Relevant bibliographies by topics / Religion and politics – History – 21st century

Academic literature on the topic 'Religion and politics – History – 21st century'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 10 March 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Religion and politics – History – 21st century"

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Newton, Richard. "Hebrew, Hebrews, Hubris?: Diagnosing Race and Religion in the Time of COVID-19." Religions 12, no. 11 (November 19, 2021): 1020. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12111020.

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This thought experiment in comparison ponders a Black man’s conviction that his Hebrew identity would make him immune to COVID-19. Surfacing the history of the claims and the scholar’s own suspicions, the paper examines the layered politics of identification. Contra an essentialist understanding of the terms, “Hebrew” and “Hebrews” are shown to be classificatory events, ones imbricated in the dynamics of racecraft. Furthermore, a contextualization of the “race religion” model of 19th century scholarship, 20th century US religio-racial movements, and the complicated legacy of Tuskegee in 21st century Black vaccine hesitancy help to outline the need for inquisitiveness rather than hubris in matters of comparison. In so doing, this working paper advances a model of the public scholar as a questioner of categories and a diagnostician of classification.
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Altuntaş, Nezahat. "Religious Nationalism in a New Era: A Perspective from Political Islam." African and Asian Studies 9, no. 4 (2010): 418–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156921010x534805.

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Abstract Nationalism is an ideology that has taken different forms in different times, locations, and situations. In the 19th century, classical liberal nationalism depended on the ties between the nation state and its citizenship. That form of nationalism was accompanied by “the state- and nation-building” processes in Europe. In the 20th century, nationalism transformed into ethnic nationalism, depending on ideas of common origin; it arose especially after World War I and II and after the collapse of the Soviet Union. Finally, at the beginning of 21st century, nationalism began to integrate with religion as a result of global political changes. The terrorist attack on the United States, and then the effects that the United States and its allies have created in the widespread Muslim geography, have added new and different dimensions to nationalism. The main aim of this study is to investigate the intersection points between religion and nationalism, especially in the case of political Islam.
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Meyer, Gaelin M. "Agency and the Critical Study of Religion." Journal for the Study of Religion 35, no. 1 (July 27, 2022): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/2413-3027/2022/v35n1a3.

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The critical study of religion is enchanted by modern problematics, and this limits the feasibility of the project. Both secularity and modernity have been deconstructed in recent decades, but the primacy of the modern and secular agentic human remains largely unchallenged. Tracing this trend back in European history shows that a definitive collapsing of agency was necessary for the development of modern political and social structures. Modern prescriptions on agency limit the study of religion - a domain which is largely constituted by narratives involving non-human agents. A remedy for the impasse may be found in looking to a nonmodern conceptual apparatus for new avenues in theory-making and applying these concepts to the critical study of religion in the 21st century.
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Zakharov, Ivan. "State Regulation of the Activities of Faith-Based Organizations in African Countries in the Late 20th — Early 21st Centuries: Macro-Regional Tendencies." ISTORIYA 13, no. 6 (116) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840021692-0.

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The article focuses on reasons and manifestations of restrictive policies on the operation of religious and faith-based organizations (FBO) on the example of Africa. The problem is regarded as a result of (1) intensification of religious competition during the transformation of the African religious landscape, and (2) developing self-reliance and efficiency of religious organizations and FBO’s throughout the implementation of the “humanitarian” or “civilizing” mission. The later allowed some of these organizations to take place of the key economic and political actors in the region in the end of the 20th century. The research combines quantitative and qualitative methods of geography of religion, history, political science, and incorporates a vast number of sources. It allowed to reveal shifts in the Africa religious landscape’s structure in 1910–2010; to assess the scale of “humanitarian” mission; to evaluate the legislative framework for the operation of religious organizations and FBO’s in African countries and actual restrictions applied to them. Established, that the change of historical context of religious organizations’ activities and their interaction with the authorities in the end of the 20th century manifested itself in the stricter control on the operation of organizations affiliated with religion. This claim supported by the evidence from countries of North Africa, Sudan-Sahel Corridor, Rwanda, Kenya, Zambia, etc. Governments always declare that restrictive measures are implemented due to the need to treat their citizens, but in reality, it may also pursue other aims, such as: to support of certain religions (religious favoritism), to gain or re-establish state’s monopoly of the exercise of public authority, including through the counter radical groups, which affiliate themselves with a religion. However, restrictive policies have also impacted religious organizations and FBO’s that provide essential services for the large number of vulnerable communities. Such practices may have disruptive consequences on the socio-economic and political development of the continent.
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Weller, Paul. "Religious Minorities and Freedom of Religion or Belief in the uk." Religion & Human Rights 13, no. 1 (March 27, 2018): 76–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18710328-13011160.

