Academic literature on the topic 'Religion and state – Middle East'
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Journal articles on the topic "Religion and state – Middle East"
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Shichor, Yitzhak. "Separation of State and Religion: The East Asian Model and The Middle East." Asian Journal of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies 15, no. 2 (April 3, 2021): 159–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/25765949.2021.1936843.
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Baskan, Birol. "The State in the Pulpit: State Incorporation of Religious Institutions in the Middle East." Politics and Religion 4, no. 1 (November 1, 2010): 136–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048310000477.
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AbstractPolitical development literature held that the process of secularization is conflict-ridden between the state and religious institutions. Later state building literature left state-religion relations outside its theoretical scope and left a puzzle in our understanding of state building. How did state-religion relations really change in the course of modern state formation? This article argues that the relationship between state builders and religious institutions was not necessarily conflictual. Rather, there were potential areas of cooperation between the two. However, whether any cooperation was realized was historically contingent. Depending on the type of relationship established, state-religion relations took different institutional shapes. This article makes two observations. First, if the religious institutions have a fairly hierarchical internal organization, then the state and religious institutions part their ways. This is the picture classical political development literature paints. Second, in cases where the state faces a disunited body of religious institutions, the state incorporates religious institutions into its apparatus, its extent depending on the institutional capacity of the state. As the institutional capacity of the state increased, its control over religious institutions also increased. The article then illustrates these observations through major cases from the Middle East.
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Madaminova, Durdona. "DEVELOPMENT CHARACTERISTICS OF THE MIDDLE EAST IN THE CONTEXT OF GLOBAL CHANGE." Journal of Social Research in Uzbekistan 02, no. 02 (May 1, 2022): 34–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.37547/supsci-jsru-02-02-05.
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This article analyzes the specific development features of the Middle East region in the context of globalization, internal and external factors affecting them. The article reveals the specific stages of development of the Middle East, the peculiarities of the formation of national state structures, the harmony of language, religion and culture in the development of the region, the internal factors influencing the development of relations with the outside world on the basis of comparative political and historical methods.
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Kurmanaliyeva, A. D., and T. Shaptay. "The Features Of Modernization Of Religion and State in Middle East." Eurasian Journal of Religious Studies 10, no. 2 (2017): 4–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.26577/ejrs-2017-2-109.
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Pankhurst, Reza. "Muslim Contestations over Religion and the State in the Middle East." Political Theology 11, no. 6 (December 15, 2010): 826–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/poth.v11i6.826.
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Kazarian, Nicolas. "Interfaith Dialogue and Today’s Orthodoxy, from Confrontation to Dialogue." Review of Ecumenical Studies Sibiu 13, no. 1 (April 1, 2021): 51–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ress-2021-0005.
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Abstract Orthodoxy has a long experience of cohabitation with other religions and Christian denominations. However, this experience has not always been a peaceful and easy one, especially when molded by the rise of nationalism during the second half of the 19th century and global geopolitical forces throughout the 20th century. A series of historical events, from Russia to the Middle East, from the Balkans to Central Europe, have shaped the Orthodox relationship to religious pluralism, redefining the religious landscape through movement of populations and migrations. These many conflicts and historical events have proved the multifaceted reality of Orthodoxy, from its role as a state religion, such as in Greece, and a majority religion, such as in Russia, to a minority religion with limited rights, such as in Turkey, or, more generally speaking, in the Middle East. It is in this very complex context that interfaith relations unfold, too often in a very violent and traumatic way.
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Mahmood, Saba. "Religious Freedom, the Minority Question, and Geopolitics in the Middle East." Comparative Studies in Society and History 54, no. 2 (March 22, 2012): 418–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417512000096.
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The right to religious freedom is widely regarded as a crowning achievement of secular-liberal democracies, one that guarantees the peaceful coexistence of religiously diverse populations. Enshrined in national constitutions and international laws and treaties, the right to religious liberty promises to ensure two stable goods: (1) the ability to choose one's religion freely without coercion by the state, church, or other institutions; and (2) the creation of a polity in which one's economic, civil, legal, or political status is unaffected by one's religious beliefs. While all members of a polity are supposed to be protected by this right, modern wisdom has it that religious minorities are its greatest beneficiaries and their ability to practice their traditions without fear of discrimination is a critical marker of a tolerant and civilized polity. The right to religious freedom marks an important distinction between liberal secularism and the kind practiced in authoritarian states (such as China, Syria, or the former Soviet Union): while the latter abide by the separation of religion and state (a central principle of political secularism), they also regularly abrogate religious freedoms of their minority and majority populations. Despite claims to religious neutrality, liberal secular states frequently regulate religious affairs but they do so in accord with a strong concern for protecting the individual's right to practice his or her religion freely, without coercion or state intervention.
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Babana-Hampton, Safoi. "Gender and Citizenship in the Middle East." American Journal of Islam and Society 18, no. 3 (July 1, 2001): 129–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v18i3.2011.
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The fourteen case studies that compose this volume address the variousinstitutional, economic, social, cultural, and political dimensions of thedebate on gender and citizenship in the Middle East. Using a crossculturalcomparative approach, the theoretical introduction as well as theindividual case studies seek to challenge dominant (especially western)feminist models of analysis of the question of gender and citizenship in theMiddle East. The validity of dominant feminist paradigms is questioned byintroducing new social and cultural variables, and putting at stake anumber of traditionally unquestioned or unrecognized modes of identityformation, such as kinship, family, tribe, and sects, which critically affect awoman's citizenship status. The volume purports to contest essentializingmyths about the Middle East that artificially give it a character of regionalcoherence, and homogenize the image of Middle Eastern women as acategory. The volume thus theorizes the gendering of citizenship from thelargely unexplored perspectives that open up from introducing the abovevariables, toward a better understanding of the complex nature of the laws(religious, political, patriarchal and patrilineal) governing the constructionof a gendered citizenship in the Middle East.The theoretical introduction to the volume outlines the dynamics of anumber of points of departure that presumably underlie the writing of the"legal subject in the Middle East," namely nations, states, religion, family.The contributors seem to all concede that "most Middle Eastern states havecemented the linkage between religious identity, political identity,patrilineality, and patriarchy-that is, between religion, nation, state, andkinship." The Middle Eastern countries studied in the volume are dividedregionally into four areas: North Africa (including Egypt, Algeria, Tunisiaand Morocco); Eastern Arab States (including Lebanon, Palestine, Jordanand Iraq); the Arab Gulf (including Saudi Arabia, Kuwait and Yemen); theNon-Arab Middle East (including Turkey, Iran, and Jewish and PalestinianArab women in Israel). The authors of the various case studies conductedan exhaustive investigation of the related topics, albeit with a notabledifference of outlook varying between liberal individualistic and communitarianconservative positions.The methodological approach adopted by various contributors draws ...
