with both religious broadcasts and their socio-political or religious contexts. What are the motivating factors that led the audiences first to watch Christian channels and secondly, where relevant, to change or add to their religious belief system? For those whose faith was transformed, how did this process happen according to their self-declared stories? Expressions of belief are analysed in order to consider their different understandings of religion, faith and their own belief system. The research also studies the triangular relationships between the audience, Farsi Christian media, and the audience’s culture(s). It is therefore a study of Farsi Christian channel audiences, their motivations in viewing the Christian message, their methods of interpretation and negotiations with different media texts, and their process of changing or altering their religion, using the concept of conversion as a tool of analysis. More specifically, I investigate the motivations of those in the audience of the four Farsi Christian satellite channels who stated that they had become Christians through that medium. I will examine factors that influenced both their interpretations of and negotiations with the religious media message, and their process of changing, adding to or modifying their belief system, including their understanding of religious conversion. My research investigates the interactions and negotiations between meaning making and mediation, and the process of faith transformation within Reception Theory against the background of the sociology of religion and culture in contemporary Iran. This research contributes to three areas of study: media reception (largely religious television) and sociology of religion and culture, mostly from the point of view of selfidentified conversion; Media, Religion and Culture, mainly using audiences’ interactions and negotiations methods with the channels, and the religion of Islam and Christianity in the Iranian political-cultural context. This involved analysing three hundred narratives drawn from audiences of four Farsi Christian satellite television channels, during the period between 2010 and 2015, as well as fifteen semi-structured interviews, two focus group discussions and a telephone survey. The argument develops over nine chapters. Chapter one provides the socio-political and religious context of the Iranian audience as well as presenting literature reviews and methodology, while Chapter two gives the Iranian (state and society) understanding of religion (din and mazhab) and of globalisation, as well as discussing the satellite channel usage. Chapter three introduces the four Farsi Christian satellite channels using data from interviews channel directors. Chapter four analyses the two focus groups’ discussion of the central question: how do audiences interact and negotiate with the Christian message presented on the channels? Chapters five, six and seven examine the participants’ narratives and interviews using respectively experimenting, negotiating and resisting attitudes of participants. Chapter eight discusses and analyses the findings, the conclusion sets out the implications, contributions and limitations of the research.
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Matzke, Torsten [Verfasser], and Oliver [Akademischer Betreuer] Schlumberger. "Varieties of Collusion. State-Business Relations and Economic Development in the Middle East and North Africa / Torsten Matzke ; Betreuer: Oliver Schlumberger." Tübingen : Universitätsbibliothek Tübingen, 2019. http://d-nb.info/120227143X/34.
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Migliorino, Nicola. "Ethno-cultural diversity and the state in the contemporary Middle East : the experience of the Armenian communities in Lebanon and Syria." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.410816.
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Gongora, Thierry Carleton University Dissertation Political Science. "The impact of war and war preparation on state formation in the Third World; four case studies from the Middle East." Ottawa, 1995.
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Thirumalai, Dhanalakshmi. "Religion and Crime: A Study of Inmates in State and Federal Prisons in the United States." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2004. http://etd-submit.etsu.edu/etd/theses/available/etd-1223103-235401/unrestricted/ThirumalaiD020403f.pdf.
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Abdullatif, Qutayba A. "Adaptation of the State Trait Anxiety Inventory in Arabic a comparison with the American STAI /." [Tampa, Fla.] : University of South Florida, 2004. http://purl.fcla.edu/fcla/etd/SFE0000392.
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Schmidt, Renate. "Jemen – Ein verlorenes Land?" Universität Potsdam, 2009. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/texte_eingeschraenkt_welttrends/2009/3415/.
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Im Jemen schwelt es. Gerade in diesen Tagen werden wir mit Schrecken an die prekäre Lage des Landes erinnert. Die Wiedervereinigung des Jemen 1990 war ein wichtiger Schritt hin zur Stabilisierung. Dennoch existieren viele Probleme, deren Lösung für die Entwicklung des Landes und seine Sicherheit relevant sind. Die Autorin, seit 2007 selbst in Sanaa tätig, zeigt die Probleme des Landes und ihre vielschichtigen Ursachen auf.
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Klafstad, Ragnhild. "Den muslimske fødselsmaskinen, en orientalistisk myte? : en undersøkelse av befolkningspolitikken i to islamske land /." Oslo : Institutt for kulturstudier og orientalske språk, Universitetet i Oslo, 2007. http://www.duo.uio.no/publ/IKOS/2007/62689/Klafstadxreligionshistorie.pdf.
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Bard, Julia. "The Role of State Violence in the Escalation of Terrorism: A Comparative Study of Latin America and the Middle East and North Africa." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2013. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/631.
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In order to analyze the potential of a relationship between terrorist groups and state violence, this paper analyzes two case studies from Latin America - that of Sendero Luminoso, in Peru, and the Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia (the FARC), in Colombia – and two cases from the Middle East and North Africa – that of al-Jama’a al-Islamiyya in Egypt and Muqtada al-Sadr’s Mehdi Army in Iraq. After a review of the cases and general literature on regime violence and terrorism around the world, this paper proposes a likely correlation between an increase in state violence and an escalation in the use of terrorism. The paper proposes that this correlation occurs because state violence inspires feelings of revenge among opposition groups and citizens, increases the popularity of guerrillas, decreases the popularity and legitimacy of the state, and promotes the perception that violence is both an acceptable political tool and the only option for opposition groups seeking a political voice. The findings of this study indicate that policy makers should reconsider their use of violent, repressive responses to political opposition, and should refrain from “fighting fire with fire” in order to take steps towards the eradication of terrorism around the world.
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Al-Temeemi, Abdul-Salam Ali. "The suitability of earth-sheltered mass-housing in the hot-arid climates of the Middle East with emphasis on the State of Kuwait." Thesis, Heriot-Watt University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10399/413.
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