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Abstract By particular reference to the polity of the uk, this article discusses issues and options for groups identified as “religious minorities” in relation to issues of “religious freedom”. It does so by seeking to ensure that such contemporary socio-legal discussions are rooted empirically in the full diversity of the uk’s contemporary religious landscape, while taking account of (especially) 19th century (mainly Christian) historical antecedents. It argues that properly to understand the expansion in scope and substance of religious freedom achieved in the 19th century that account needs to be taken of the agency of the groups that benefited from this. Finally, it argues this history can be seen as a “preconfiguration” of the way in which religious minorities have themselves acted as key drivers for change in relevant 20th and 21st century uk law and social policy and could continue to do so in possible futures post-Brexit Referendum.
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Cevik, Neslihan. "The Muslimist Self and Fashion: Implications for Politics and Markets." Numen 66, no. 4 (June 18, 2019): 422–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685276-12341547.

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AbstractThis article introduces the rise of a new religious expression, Muslimism, in Turkey at the turn of the 21st century. I identify Muslimism as a prominent example of a new global category of religion, New Religious Orthodoxies (NRO). Muslimism and NROs neither reject nor submit to global modernity but engage aspects of it using religious categories. I then link Muslimism and NROs to the broader discussions on Muslim subjectivity formation, looking at Islamic fashion and how Muslimists respond to global modernity and its imaginaries, practices, and institutions. My empirical findings show that, historically, Islamic fashion has functioned as a site of hybridity, allowing pious Muslim females to resist binary patterns of identity, public space, and everyday activities, to challenge authoritarian formulations of religious community and redefine the (female) self as a legitimate moral and cultural agent by tapping into key Islamic notions. These findings have broad implications. Theoretically, they show that even in an area such as Islamic fashion, reduced by many as an oxymoron created by market forces, Muslim subjectivity formation goes beyond the choices of rejection of modernity or assimilation of Islam. Mapping these possibilities reveals greater insights into how religious groups engage modernity while remaining within the limits of orthodoxy, as well as their potent agency in challenging existing sources of self-formation and collective identity. Regarding policy, Muslimism illustrates a third way between fundamentalism and aggressive secularism that can negotiate tensions between religious orthodoxy and individual rights, the secular state and moral freedoms, and the West and Islam.
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Gathogo, Julius Mutugi. "ECCLESIASTICAL AND POLITICAL LEADERSHIPS IN ONE ARMPIT: CELEBRATING THE LIFE OF THOMAS KALUME (1925-75)." Studia Historiae Ecclesiasticae 41, no. 3 (May 12, 2016): 92–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/2412-4265/451.

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As Kenya celebrates her 52nd year of independence on 12th December 2015, the name of Thomas Johnson Kuto Kalume re-appears, as a great hero whom Kenyans have always wanted to forget. Indeed, he was a Kenyan politician and the first Clergyman to be elected as a Member of Parliament (MP) in the history of the National Assembly. Rev. Kalume was a composer and co-producer of the Kenyan national anthem, which was recorded in English and Swahili in September 1963 and inaugurated by Kenya’s founding President, Jomo Kenyatta, at Uhuru Gardens on December 12, 1963 during the independence celebrations. Critically important is that Kalume is the second Anglican Kenyan to obtain a University degree in Theology after John Mbiti. He was followed by Henry Okullu and David Gitari who emerged fourth. The article sets out to retrace Kalume’s pedigree, theology, and philosophy, as he navigated through troubled waters in the young republic of Kenya. What led to his early death on March 15, 1975 after serving only one parliamentary term (1969-74)? What motivated him to join both the church ministry and later elective politics? How did he view the service to God and humanity? How did he juxtapose religion and politics without losing his gospel constituency? What lessons does Kalume have for the 21st century Africa, particularly with regard to keeping Ecclesiastical and Political Leaderships in one armpit? Was Kalume’s case rooted in African religious heritage, a phenomenon where there is no dichotomization between the secular (politics) and the sacred (religion)? To this end, the article focuses mainly on the manner in which the memory of Thomas Johnson Kuto Kalume has been celebrated and/or reconstructed half a century after Kenya’s independence. By use of ex-post facto design, a phenomenon where variables have already occurred and are not manipulated by the researcher, the article has endeavored to retrieve Kalume’s societal contribution largely through archival and oral sources.
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Alaverdov, Emilia. "The Politicization of Islamic Society in Post Soviet Russia." Journal of Education Culture and Society 11, no. 1 (June 27, 2020): 303–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.15503/jecs2020.1.303.311.

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Aim. The paper analyses the Islamic revival in Russia in the late 20th century and early 21st. This was reflected in the registration of religious communities, the publication of periodicals on Muslim literature, and, in my opinion, most importantly - the construction of mosques and madrassas. It highlights the roles of mosques and madrassas built in the North Caucasus, which later became the theological centers for the spread of Islam and educated youngsters according to their propaganda. Methods. The study mainly uses an analysis method based on the study of historicism, documents and empirical material. The basis of the source are books, scientific articles, research works conducted by Russian and foreign experts. Results. The post-Soviet wars (1994-1996 and 1999-2000) in Chechnya contributed to the politicisation and realisation of Islam in this region. In 1996-1999 there were 26 Sharia courts, numerous Islamic parties, charitable foundations and organisations in the republic and, most importantly, structures of Wahhabi organisations (Akaev, n.d.). The process of politicisation gradually turned into organisational formations in Russia in the late 1980s and early 1990s. Conclusion. The constructive transformation by reinforcing the modernist potentials of Islam has contributed to the real renewal of Russian Muslim societies, which led to the radicalisation of the whole region. The described events have shown that for the last 20 years, the revival of religious Islam was a revival of political organisations and activities, where religion is connected to politics and criminal activities. A small North Caucasian republic immediately turned up at the center of Russia's recent history. Key Words: Islam, politics, revival, radicalization, Russia, North Caucasus
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Adega, Andrew Philips, Daniel Terna Degarr, and Myom Terkura. "Ator A Zan Adua (Christian Traditional Rulers) and Tiv Culture in the 21st Century." International Journal of Culture and History 8, no. 2 (August 8, 2021): 15. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/ijch.v8i2.18915.