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Aloufi, Khalid Kulaib, Lina Abdel Alafghani, Rawaa Ismail Ismail, Ban Abdullah Alzaid, Mohammed Tariq Alkhidhr, Shoug Sultan Alsubaie, Ahmed Ali Alzaidi, et al. "Epidemiological and etiological factors related to suicide in the Middle East." International Journal Of Community Medicine And Public Health 8, no. 9 (August 27, 2021): 4567. http://dx.doi.org/10.18203/2394-6040.ijcmph20213265.
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Estimates show that suicide is relatively common among Middle Eastern countries as a total of 26,000 fatalities in 2016 were attributable to suicide in them. However, the quality of care of mental illness in these countries is not adequate as compared to the international levels. The aim of the study was to discuss the different epidemiological and etiological factors that were linked with suicide in the Middle East, according to evidence obtained from studies in the literature. The impact of cultures and religions on dealing with mental illnesses and suicide as well as the roots of these conditions will be explored to find the appropriate solutions. Suicide in the Middle East is common but unique from other countries in the world. Religion, socio-economic status, war and conflict in many regions play a big role in the rate of suicide. Religion reduces the prevalence rates of suicide but other factors might be more dominant as many regions are in conflict and have low socio-economic status. Furthermore, gender, family conflicts and mental illnesses were identifiable risk factors in the literature. More efforts on a national level is warranted as well as among communities to reduce the rates of suicide. The initiation of support groups among those with mental illnesses and low socio-economic state will prove extremely beneficial in reducing the rate of suicide as they are almost non-existent in Middle East.
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Muhrim Djakat, Misbahuddin Misbahuddin, and Kurniati Kurniati. "CHANGING THE PARADIGM OF STATES IN THE RABIC MIDDLE EAST REGION BRINGS AUTHORITARIANISM TOWARDS DEMOCRACY." International Journal of Social Science 2, no. 5 (January 28, 2023): 2115–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.53625/ijss.v2i5.4819.
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The demonstration phenomenon that was launched by the Arab Spring has caused political upheaval in Middle Eastern countries, starting from Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, Yemen, and Syria which is still continuing today, is a bridge to change, the fall of authoritarian regimes, and also as a symbol of struggle pro-democratic Arab people who demand a paradigm shift in the Middle East state. The intended change is in the economic, social, open and democratic aspects of the political system. The Arab Spring phenomenon still leaves many problems, Middle Eastern countries are still in a slump, trapped in conflict and civil war. The democratic transition that was aspired to did not go well, being held hostage by the interests of authoritarian and sectarian regimes: ethnicity, religion, sects and political groups. Authoritarianism is one of the causes of instability and has colored the political dynamics of the Middle East. Socio-historically, authoritarianism and sectarianism in the Middle East have multi-layered roots over a long period of time. This paper tries to read the paradigm shift in the Arab region state state against authoritarianism towards democracy
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Religion and state – Middle East"
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Jalal, Pishtiwan Abdulwahid. "Sectarianism in Kurdistan Region of Iraq Between Political and Theological schism." Diss., Virginia Tech, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/99090.
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Sectarianism has become the magic word with which many scholars and politicians describe the current Middle East politics. Much of the existing literature presumes that most of the state and non-state actors of the region are divided over Shia and Sunni blocs led by Iran and the Kingdom of Saudi Arabi (KSA) respectively. However, so far scholars have left out the Kurds within their studies on sectarianism. Scholars have not explicitly pointed out why they are disinterested in sectarianism among the Kurds; it might be due to the perception that the Kurds are mostly Sunnis who have an ethnic and not a religious cause. The main aim of this research is to look at sectarianism in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI) and find out whether or not of this perception is true. To do so, this research rejects the general application of the English term "sectarianism" in the first place as a theme to explain the politics of the Middle East. Instead, in the first chapter it is argued that there are three tiers of relations among regional actors: 1) state-state realpolitik, which is based on geopolitical realities among Turkey, Iran and the KSA, 2) political sectarianism (taifiyya) among sectarian groups such as the MB, Wahabis and Shia, often conducted through political agents like state and non-state actors, and 3) the civil and non-violent sect-sect theological sectarianism (madhabiyya) among those three sects. In the second chapter this new understanding of sectarianism is then applied on the domestic politics of the KRI. It is argued that while there is theological sectarianism in the KRI, there is no political sectarianism. The third chapter explores the foreign relations of the KRI. It argues that the KRI as an unrecognized state, acts rationally to survive. It evades sectarianism and deemphasizes its demands of international recognition. Alternatively, the KRI pursues 'Regional Acceptance Policy' within which the Kurdish leadership persuades the regional powers, especially Turkey and Iran, that the de facto state will not declare independence, in return, they ask regional powers' acceptance of the KRI as a legitimate actor with its unique status.Doctor of Philosophy
Throughout the 20th century ethno-nationalism was the strongest sentiment in the Middle East. Within the past decade or so, however, Islam's two main sectarian identities, Shia and Sunni, have become extraordinarily strong, if not stronger than ethno-national identities. The common understanding of the region's politics is that Iran, as a Shia majority country, has allied with the other Shia non-Persian countries and actors, such as Iraq and Hezbollah. The Sunni countries, on the other hand, have gathered around the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA) against Iran or Shias in general. There is also, however, a common perception that Kurds are the only people in the Middle East who have not become sectarian. This research is to see whether this perception towards the Kurds is true, and if it is, why? The first chapter argues that the English term "sectarianism" fails to explain the current politics of the Middle East. Instead, it is argued, there are two different forms of sectarianism in Islam; one is about theological disagreements, which in Arabic is called "madhabiya", the other is about the political competition among the various Muslim groups which in Arabic is called "taifiya". Regardless of the religious factor, states of the Middle East act rationally based on geopolitical realities. Political sectarianism comes emerges especially when those sectarian groups mobilize under political parties and armed militia groups. Sects and states sometimes cooperate for mutual interests and hence it appears that the entire conflicts of the region are driven by sectarian motivations. The second and third chapters then explore sectarianism in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI) within this new understanding. The KRI acts like the state actors based on its interests and not its Sunni sectarian identity. Contrary to the common perception towards the unrecognized state which assumes that the KRI's ultimate goal should be international recognition (IR), it is here argued that the KRI prioritizes 'regional acceptance' (RA) over IR. Within the KRI there is theological sectarianism among Salafists, Sufis, and political Islamists. However, there is no political sectarianism because the Kurdish government has neutralized and unarmed the sectarian groups.