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The chieftaincy and traditional rulership institution is dynamic and one of the most enduring legacies from traditional African societies. Until the coming of the colonialists, the traditional institution led by chiefs, emirs, obas, Ezes, etc performed legislative and judicial functions as well as political, religious, social and economic roles etc. The chieftaincy and traditional rulership institution among the Tiv was not organised in a systematic manner until the creation of the Tor Tiv stool in 1946. With several reformations, the chieftaincy institution has taken a definite stage in Tiv society. However, the problem of the study has to do with the fact that there has arisen in the Tiv chieftaincy scene; the ator a zan adua (Christian traditional rulers) who rather than protect and preserve Tiv cultural heritage are in the vanguard of the corrosion of a culture they had taken an oath to protect and preserve. If prompt action is not taken by the Tiv, their culture would soon disappear as these ator a zan adua have “churchmentised” and Christianised Tiv culture. As scholars of Tiv History, Religion and Culture, the researchers are alarmed at this cultural imperialism being perpetrated by Tiv traditional rulers. The study adopts the historical, descriptive and evaluative methods. In data collection, the primary and secondary methods have been adopted. In the primary source, oral interviews and the observation methods have been used; whereas in the secondary sources of data collection, documented sources from books, journal articles, newspapers and e-sources have been employed. The study established that by the orientation of ator a zan a dua as Christians, they are on the verge of completely supplanting Tiv culture with a foreign one. The study noted that culture gives an identity to a group of people and without it, they cannot be defined. In view of this challenge, the study made various suggestions as means of preserving and sustaining Tiv cultural heritage for generations yet unborn. One of these suggestions is that traditional rulers in Tiv be made to take their oath of office by Swem (the Tiv symbol of justice) so that when they renege on their oath, they would immediately bear the consequences (death by swollen stomach, limbs and severe headache). The study concluded that Tiv culture must not be sacrificed on the altar of Christianity by anybody not even the ator (traditional rulers).
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Vasylenko, Dmytro. "METAPHORICAL ALLUSION IN MILITARY POLITICAL DISCOURSE." Scientific Journal of Polonia University 50, no. 1 (April 28, 2022): 138–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.23856/5016.

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The research paper is devoted to the diachronic analysis of political metaphoric allusions based on military terms in the English language. The study determines the ways of political military discourse allusions development in the 20th and at the beginning of the 21st century. The main objective of this work is to afford deeper insights into the genuine nature of metaphoric allusions, defining their forms, types and functions. The semantic and functional issues related to metaphoric allusions in the sphere of politics are the subject of the article, which has the aim of providing their interpretations, investigating their sources and use. The methods of research: empiric research, monitoring of mass media and multimedia content, classification, content analysis, semantic analysis. War words and phrases used by politicians in public addresses prone to generate new shades of meanings through military intertextual patterns and enrich the work by association thus giving it depth by revealing an implicit nature in political discourse through allusion. Its universal character has become common knowledge and ubiquitous in all walks of life. Being a figure of speech through which some counterparts are compared on the basis of their aspects to history, culture, mythology, literature, war and religion. Metaphoric allusions fill lexical gaps, characterize and deepen the understanding of the essence of existing objects.” Using war metaphoric allusions shuffles categorization in insidious ways. As such, politicians call for obedience rather than awareness and appeal to our patriotism, not to our solidarity”. (Costanza Musu , 2020: April 8). The core ideas are often taken from common sources, like war, battle, conflict which usually refer to some sort of competition, fight, or struggle and serve as a means of intertexuality in further semantic transformation in political domain acquiring a novice emotional charge.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Religion and politics – History – 21st century"

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Gutkowski, Stacey Elizabeth. "Religious violence, secularism and the British security imaginary, 2001-2009." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.608941.

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Ghattas, Micheline Germanos. "The Consolidation of the Consociational Democracy in Lebanon: The Challenges to Democracy in Lebanon." PDXScholar, 2013. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/1415.

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This dissertation looks at democracy in Lebanon, a country that has a pluralistic society with many societal cleavages. The subject of this study is the consolidation of democracy in Lebanon, described by Arend Lijphart as a "consociational democracy". The research question and sub-question posed are: 1- How consolidated is democracy in Lebanon? 2- What are the challenges facing the consolidation of democracy in Lebanon? The preamble of the 1926 Lebanese Constitution declares the country to be a parliamentary democratic republic. The political regime is a democracy, but one that is not built on the rule of the majority in numbers, since the numbers do not reflect the history of the country and its distinguishing characteristics. The division of power is built on religion, which defies the concept prevailing in western democracies of the separation between church and state. As the internal and the external conditions change, sometimes in a violent manner, the democracy in the country still survives. Today, after the war that ravaged Lebanon from 1975 to 1990, the Syrian occupation that lasted until 2005, the Israeli war in the summer of 2006, and the roadblocks in the face of the overdue presidential election in 2008, democracy is still struggling to stay alive in the country. There is no denying or ignoring the challenges and the attempts against democracy in Lebanon from 1975 to the present. Even with these challenges, there are some strong elements that let democracy survive all these predicaments. The reasons and events of the 1975-1995 war are still being sorted out and only history will clear that up. Can we say today that the Consociational democracy in Lebanon is consolidated? To answer this question Linz & Stepan's three elements of a consolidated democracy are used as the criteria: the constitution of the land, people's attitude towards democracy and their behavior. The analysis examines the Lebanese Constitution, surveys about people's attitude towards democracy, and reported events about their behavior, such as political demonstrations and political violence narrated in the media. The findings of this study show that although the Lebanese find democracy as being the only game in town, the consolidation of democracy in the country still faces some challenges, both internal and external. The study also shows that the criteria used for western democracies need to be adjusted to apply to a society such as the one in Lebanon: plural, religious and traditional.
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Lamburn, D. J. "Politics and religion in sixteenth century Beverley." Thesis, University of York, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.290476.

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Duce, Cristy Lee. "In love and war : the politics of romance in four 21st-century Pakistani novels." Thesis, Lethbridge, Alta. : University of Lethbridge, Dept. of English, 2011, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10133/3127.

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Writers of fiction have long since relied on love, romance, and desire to drive the plots of their work, yet some postcolonial authors use romance and interpersonal relationships to illustrate the larger political and social forces that affect their relatively marginalized experiences in a global context. To illustrate this literary strategy, I have chosen to discuss four novels written in the twenty-first century by Pakistani authors: Tbe Reluctant Fundamentalist by Mohsin Hamid, Trespassing by Uzma Aslam Khan, The Wasted Vigil by Nadeem Aslam, and Burnt Shadows by Kamila Shamsie. With the geographical origin of these writers as a common starting place from which to compare and contrast their perspectives on global politics, their understandings of gender, and their perceptions of how the public and the private constitute and intersect each other, I will use postcolonial theory to dissect the treatment of romance in their respective novels.
v, 85 leaves ; 29 cm
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Willi, Victor Jonathan Amadeus. "The fourth ordeal : a history of the Society of the Muslim Brothers in Egypt, 1973-2013." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:b54c3cfe-14af-4bf7-8e73-fc27e6ab4ce7.

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This thesis is an internal organisational history of the Society of the Muslim Brothers in Egypt between 1973 and 2013. Based on memoires of Brotherhood leaders, as well as oral history interviews conducted in 2012 and 2013 with different rank-and-file members and dissidents, the thesis situates the life trajectories and personal experiences of these individuals within a larger national and international context. The purpose is to provide a historical account that is able to explain the reasons for the Brotherhood's cataclysmic failure of the summer of 2013. In accounting for the fall, my key argument centres on the internal rivalry between two political factions representing different "schools of thought", or visions, about the kind of organisation the Brotherhood was supposed to be. Representatives of the respective coalitions competed against each other over hegemony and organisational resources, basing their claims on contrasting intellectual traditions, political cultures and organisational values that had co-existed, sometimes uncomfortably, within the ranks of the Society since the times of Hasan al-Banna. The adherents of the "Qutbist" school of thought put forward the idea of a closed, pyramid-shaped and exclusive organisation, while those closer to 'Omar al-Tilmisani's model aspired to a reformed Society that was open to outsiders, and where internal progression was based on meritocracy, transparency and some form of democracy. I argue that it is through the holistic analysis of the complex dynamics between internal organisational politics, the use of ideology, and the personal experiences of key organisational members, that we are best able to grasp the Brotherhood's failed experience in governance in 2013.
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Flygare, Sara. "The Cooperative Challenge : Farmer Cooperation and the Politics of Agricultural Modernisation in 21st Century Uganda." Doctoral thesis, Uppsala : Acta Universitatis Upsaliensis : Universitetsbiblioteket [distributör], 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-7277.

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Kanade, Nikhil. "Tracing Islamic Extremist Ideologies: The Historical Journey of Jihad from the Late Antique Period to the 21st Century." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2016. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1389.

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Popular interpretations and academic scholarship tends to emphasize the relationship between jihad, military action, and communal violence. These reinforce a sense that violence is inherent to Islam. Investigations into the contexts where jihad has been deployed highlight how its use is often a call for unity believed to be necessary for political goals. Therefore, in order to deconstruct this belief, this thesis tackles instead the relationship between textual interpretations and historical actions, and how these varied across specific moments in time. The case studies examined range from the initial evolution of a theory of jihad in the late antique world, to the Crusades in the 11th and 12th centuries, to early modern dynamics of the Ottomans and Safavids, and finally to modern state-making projects in the Arabian Peninsula These examples seek to create a comprehensive picture of the intricacies rooted in jihad and the narrative that can be associated with a religion that is most often misunderstood. The effort to shed some light on the multiple facets of jihad is hinged upon how these case studies differ from one another, thus forcing the reader to question how they previously understood the modern day phenomenon of jihad. While the conversation will reiterate various themes and concepts as discussed in previous scholarship, it should push the boundaries on how jihad has been framed as a modern day extremist ideology.
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Munro, Marc Andrew. "Religion and revolution in Egypt." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp01/MQ43921.pdf.