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DeLozier, Elana. "Threats to Religious Legitimacy and State Security: The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia's Quest for Stable Continuity." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/35150.
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This thesis examines how Saudi Arabia responds to threats posed to its dynastic survival with specific emphasis on the current threat posed by Islamism. Saudi Arabia needs both religious legitimacy and state security in order to ensure the stability and continuity of the Kingdom. These needs produce a recurrent tension within the Saudi foreign policy framework because they pull in opposing directions. These tensions become particularly acute when the Kingdom is faced with a grave threat to either its religious legitimacy or its state security. Two cases studies are used to illustrate the Saudi Arabian response to threat. The Pan-Arab movement of the 1950s and 1960s threatened Saudi Arabia's religious legitimacy, and the 1991 Kuwait War threatened Saudi Arabia's state security. The Kingdom was able to endure these threats by balancing the resulting tensions. Historically, Saudi Arabia has only had to manage one type of threat at a time; however, Islamism represents an unprecedented threat because it simultaneously endangers Saudi Arabia's state security and religious legitimacy and to a greater degree than past threats. Islamism is qualitatively more intense because it combines dimensions that had previously been separate and manageable by the Kingdom. This thesis argues that since Islamism is confining the space for political maneuverability, Saudi Arabia faces its most serious threat to stable continuity--a danger which might undermine the Kingdom if a change to threat response is not made.Master of Arts
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Farias, Igor Henriques Sabino de. "Deslocados internos por perseguição religiosa e o Estado islâmico: uma análise do caso iraquiano (2006 - 2014)." Universidade Estadual da Paraíba, 2018. http://tede.bc.uepb.edu.br/jspui/handle/tede/3025.
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This dissertation discusses the influence of religion on International Relations (IR). Its general objective is to emphasize the importance of religion as one of the explanatory variables of contemporary international politics. In order to do so, it uses concepts from the English School to analyze the increase in the number of internally displaced persons due to religious persecution in Iraq after the rise of the terrorist group Islamic State between 2006 and 2014. It is therefore argued that there is a relation between the two facts. In order to verify this assumption and achieve the general objective of the research, the main religious elements that can influence international relations are classified, emphasizing the concepts of non-state religious actor and transnational religious issues. It then discusses how these elements can be understood in the light of the main theories of IR, such as Realism, Liberalism, Constructivism and English School, but emphasizes the latter. It is also conceptualizes terms such as internal displacement and religious persecution, with reference to the main sources of international law. Finally, it is demonstrated, through analysis of the official propaganda of the Islamic State, how Islamic religious elements were used by the group in order to persecute Christians and Yazidis in Iraq. This fact caused a large number of internally displaced persons due to religious persecution in the country. It is concluded, therefore, that, although religion is still an explanatory variable of IR neglected in the academic world, it is increasingly present in events of international politics, especially after the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001.
Esta dissertação discute a influência da religião nas Relações Internacionais (RI) e tem como objetivo geral ressaltar a importância da religião enquanto uma das variáveis explicativas da política internacional contemporânea. Para isso, utiliza-se de conceitos da Escola Inglesa para analisar o aumento do número de deslocados internos por perseguição religiosa no Iraque após a ascensão do grupo terrorista Estado Islâmico, entre 2006 e 2014. Defende-se, portanto, que existe uma relação entre os dois fatos. A fim de verificar esse pressuposto e alcançar o objetivo geral da pesquisa, classifica-se os principais elementos religiosos que podem influenciar as relações internacionais, dando ênfase aos conceitos de ator religioso não estatal e questões religiosas transnacionais. Em seguida, discute como esses elementos podem ser compreendidos à luz das principais teorias de RI, como Realismo, Liberalismo, Construtivismo e Escola Inglesa, ressaltando, porém, essa última. Conceitua-se também termos como deslocado interno e perseguição religiosa, tendo como referente as principais fontes de Direito Internacional. Por fim, é demonstrado, por meio da análise da propaganda oficial do Estado Islâmico, como elementos religiosos islâmicos foram instrumentalizados pelo grupo a fim de perseguir cristãos e yazidis no Iraque. Fato que ocasionou um grande número de deslocados internos por perseguição religiosa no país. Conclui-se, portanto, que, embora a religião ainda seja uma variável explicativa das RI negligenciada no meio acadêmico, está cada vez mais presente em eventos da política internacional, sobretudo após os atentados terroristas do 11 de setembro de 2001.
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Sabeh, Mada. "Démocratie et religions au Proche-Orient : les cas du Liban, d'Israël, des Territoires palestiniens et de la Turquie." Thesis, Paris 5, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA05H010/document.