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Siddiqui, Shariq Ahmed. "Navigating Identity through Philanthropy: A History of the Islamic Society of North America (1979 - 2008)." Thesis, Indiana University, 2014. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3665939.

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This dissertation analyzes the development of the Islamic Society of North America (ISNA), a Muslim-American religious association, from the Iranian Revolution to the inauguration of our nation's first African-American president. This case study of ISNA, the largest Muslim-American organization in North America, examines the organization's institution-building and governance as a way to illustrate Muslim-American civic and religious participation. Using nonprofit research and theory related to issues of diversity, legitimacy, power, and nonprofit governance and management, I challenge misconceptions about ISNA and dispel a number of myths about Muslim Americans and their institutions. In addition, I investigate the experiences of Muslim-Americans as they attempted to translate faith into practice within the framework of the American religious and civic experience. I arrive at three main conclusions. First, because of their incredible diversity, Muslim-Americans are largely cultural pluralists. They draw from each other and our national culture to develop their religious identity and values. Second, a nonprofit association that embraces the values of a liberal democracy by establishing itself as an open organization will include members that may damage the organization's reputation. I argue that ISNA's values should be assessed in light of its programs and actions rather than the views of a small portion of its membership. Reviewing the organization's actions and programs helps us discover a religious association that is centered on American civic and religious values. Third, ISNA's leaders were unable to balance their desire for an open, consensus-based organization with a strong nonprofit management power structure. Effective nonprofit associations need their boards, volunteers and staff to have well-defined roles and authority. ISNA's leaders failed to adopt such a management and governance structure because of their suspicion of an empowered chief executive officer.

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Brescia, Michael Manuel. "The cultural politics of episcopal power: Juan de Palafox y Mendoza and Tridentine Catholicism in seventeenth-century Puebla de Los Angeles, Mexico." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/289772.

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My dissertation explores the episcopal dimensions of power as exercised by one of the more polemical figures in Mexico's colonial past, Juan de Palafox y Mendoza. Known to historians as the seventeenth-century bishop-viceroy who challenged the political, economic, and social standing of the Society of Jesus, Palafox also instituted broad ecclesiastical reforms that transformed the local spirituality of Indians and Spaniards into a new Tridentine Catholicism. While I examine the institutional sources of Palafox's episcopal power, namely the decrees of the Council of Trent, I conceive of my dissertation as a cultural history of Church power and authority in the daily lives of Indians and Spaniards in colonial Mexico. Bishop Palafox wielded his crozier, or shepherd's staff, to activate conciliar reforms in the Diocese of Puebla, an exercise that influenced the ways in which the laity experienced the sacramental and the profane. Moreover, I analyze the broad range of cultural changes that illuminate both the extraordinary and routine dimensions of Palafox's pastoral sentiment, such as daily prayer life, episcopal visitation, seminary education, overhauling the material conditions of parish churches, jurisdictional conflicts with the monastic orders and the Society of Jesus, as well as the bishop's efforts to harness the financial and human resources of the diocese to construct the material symbol of his office, the Cathedral of Puebla. Finally, I assess the bishop's capacity to structure the broader political and material contexts of Catholic culture in Mexico.
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Books on the topic "Religion and politics – History – 21st century"

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Religion and politics in the 21st century: Global and local reflections. Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2013.

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1964-, Roudometof Victor, and Makrides Vasilios 1961-, eds. Orthodox Christianity in 21st century Greece: The role of religion in culture, ethnicity, and politics. Farnham, Surrey, England: Ashgate Pub. Ltd., 2009.

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Orthodox Christianity in 21st century Greece: The role of religion in culture, ethnicity, and politics. Farnham, Surrey, England: Ashgate Pub. Ltd., 2010.

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1966-, Calhoun-Brown Allison, ed. Religion and politics in the United States. Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield, 2014.

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Religion and politics in the United States. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1987.

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Religion and politics in the United States. 4th ed. Lanham, Md: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 2003.

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Wald, Kenneth D. Religion and politics in the United States. 2nd ed. Washington, D.C: CQ Press, 1992.

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1966-, Calhoun-Brown Allison, ed. Religion and politics in the United States. 5th ed. Lanham, Md: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 2007.

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God's democracy: American religion after September 11. Westport, Conn: Praeger Publishers, 2008.

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Religion and reaction: The secular political challenge to the religious right. Lanham, Md: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 2011.

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Book chapters on the topic "Religion and politics – History – 21st century"

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Donohue, Christopher. "“A Mountain of Nonsense”? Czech and Slovenian Receptions of Materialism and Vitalism from c. 1860s to the First World War." In History, Philosophy and Theory of the Life Sciences, 67–84. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-12604-8_5.

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AbstractIn general, historians of science and historians of ideas do not focus on critical appraisals of scientific ideas such as vitalism and materialism from Catholic intellectuals in eastern and southeastern Europe, nor is there much comparative work available on how significant European ideas in the life sciences such as materialism and vitalism were understood and received outside of France, Germany, Italy and the UK. Insofar as such treatments are available, they focus on the contributions of nineteenth century vitalism and materialism to later twentieth ideologies, as well as trace the interactions of vitalism and various intersections with the development of genetics and evolutionary biology see Mosse (The culture of Western Europe: the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Westview Press, Boulder, 1988, Toward the final solution: a history of European racism. Howard Fertig Publisher, New York, 1978; Turda et al., Crafting humans: from genesis to eugenics and beyond. V&R Unipress, Goettingen, 2013). English and American eugenicists (such as William Caleb Saleeby), and scores of others underscored the importance of vitalism to the future science of “eugenics” (Saleeby, The progress of eugenics. Cassell, New York, 1914). Little has been written on materialism qua materialism or vitalism qua vitalism in eastern Europe.The Czech and Slovene cases are interesting for comparison insofar as both had national awakenings in the middle of the nineteenth century which were linguistic and scientific, while also being religious in nature (on the Czech case see David, Realism, tolerance, and liberalism in the Czech National awakening: legacies of the Bohemian reformation. Johns Hopkins University Press, Baltimore, 2010; on the Slovene case see Kann and David, Peoples of the Eastern Habsburg Lands, 1526-1918. University of Washington Press, Washington, 2010). In the case of many Catholic writers writing in Moravia, there are not only slight noticeable differences in word-choice and construction but a greater influence of scholastic Latin, all the more so in the works of nineteenth century Czech priests and bishops.In this case, German, Latin and literary Czech coexisted in the same texts. Thus, the presence of these three languages throws caution on the work on the work of Michael Gordin, who argues that scientific language went from Latin to German to vernacular. In Czech, Slovenian and Croatian cases, all three coexisted quite happily until the First World War, with the decades from the 1840s to the 1880s being particularly suited to linguistic flexibility, where oftentimes writers would put in parentheses a Latin or German word to make the meaning clear to the audience. Note however that these multiple paraphrases were often polemical in the case of discussions of materialism and vitalism.In Slovenia Čas (Time or The Times) ran from 1907 to 1942, running under the muscular editorship of Fr. Aleš Ušeničnik (1868–1952) devoted hundreds of pages often penned by Ušeničnik himself or his close collaborators to wide-ranging discussions of vitalism, materialism and its implied social and societal consequences. Like their Czech counterparts Fr. Matěj Procházka (1811–1889) and Fr. Antonín LenzMaterialismMechanismDynamism (1829–1901), materialism was often conjoined with "pantheism" and immorality. In both the Czech and the Slovene cases, materialism was viewed as a deep theological problem, as it made the Catholic account of the transformation of the Eucharistic sacrifice into the real presence untenable. In the Czech case, materialism was often conjoined with “bestiality” (bestialnost) and radical politics, especially agrarianism, while in the case of Ušeničnik and Slovene writers, materialism was conjoined with “parliamentarianism” and “democracy.” There is too an unexamined dialogue on vitalism, materialism and pan-Slavism which needs to be explored.Writing in 1914 in a review of O bistvu življenja (Concerning the essence of life) by the controversial Croatian biologist Boris Zarnik) Ušeničnik underscored that vitalism was an speculative outlook because it left the field of positive science and entered the speculative realm of philosophy. Ušeničnik writes that it was “Too bad” that Zarnik “tackles” the question of vitalism, as his zoological opinions are interesting but his philosophy was not “successful”. Ušeničnik concluded that vitalism was a rather old idea, which belonged more to the realm of philosophy and Thomistic theology then biology. It nonetheless seemed to provide a solution for the particular characteristics of life, especially its individuality. It was certainly preferable to all the dangers that materialism presented. Likewise in the Czech case, Emmanuel Radl (1873–1942) spent much of his life extolling the virtues of vitalism, up until his death in home confinement during the Nazi Protectorate. Vitalism too became bound up in the late nineteenth century rediscovery of early modern philosophy, which became an essential part of the development of new scientific consciousness and linguistic awareness right before the First World War in the Czech lands. Thus, by comparing the reception of these ideas together in two countries separated by ‘nationality’ but bounded by religion and active engagement with French and German ideas (especially Driesch), we can reconstruct not only receptions of vitalism and materialism, but articulate their political and theological valances.
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Inglehart, Ronald F. "At What Point Does Even Sweden Get a Xenophobic Party?" In Religion's Sudden Decline, 144–62. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197547045.003.0009.