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Existe-t-il un pluralisme démocratique, une démocratie différente de celle des normes « occidentales » ? C’est la question que nous nous sommes posés dans notre recherche, en partant sur une hypothèse affirmative, dans un contexte spécifique qui est celui de l’alliance communément contestée entre démocratie et religion. Nous avons décidé de nous pencher sur les démocraties du Proche-Orient, sur leurs particularismes liés au rapport étroit qui existe dans ces pays entre politique et religion. Les pays de la région qui sembleraient à nos yeux les plus démocratiques à ce jour sont le Liban, Israël (en incluant une étude des Territoires palestiniens également), et la Turquie. En tenant pour principes démocratiques l’égalité et la liberté, présents dans leurs constitutions respectives, nous avons décidé d’étudier les spécificités de chaque pays ; celui d’être un Etat confessionnel pour le Liban, un Etat Juif pour Israël, un Etat sans Etat pour les Territoires palestiniens, un Etat à la fois laïc, turc, et islamique pour la Turquie. Il existe des failles démocratiques dans chacun de ses Etats, que nous avons mises en évidence, tout comme des évolutions positives. Le nationalisme présent dans chacun de ces pays est particulièrement prononcé, selon les différentes communautés d’appartenances, ce qui fait de l’appartenance ethnique principale une appartenance nationale ; d’où notre choix ambitieux d’appeler ces Etats des démocraties ethniques, se basant sur l’ethnos (l’appartenance communautaire du peuple). C’est aussi en raison de cette condition qu’ils connaissent surtout des lacunes vis-à-vis de la reconnaissance d’autres appartenances, leurs minorités respectivesDoes a democratic pluralism exist, implying a democracy different from the "Western" standards? Based on a positive assumption, this is the question that we attempt to answer to in this research within a specific framework, namely the commonly contested alliance between democracy and religion. We have decided to study Middle-Eastern democracies with their specificities related to the narrow link that exists in those countries between politics and religion. The countries of the area that seemed, as of today, the most democratic to us are Lebanon, Israel (including a study of the Palestinian Territories) and Turkey. Based on the democratic principles of Equality and Liberty, also present in their respective constitutions, we have decided to look into the specificities of each country; such as being a confessional state for Lebanon, a Jewish state for Israel, a state without a state for the Palestinian Territories and a state being at the same time secular, Turkish and Islamic for Turkey. In each of these countries there are democratic flaws that we have highlighted, as well as positive evolutions. The Nationalism present in each of these countries is particularly pronounced according to the different communities to which one belongs, which leads the main ethnic to become a national identification, hence our ambitious choice to name these states ethnic democracies based on the ethnos (people's identification to a community). It is also because of this specificity that they encounter weaknesses towards the recognition of other identifications such as their respective minorities
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Al-Hinai, Abdulmalik Abdullah. "State formation in Oman 1861-1970." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.312066.
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The main hypothesis of this study is that in the period from the 1860s to the 1960s the politics and decision-making of the Omani state were influenced by four forces, namely the British, the merchants, the tribal leaders and the ulama. The arguments relate only to the Sultanate of Oman, since no reliable data are available for the Imamate of Oman. During the second half of the seventeenth century the Omani state entered its imperial age, which lasted until the middle of the nineteenth century. The Ya'ariba dynasty, which was the first ruling family in that age, was similar to the states described by Ibn Khaldun. This was followed by the rise of the Al Bu Said dynasty. The imperial age lasted until the collapse of the Omani empire in 1861. The main finding of this study are first that the British role was the most prominent in the formation of the post-imperial Omani state, while these of the merchants, the tribal leaders and the ulama were mostly indirect or minimal. Secondly, the study found that, in addition to the tribal conflict, the period between 1861 and the 1950s was dominated by two other forms of social struggle, namely conflict between the merchants and the peasants, and tensions in the fragile alliance between the tribal and religious leaders. Thirdly, the several types of external subsidy, which Oman started to receive after] 861, laid the foundation of the rentier state in Oman, much earlier than the oil era. Fourthly, the political division of Oman, which resulted from the Treaty of Sib of 1920, never led to the emergence of two independent states. The situation, which prevailed between 1920 and 1955, was to a large extent one of one state with two systems. It is hoped that, in addition to its contribution to the study of the history and international relations of Oman, this study will provide students of political economy with a better understanding of the nature of the Omani state as one of the oldest states in the Arab World.
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Al-Ansi, Mohsin Abdulla. "Fisheries of the state of Qatar." Thesis, University of Aberdeen, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.262916.
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Total fish landings in Qatar increased from 1736t in 1980 to 7845t in 1992. Around 93% of this growth was due to an increase in the artisanal fleet. this increase was exemplified by increases in i) numbers of vessels from 174 to 422, ii) numbers of fishermen from 573 to 1962, iii) mean vessel power from 30 to 67 kW. The mean Qatar National Fishing Company (QNFC) CPUE during 1984 to 1991 was 112.4 kg.h-1. The QNFC trawlers ceased operation in 1992 when market share by value of catch had declined to 4.6%. The artisanal fleet continued to land a greater variety of high value species with landings reaching 6996t during 1993. Market 'consumption' of Siganus spp. generally increased during the spawning season. Females may release > 1 million eggs (mean - 400,000, ± 43,000) in a single spawning, generally between March and May. Spawning was later in 1993 than 1992 and is possibly linked to the lunar cycle. The main spawning grounds of Siganus are around islands, the coastline and coral reefs. Most fry were found in bays and lagoons near Wakrah and Dhakirah, no fry were found in mangroves. S. canaliculatus can reach maturity by year one (females at 14.5cm, males at 13.5cm total length) but most reach maturation in year two. S. canaliculatus is probably best aged by vertebral annuli, other studies also suggest it can easily withstand a salinities up to 58. Gulf salinity is approximately 42. Imposition of a closed season during April-May is recommended, particularly at sites close to the coastline and islands. Penaeus semisulcatus accounted for 97.5% by weight of total shrimp catches during this study. The mean annual CPUE for this species was 16.6 (S.D. 9.96) and 3.03 (S.D.2.2) kg.h-1 at Doha and Khore respectively (1992-93).
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Di, Vita Salvatore <1990>. "The Islamic State statehood and the concept of state in the Middle East." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/9143.
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On June 29, 2014, the Sunni Salafist jihadist organization known as Islamic State of Iraq and Levant proclaimed Abu Bakr Al-Baghdadi its caliph and changed its name in Islamic State - as a new caliphate. In this way, it posed the flag of a State on the conquered territories between Iraq and Syria. The quick - even not unexpected - development of IS and its pragmatical separation from al-Qaida undermined further the precarious equilibrium of the Middle East. Furthermore, this event represents a new issue for the international community. It opens a new debate and puts the concept of state into the spotlight.
The main question is if the Islamic State can be considered a state. Is the Islamic State a formal state? Scholars and experts of geopolitic tried to answer this question using the limited datas in their possession. The relevance of the answer is related to the fact that is important to understand how other subject have to engage with IS. To understand if it is a State or a terroristic group can conditions the international strategy of other states to face this problems. However, to answer this question is necessary to dissemble it, developing a discourse that analyses all the elements subtended by this argument.
First of all, it is indispensable to understand what the concept of state refers to. What is a "State"? (how do you define a state?) This idea can be analyzed from different perspectives that can lead to different conclusions. Indeed, there are various elements that are used to define a state: some territorial other refers to a population, (some conceptual) legitimacy, power, independency. These elements can be found in different degrees in different state.
Thus, following the thread of the discourse to the main answer, one is naturally led to wonder if there is a universal kind of state. Turning now to the Middle Eastern context asking the question: How has the state developed in the Middle East? Looking at this area, it can be assumed that the State is characterized by a structural instability that starts at least by the end of the Ottoman Empire, or even before its end. Therefore, we are interested in what are the main causes of this lack of equilibrium. In the Middle East there are some elements that, mixed with each other, converge to give a certain specificity to this region. For example historical elements, like the process of formation of the state and the post-colonial period; economical elements, like the presence of important reinter states; sociological elements, like tribes and minorities, and the strong presence of the religion with its separatism. Authoritarian States, Reinter States, Weak States, Failed States, Political Islam. Many of these elements generate sentiments characterized by trans-national aspects like Pan-Arabism or Pan-Islamism. The knowledge and understanding of this mix of features is a necessary precondition to explain the context in which the new entity of the Islamic State has been developed.
Thus, the debate arrives at the most central question of this analysis: For who is it important to understand if the Islamic State is a state or not? IS wants a territory. The separation from Al-Qaeda is a clear clue of it. Another indication should be on the name itself. They present themselves as the Islamic State and not as an Islamic State like the Islamic Republic of Iran. The concept of Umma is recurring in the public discourse, and the materials provided by IS itself as the magazine Dabiq, can show its politic. However, there are many uncertainties about the statehood of this entity that can possibly be defined as a counter-State.
The importance of this study is due to the necessity to analyze what IS claims to be, how it is actually acting, how the international system is facing it and how all these factors are delimitated in the Middle Eastern context can give a key to understand what is happening in the territories of Iraq and Syria.
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Rowe, Paul Stanley. "Ancient crosses and tower-keeps : the politics of Christian minorities in the Middle East." Thesis, McGill University, 2003. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=19477.
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The interplay of religion and politics has been a consistent theme in the comparativepolitics of identity, and more specifically with regard to Middle Eastern politics Yetcoverage of religion and politics in the region is generally focused on the Muslimmajority and neglects the existence and impact of non-Muslim religious elements inMiddle Eastern societies. The most prominent of these are the various groups ofChristian Arabs.This work begins with a reassessment of common comparative theoretical approaches tothe study of religion and politics. It introduces a critical and dynamic constructivistapproach to religion, defining it as belief'. Using belief the political environment, andrelative demographics as a guide, it creates four general types of Christian groups as ameans to understand Christian group activation. These types match up with three generalmodes of engagement with the outside political culture in Middle Eastern contexts:competitive-nationalistic systems, neo-millet systems, and secular non-sectarian systems.These analytical tools are applied to the political activity of Christian groups in threeMiddle Eastern polities: Egypt, Lebanon, and Palestine. In Egypt, a stable neo-milletsystem is the result of the dominance of a single deferential organization amongChristians: the Coptic Orthodox Church. In Lebanon, years of competitive nationalisticpolitics have given way to an emergent neo-millet system as a result of the decline inidentity-based nationalistic parties and the increasing prominence of the traditionalChurch hierarchy. Among Palestinians, nominalism, deference, and voluntaristicactivism mix to create a neo-millet system with aspects of other systems of engagement.This study concludes that neo-millet systems are the natural outcome of a stronglyidentity-focused religious belief system among Arab Christians, one the author terms"tower-keep" theology. However, the dynamics of change fostered by new styles ofbelief, the challenges of responding to an eroding population base, and the influence ofdiaspora communities and coreligionists abroad all point to new systems of engagementto come in the future.
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Pacciardi, Agnese. "Globalization in the middle east: regression in progress." Bachelor's thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2018. http://amslaurea.unibo.it/16018/.
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The MENA region has been for centuries one of the most vibrant and cosmopolitan areas in the world. Due to its geographical position, it was a gateway between the East and the West, an area that merged people from different cultures, religions and civilizations. It was the birthplace of the three major monotheistic religions of the world and it was for centuries an area where science, economy and art flourished unquestioned. While the great majority of the areas in the world present a progressive tendency to go from a closed and self-centered society to an open, cosmopolitan one, sacrificing regional specificities in favor of an international integration and interaction, the MENA region surprisingly presents a counter trend. That same region that used to be the center of intercultural, scientific and commercial exchanges is almost reversing. As a fact, during the last decades, the process of globalization brought Western countries to a gradual opening to each other, while the Middle East seems not to fit in this process. Although with some exceptions, little progress has been done and this area seems to be determined to resist. The paradox of globalization in the MENA region is that, instead of smoothing the differences, as it is doing elsewhere, it is fueling parochialism, thus strengthening the cultural identity and exacerbating the decade-long opposition between the East and the West. Not only governments and radical movements, but also intellectuals and a great part of the population dread it and perceive it as a threat. Where the Arab world has been forced to let globalization in, it has also made sure to preserve and stress the role of tradition and religion both in the public and private sphere. This research intends to investigate the uniqueness of globalization in the Arab world, analyzing the process from different perspectives. The core of the dissertation will analyze globalization from three main aspects: economic, political and cultural.
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Eilon, Joab B. "State tribe and mandate in Transjordan, 1918-1946." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.365513.
Full textBooks on the topic "Religion and state – Middle East"
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Identity crisis: Religious registration in the Middle East. North Yorkshire, England: Gilead Books Publishing, 2016.
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India) Institute of Foreign Policy Studies (Kolkata and Contours of Relationship: India and the Middle East (Conference) (2016 University of Calcutta). Contours of relationship: India and the Middle East. Calcutta]: University of Calcutta, Centre for Pakistan and West Asian Studies (CPWAS), Institute of Foreign Policy (IFPS) in association with KW Publishers Pvt Ltd, New Delhi, 2017.
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Abdella, Doumato Eleanor, and Starrett Gregory 1961-, eds. Teaching Islam: Textbooks and religion in the Middle East. Boulder, Colo: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2006.
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Conference, "Change and stability-state politics and religion in the Middle East and North Africa" (2009 Kraków Poland). Change and stability: State, religion and politics in the contemporary Middle East and North Africa. Krakow: UNUM Publishing House, 2010.
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Political terrorism and the state in the Middle East. London: Mansell Pub., 1988.