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Economic and physical insecurity encourage xenophobia, authoritarian politics, and rigid adherence to traditional norms. Throughout history human survival was usually insecure, and one successful strategy was to close ranks behind a strong leader. Recovery from the Nazi era took time, but by the 1970s a pro-democratic political culture had taken root in Germany, and by the 21st century Germany was ranked as more democratic than the U.S. In 2015, as desperate Syrian refugees poured into Europe, the German government opened the country’s borders to all asylum seekers, admitting almost a million new immigrants. But Germany’s immunity to xenophobic right-wing parties suddenly ended in the 2017 national elections, when the xenophobic Alternative for Germany became Germany’s third largest party. It seems that no country can absorb an unlimited influx of immigrants without triggering a xenophobic reaction, whose strength is shaped by the socioeconomic environment. In already diverse settings, significant inflows of newcomers may not seem threatening because people have grown up with diversity, making it seem normal.
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"5. Religion and Politics." In Whither the Philippines in the 21st Century?, 100–126. ISEAS Publishing, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/9789812305176-011.

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"Global history." In Global Politics in the 21st Century, 20–55. Cambridge University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cbo9781139015660.004.

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"Political Religion and Religious Politics: Navigating 21st Century Identities." In Political Religion and Religious Politics, 142–58. Routledge, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203123454-10.

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Geraci, Robert M. "Bearers of the Apocalypse." In Futures of Artificial Intelligence, 80–127. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9788194831679.003.0004.

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Chapter 3 asks what it would take to consider the transition of Apocalyptic artificial intelligence (AI) into the scientific and popular milieu of 21st-century India. Using traditional Hindu expectations about cosmic realities—even though a great many Indians are not Hindu and Hinduism is far from monolithic—this chapter experiments with how Hindu religious texts conceive of political transformations and what this means for the arrival of transhumanist thinking in India. It reflects on the history of futurist speculation in 20th-century India and, drawing on pop science and science fiction, the shifting dynamics of such interests in the 21st century.
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Brekke, Torkel. "History, Archaeology, and the Politics of Religion." In Makers of Modern Indian Religion in the Late Nineteenth Century, 144–56. Oxford University Press, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/019925236x.003.0007.

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M. S. Bezio, Kristin. "Mountainish inhumanity: the politics of religion, refugees, and ego from Sir Thomas More to Donald Trump." In William Shakespeare and 21st-Century Culture, Politics, and Leadership, 183–201. Edward Elgar Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4337/9781839106422.00021.

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Diamantides, Marinos, and Anton Schütz. "From Sovereignty to Negeschatology." In Political Theology. Edinburgh University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9780748697762.003.0002.

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In this chapter we argue, first, that, since early modernity and its political innovation (absolutism), the model and basis of any sovereign power that has been taken as just and trustworthy is built upon a precisely circumscribed postulate: the double fixture between a mundane potential to reign in emerging challenges and a spiritual belief that this super-power happens to be in the right hands, or on ‘the right side of history’. Secondly, we show how this occurred in a manner directly informed by the medieval religious canon's outline of the events due to take place at the end of times (eschatology, the doctrine of the Last Things). Comparing with the situation at the beginning of the 21st century, we find that this correlation has been done away with and, in its place, another, secularised paradigm has been put into place: one of permanent crisis and of mere coping with contingency by momentary measures accepted even before their specific features have been elucidated. Everything looks as if this new paradigm revoked the previous eschatological promise of something that holds out beyond the present horizon.
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"Chapter Seven. Godly Riches: The Nineteenth Century Roots Of Modern Prosperity Gospel." In Religion and Class in America: Culture, History, and Politics, 159–74. BRILL, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/ej.9789004171428.i-222.61.

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Conference papers on the topic "Religion and politics – History – 21st century"

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Zodian, Mihai. "GAMING IN VIRTUAL REALITY AND WAR: THE ROYAL WAY TO TEACHING?" In eLSE 2018. Carol I National Defence University Publishing House, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.12753/2066-026x-18-283.

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What if one could teach XVIth Century politics by taking the students right in the middle of events? This sounds like Star Trek, but is part of the promises brought about by a new wave of Virtual Reality (VR) tools. This paper will approach the issue of military history in gaming, with an accent upon the changes brought by this technological change. While teaching history with video games is a frequently discussed idea in social studies, both regarding the phenomenon of war and other, more general, issues, such as economics, social structures, diplomacy, religion, cultures or gender, Virtual Reality applications are still in flux and its perspectives aren`t very clear. Most of them are software demos or modest programs in comparison with established platforms like PCs, smartphones or consoles, and not only regarding video games. Its supporters argue that the new VR wave of products will change everything about the ways we interact in the electronic world, from using the Internet to publicity or elections, while its opponents consider that is a high-tech luxury for rich people, a mere fad. The paper will present VR`s main features: its technical details, the issue of costs, its most significant applications and some of its potential. The main conclusion is that, while there is a great potential for both playing and teaching military history in Virtual Reality, its prospects depends, the same as in other types of video entertainment, upon a combination of market successes and convincing gameplay (I. Cartarescu-Petrica, 2015; M. Sicart, 2009). For now, it is still too soon to decide if the early hopes weren`t too optimistic.
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Guettaoui, Amel, and Ouafi Hadja. "Women’s participation in political life in the Arab states." In Development of legal systems in Russia and foreign countries: problems of theory and practice. ru: Publishing Center RIOR, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.29039/02061-6-93-105.