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Religion and politics in the Middle East: Identity, ideology, institutions, and attitudes. Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 2010.
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The nation state and religion: The resurgence of faith. Brighton: Sussex Academic Press/The Israel Democracy Institute, 2013.
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Kult und Macht: Religion und Herrschaft im syro-palästinensischen Raum : Studien zu ihrer Wechselbeziehung in hellenistisch-römischer Zeit. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2011.
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Instilling religion in Greek and Turkish Nationalism: A "sacred synthesis". New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2013.
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Munson, Henry. Islam and revolution in the Middle East. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1988.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Religion and state – Middle East"
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Tibi, Bassam. "The Middle East: Society, State and Religion." In Identities and Conflicts, 121–34. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230288690_8.
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Quandt, William B. "Religion and Politics in the Middle East and North Africa." In Religion, State, and Society, 155–69. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230617865_9.
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Masad, Mohammad, and Kenneth Christie. "State Formation, Religion, and Ethnicity in the Middle East and North Africa: An Overview." In State Formation and Identity in the Middle East and North Africa, 15–36. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137369604_2.
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Watanabe, Lisa. "Religion, Ethnicity, and State Formation in Algeria: “The Berber” As a Category of Contestation." In State Formation and Identity in the Middle East and North Africa, 159–72. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137369604_8.
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Halliday, Fred. "The Iranian Revolution: Uneven Development and Religious Populism." In State and Ideology in the Middle East and Pakistan, 31–63. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1988. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-19029-4_3.
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MacDonald, Charles G. "Middle East." In The Wiley-Blackwell Companion to Religion and Social Justice, 402–11. Chichester, UK: John Wiley & Sons, Ltd, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9781444355390.ch27.
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Jawad, Rana, and John Gal. "The Middle East." In Routledge Handbook of the Welfare State, 243–53. Second edition. | Abingdon, Oxon; New York, NY: Routledge, 2018.: Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315207049-23.
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Salzmann, Ariel. "Is there a moral economy of state formation? Religious minorities and repertoires of regime integration in the Middle East and Western Europe, 600–1614." In Contention and Trust in Cities and States, 27–41. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-007-0756-6_3.
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Monshipouri, Mahmood. "Confronting terrorism and the Islamic State." In Middle East Politics, 191–217. Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2019.: Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429060496-8.
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Kingsbury, Damien. "Separatism in the Middle-East." In Separatism and the State, 118–37. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York : Routledge, 2021. |: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429297113-7.
Full textConference papers on the topic "Religion and state – Middle East"
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Ugur, Etga. "RELIGION AS A SOURCE OF SOCIAL CAPITAL? THE GÜLEN MOVEMENT IN THE PUBLIC SPHERE." In Muslim World in Transition: Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/clha2866.
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This paper asks: when and under what conditions does religion become a source of coopera- tion rather than conflict? The Gülen movement is an Islamic social movement that bases its philosophy on increasing religious consciousness at the individual level and making Islam an important social force in the public sphere. It is this intellectual and social activism that has made the movement a global phenomenon and the focus of socio-political analysis. The Gülen community brings different sectors of society together to facilitate ‘collective intellectual effort’ and offer ‘civil responses’ to social issues, seeing this as a more subtle and legitimate way of influencing public debate and policy. To this end, the movement initiated a series of symposiums, known as Abant Workshops in Turkey. The scope of these meetings was later expanded to include a wider audience in Europe, the U.S., and the Middle East. This paper looks specifically at the Abant Workshops and the movement’s strategy of bridge building and problem-solving. It uses the press releases, transcripts and audio-visual records of the past 14 meetings to discuss their objectives and outcomes. This material is supplement- ed by interviews with key organisers from the Journalists and Writer Foundation and other participants. The discussion aims to understand how far religiously inspired social groups can contribute to the empowerment of civil society vis-à-vis the state and its officially secular ideology. Beyond that, it aims to explain the role of civil society organisations in democratic governance, and the possibility of creating social capital in societies lacking a clear ‘overlap- ping consensus’ on issues of citizenship, morality and national identity. The hesitancy at the beginning turns into friendship, the distance into understanding, stiff looks and tensions into humorous jokes, and differences into richness. Abant is boldly moving towards an institutionalization. The objective is evident: Talking about some of the problems the country is facing, debating them and offering solutions; on a civil ground, within the framework of knowledge and deliberation. Some labelled the ideas in the concluding declarations as “revolutionary,” “renaissance,” and “first indications of a religious reform.” Some others (in minority) saw them “dangerous” and “non-sense.” In fact, the result is neither a “revolution” nor “non-sense” It is an indication of a quest for opening new horizons or creating a novel vision. When and under what conditions does religion become a source of cooperation rather than conflict in the civil society? The Gülen movement is an Islamic social movement that bases its philosophy on increasing religious consciousness at the individual level and making Islam an important social force in the public sphere. It is this intellectual and social activism that raises the Gülen movement of Turkey as a global phenomenon to the focus of socio-political analysis. The Gülen community brings different sectors of the society together to create and facilitate a ‘common intellect’ to brainstorm and offer ‘civil responses’ to social issues. The move- ment sees this as a more subtle, but more effective, and legitimate way of influencing public debate and policy. Hence, the movement initiated a series of symposiums, known as Abant Workshops in Turkey. The scope of the meetings was later expanded to include a wider audi- ence in Europe, the U.S., and the Middle East. In early 1990s the Gülen Movement launched a silent but persistent public relations cam- paign. Fethullah Gülen openly met with the prominent figures of government and politics, and gave interviews to some popular newspapers and magazines. With a thriving media net- work, private schools, and business associations the movement seemed to have entered a new stage in its relations with the outside world. This new stage was not a simple outreach effort; it was rather a confident step to carve a niche in the increasingly diversified Turkish public sphere. The instigation of a series of workshops known as Abant Platforms was one of the biggest steps in this process. The workshops brought academics, politicians, and intellectu- als together to discuss some of the thorniest issues of, first, Turkey, such as secularism and pluralism, and then the Muslim World, such as war, globalization and modernization. This paper seeks to explain the motives behind this kind of an ambitious project and its possible implications for the movement itself, for Turkey and for the Muslim World in transition.
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Delistoian, Dmitri, and Mihael Chircor. "Offshore pipeline influence on middle east religion." In DIALOGO-CONF 2017. EDIS - Publishing Institution of the University of Zilina, Slovak Republic, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.18638/dialogo.2017.4.1.23.
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Negreponti-Delivanis, Maria, and Ioana Panagoreţ. "Dangerous Demographic Change Reinforces Europe’s Declining Image." In G.I.D.T.P. 2019 - Globalization, Innovation and Development, Trends and Prospects 2019. LUMEN Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.18662/lumproc/gidtp2022/14.
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Currently, one of the main factors that shows us a picture of Europe's decline is that of demographic change. This process of decline of the West is marked by more than five decades of several indicators and evolutions that show us that although the time of Western civilization is beginning to run out, a new one appears, namely that of the East. This process of decline in which there is an extreme and unprecedented form of capitalism appears more pronounced in Europe compared to the United States and is characterized by: corruption, alienation of peoples from their roots, religion, history, low birth rates, massive flows of migrants and refugees, the totalitarian tendency of governments. Although the signs of decline are numerous, in this paper we will analyze certain demographic developments observed mainly in Europe and which we consider from several points of view dangerous. In addition to these developments, which we consider quite dangerous, globalization is the most important. The paper is structured in four parts, in the first part being presented the basic trends and variations from the population's perspective. In the second and third part are presented the main causes and effects of these variations of the populations and in the fourth part the conclusions of this study. Most of the interpretive analysis of this unwanted stagnation process is based on demographic erosion, population aging, low middle class rates, the invasion of migrants and refugees that change the cultures of the host nations.
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Dubovskaya, V. N. "On the Use of the Term kudurru in Relation to the Monuments of the Middle Babylonian Period (from the beginning of the 16th to the middle of the 12th centuries BC)." In Preislamic Near East: History, Religion, Culture. A.Yu. Krymskyi Institute of Oriental Studies of the NAS of Ukraine, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/preislamic2021.02.053.
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Ibrahim, M. N. Mohamad, and L. F. Koederitz. "Two-Phase Steady-State and Unsteady-State Relative Permeability Prediction Models." In SPE Middle East Oil Show. Society of Petroleum Engineers, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.2118/68065-ms.
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Semenenko, I. O. "Canal Stelae of Darius I in the Context of the Imperial Policy of the Achaemenid state." In Preislamic Near East: History, Religion, Culture. A.Yu. Krymskyi Institute of Oriental Studies of the NAS of Ukraine, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/preislamic2021.02.113.
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Yousif, Samir, and Ghalib Nouman. "Geological Model Of The Jurassic Section In The State Of Kuwait." In Middle East Oil Show. Society of Petroleum Engineers, 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.2118/29796-ms.
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Hussain, F. A. "Source Rock Identification in the State of Kuwait Using Wireline Logs." In Middle East Oil Show. Society of Petroleum Engineers, 1987. http://dx.doi.org/10.2118/15747-ms.
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Savary, D. "Gas Condensate Reservoir Evaluation Using an Equation of State PVT Package." In Middle East Oil Show. Society of Petroleum Engineers, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.2118/21343-ms.
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Sharif, Amin, and Hewa Ahmed. "The future of the Saudi Political System in Light of Internal Variables." In REFORM AND POLITICAL CHANGE. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdiconfrpc.pp195-231.
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Saudi Arabia enjoys a privileged position in the Middle East by virtue of its strategic position, and because of its political, economic and religious factors, as the Saudi political system was established in 1744 in accordance with a political-religious agreement between the Al Saud and the religious institution represented by the Wahhabi da'wa (Salafism), and continued to receive its legitimacy and support from it, tribalism also took an important aspect in maturity, and the expansion of the influence of this country until the oil wealth contributed to its development, and strengthened its relations with the outside world, which in turn casts an important aspect of maturity, and the expansion of the influence of this country until the oil wealth contributed to its development, and strengthened its relations with the outside world, which in turn casts an important aspect of maturity. In the importance of future studies that address topics related to Saudi domestic and external affairs, notably the issue of reform. The reform trends in Saudi Arabia coincided with its opening to the world specifically western countries in the early 1990s, and increased elitist and popular calls for reform, as well as a number of structural causes that reinforced the alliance between the political and religious institution that clearly controlled the social, political and civil life of the Kingdom. This study is concerned with the reform process in the Saudi political system by showing the future scenes of that process, and then relying on internal variables, and the study tries in the framework of its problem to answer a key question: where is the Saudi political system going in light of internal variables. The hypothesis of the study in the context of future studies is based on an optimistic scene that supports the success of the reform process in Saudi Arabia, and another pessimistic scene that believes that the political system in the Kingdom will remain the same, if not turn into a worse state than it is now.
Reports on the topic "Religion and state – Middle East"
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Carlson, John. Nuclear verification in a Middle East WMD-Free Zone: Lessons from Past Verification Cases and Other Precedents. The United Nations Institute for Disarmament Research, January 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.37559/wmdfz/21/nv/01.
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Verification will be of critical importance to achieving and maintaining a Middle East zone free of weapons of mass destruction (ME WMD). Effective verification arrangements would serve a vital national security objective for each state in the region by reducing tensions, removing the motivation to proliferate, and mitigating the risk of a virtual nuclear arms race (or war). In view of the high levels of tension and mistrust within the zone, ensuring effective verification will be especially demanding. The paper examines specific elements of the future nuclear verification of the zone, including: Which states should be included? What prohibitions and obligations should apply in the zone and how would they be verified? How could elimination of nuclear weapons in the zone be achieved? On what basis would the zone treaty enter into force? The paper also examines a number of existing treaties and arrangements as well as the lessons learned from past verification cases which regional states can draw on in developing verification for a Middle East nuclear-weapon-free zone.
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Einhorn, Robert, Dina Esfandiary, Anton Khlopkov, Grégoire Mallard, and Andreas Persbo. From the Iran nuclear deal to a Middle East Zone? Lessons from the JCPOA for the ME WMDFZ. Edited by Chen Zak and Farzan Sabet. The United Nations Institute for Disarmament Research, May 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.37559/wmdfz/2021/jcpoa1.
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The Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) explicitly states that it “should not be considered as setting precedents for any other state or for fundamental principles of international law.” However, its unique negotiations process, provisions, and implementation created an important set of tools that could provide valuable insights and lessons for a Middle East Weapons of mass Destruction Free Zone (ME WMDFZ). Understanding these tools in a regional context based on the JCPOA experience could provide ME WMDFZ negotiators and researchers important additional tools, ideas, and lessons learned on the road toward negotiating a Zone treaty. This series explores lessons from the JCPOA for the ME WMDFZ through essays focusing on five key themes, including the Iran nuclear deal’s negotiating process, structure and format; nuclear fuel cycle activities and research; safeguards and verification; nuclear cooperation; and compliance and enforcement.
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Manlutac, Janice Ian. The State of Local Humanitarian Leadership: A learning report on a series of LHL online convenings held in Asia, the Middle East and Northern Africa, the Pacific, and West Africa. Oxfam, May 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.21201/2022.9066.
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From May 2021 to January 2022, Oxfam, in partnership with Sejajar Indonesia, the Tamdeen Youth Foundation in Yemen, and the Palestinian Agricultural Development Association (PARC) in Palestine, convened a total of 10 learning series through online convenings on local humanitarian leadership (LHL). Approximately 450 people participated, of whom 60% were from local and national NGOs representing approximately 30 countries. This document offers a snapshot report on the state of LHL across the four regions based on discussions, insights, and materials shared by the resource persons and audience members who participated in the series.
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Kallas, Diana. The Magic Potion of Austerity and Poverty Alleviation: Narratives of political capture and inequality in the Middle East and North Africa. Oxfam, November 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21201/2021.8298.
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Dominant narratives promoting economic growth at the expense of state institutions and basic social services have long underpinned a neoliberal model of spiralling debt and austerity in the MENA region. This exacerbates political capture and inequality and takes shape in an environment of media concentration and shrinking civic space. It is important for change movements to understand dominant narratives in order to challenge and shift them. With the right tools, civil society organizations, activists, influencers and alternative media can start changing the myths and beliefs which frame the socio-economic debate and predetermine which policy options are accepted as possible and legitimate, and which are not.
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Bolton, Laura. Synthesis of Work by the Covid Collective. Institute of Development Studies, March 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/cc.2022.001.
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Overview: This report looked across Covid Collective outputs and grouped findings into three sections. Section 2) Pandemic response; Section 3) Increased marginalisation; and Section 4) Emergent outcomes. Section 4 describes outcomes, both positive and negative, which evolved and were more unpredictable in nature. Pandemic response: Findings on national response highlight shortfalls in national government actions in Bangladesh, Malawi, the Philippines, Yemen, and Syria. Emergency law responses have, in some cases, led states to exert powers with no legal basis. In transitioning economies, state militarisation is having negative effects on constitutionalism and peacebuilding. Lack of trust in state security institutions is identified as an issue in Yemen. Improved consultation between the community, government and security institutions is needed. From a micro perspective, lockdowns were found to hit households close to subsistence the hardest bringing restrictions in to question with regards to welfare choices. Regional responses had different features (outlined in section 2). It is suggested for future research to look at how regional responses have changed interactions between regional and global organisations. The Islamic Development Bank, for example, helped function as a redistribution pool to improve inequalities between country capacities in the Middle East. The Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) supported accurate information reporting. International response with regard to vaccination is falling short in terms of equality between developed and developing economies. World Bank response is questioned for being insufficient in quantity and inefficient in delivery.
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Herbert, Sian. Covid-19, Conflict, and Governance Evidence Summary No.29. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), February 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2021.020.
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This fortnightly Covid-19, Conflict, and Governance Evidence Summary aims to signpost the UK Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office (FCDO) and other UK government departments to the latest evidence and opinions on Covid-19 (C19), to inform and support their responses. Based on feedback from the recent survey, and analysis by the Xcept project, this edition, as a trial, focusses less on the challenges that C19 poses, and more on more on the policy responses to these challenges. The below summary features resources on legislative leadership during the C19 crisis; and the heightening of risks emanating from C19’s indirect impacts – including non-C19 healthcare, economy and food security, and women and girls and unrest and instability. Many of the core C19 themes continue to be covered this week, including anti-corruption approaches; and whether and how C19 is shaping conflict dynamics (this time with articles focussing on Northwestern Nigeria, Myanmar’s Rakhine State, and the Middle East). The summary uses two main sections – (1) literature: – this includes policy papers, academic articles, and long-form articles that go deeper than the typical blog; and (2) blogs & news articles. It is the result of one day of work and is thus indicative but not comprehensive of all issues or publications.
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Arifi, Besa. Education in Preventing & Countering Violent Extremism: Considerations for the Western Balkans. RESOLVE Network, September 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.37805/pn2022.1.wb.
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Violent extremism in the Western Balkans takes many forms, from Western Balkans foreign fighters recruited to participate in conflicts abroad, including in the Middle East and Ukraine; to ethno-nationalist organizations that spread inter-ethnic hatred, some emanating from and glorifying legacies of conflict spanning back to the breakup of the former Yugoslavia and regional conflicts in the 1990s; to chauvinism and anti-EU and anti-NATO ideas that emerge to become even more serious and with greater consequences for the region and socio-political cohesion and dynamics. As violent extremism continues to evolve and adapt in the Western Balkan countries, efforts to address it must also adjust to new threats from both internal and external sources. Recent research on violent extremism in the Western Balkans, and North Macedonia specifically, suggests that education may be an important tool in addressing violent extremism in the region. Some have suggested educational initiatives may assist in addressing online and offline disinformation and extremist narratives. Furthermore, addressing ongoing issues within ethnically divided educational systems may play an important role in working to address some of the ethnic-based divisions that can contribute to ”othering” dynamics. Others have further suggested that education and other support services can play a role in aiding the transition of those imprisoned on charges related to violent extremism and returning families back into society. As countries throughout the Western Balkans continue to update and revise their national action plans and policies to address violent extremism, greater consideration of the role of education and how it might be integrated into these policies is needed. This publication, based on findings from a large-scale literature review mapping the state of research on education in P/CVE in the Western Balkans and beyond,offers a series of considerations for policymakers and practitioners looking to incorporate education in future efforts to address drivers, both real and potential, of violent extremism in Western Balkan states. While findings from this paper are contextualized within the broader experiences of the Western Balkans, specific examples based on experiences in individual countries, North Macedonia most notably, are detailed to provide an in-depth example of considerations for policymakers interested in further incorporating education into P/CVE plans moving forward.