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The level of political representation of women in different legislative bodies around the world varies greatly. The women in the Arab world, is that as in other areas of the world, have throughout history experienced discrimination and have been subject to restriction of their freedoms and rights. Many of these practices and limitations are based on cultural and emanate from tradition and not from religion as many people supposed, these main constraints that create an obstacle towards women’s rights and liberties are reflected in the participation of women in political life. Although there are differences between the countries, the Arab region in general is noted for the low participation of women in politics. Universal suffrage has become common in most countries, but there are still some Arab women who are denied such rights. There have been many highly respected female leaders in Arab history, such as Shajar al-Durr (13th century) in Egypt, Queen Orpha (d. 1090) in Yemen. In the modern era there have also been examples of female leadership in Arab countries. However, in Arabic-speaking countries no woman has ever been head of state, although many Arabs remarked on the presence of women such as Jehan Al Sadat, the wife of Anwar El Sadat in Egypt, and Wassila Bourguiba, the wife of Habib Bourguiba in Tunisia, who have strongly influenced their husbands in their dealings with matters of state. Many Arab countries allow women to vote in national elections. The first female Member of Parliament in the Arab world was Rawya Ateya, who was elected in Egypt in 1957. Some countries granted the female franchise in their constitutions following independence, while some extended the franchise to women in later constitutional amendments.
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Scaeteanu, Ionut, and Adriana Malureanu. "SERIOUS GAMES DEVELOPMENT FRAMEWORK A FUNCTIONAL MODEL ON FLOOD SITUATIONS." In eLSE 2016. Carol I National Defence University Publishing House, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.12753/2066-026x-16-023.

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The changes that games have undergone during the 20th Century paved the way to modern eSports, or representations of the real world in the digital environment. Nowadays, market economies and profit-oriented strategies have taken over the economic environment. In this context, the eSports market and its unbelievable potential revenue couldn't have remained unnoticed. Video games comprise a wide range of genres, including "serious games", which have an educational purpose. The Serious Games industry has its own historians. Among them is Oliver Grau, who talks about "prehistorical" games. According to him, the history of video games begins with the invention of arcade machines, which have changed a lot over time, but are still based on the same principles. Not only do Serious Games entertain people, but they also serve educational purposes. The "Serious Games" title was adopted in Romania, too, to express and highlight their usefulness. These virtual simulations of circumstances that are more or less likely to occur in real life can be used in many fields, including those of education, industry, defense, heath, scientific research, projection, management, and politics. In the early 2000s, these activities were defined as "games that do not have entertainment, enjoyment or fun as their primary purpose". The first educational games consisted of sports competitions and board games. The concept then evolved to modern computer simulations. A great difference between Serious Games and other type of games is that the former are tailored to fit clients' needs and serve a predetermined purpose. They are not meant for the retail market, as clients - companies, local authorities, etc - decide how the applications look like, the purpose that they serve and their target audience. Serious Games are valuable assets in training and educating employees all over the world. The modern science of building and simulating real situations in virtual environments is a relatively new one, dating back to the early 2000s. Although this field has given rise to skeptical reactions from people who doubt that games can go beyond entertainment, an increasing number of important organizations use Serious Games as a training method. This confirms the idea that learning in the 21st Century has to keep up with the times.
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Jaques, Susan. "Same Yet Different: A Comparison of Pipeline Industries in Canada and Australia." In 2000 3rd International Pipeline Conference. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/ipc2000-106.

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Canada and Australia are remarkably similar countries. Characteristics such as geography, politics, native land issues, and population are notably similar, while the climate may be considered the most obvious difference between the two countries. The pipeline industries are similar as well, but yet very different in some respects too. This presentation will explore some of the similarities and differences between the pipeline industries in both countries. The focus of the discussion will be mainly on long-distance, cross-country gas transmission pipelines. The author of this paper spent 4 years working for TransCanada PipeLines in Calgary in a pipeline design and construction capacity, and has spent 2.5 years working for an engineering consultant firm, Egis Consulting Australia, in a variety of roles on oil and gas projects in Australia. Topics to be addressed include the general pipeline industry organisation and the infrastructure in both countries. The history of the development of the pipeline industry in each country provides insight as to why each is organised the way it is today. While neither system is “better” than the other, there are certain advantages to Canada’s system (nationally regulated) over Australia’s system (currently state-regulated). The design codes of each country will be compared and contrasted. The pipeline design codes alternate in level of detail and strictness of requirements. Again, it cannot be said that one is “better” than the other, although in some cases one country’s code is much more useful than the other for pipeline designers. Construction techniques affected by the terrain and climate in each country will be explored. Typical pipeline construction activities are well known to pipeliners all over the globe: clear and grade, trench, string pipe, weld pipe, coat welds, lower in, backfill and clean up. The order of these activities may change, depending on the terrain and the season, and the methods of completing each activity will also depend on the terrain and the season, however the principles remain the same. Australia and Canada differ in aspects such as climate, terrain and watercourse type, and therefore each country has developed methods to handle these issues. Finally, some of the current and future opportunities for the 21st century for the pipeline industry in both countries will be discussed. This discussion will include items such as operations and maintenance issues, Canada’s northern development opportunities, and Australia’s national gas grid possibilities.
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Reports on the topic "Religion and politics – History – 21st century"

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Saleem, Raja M. Ali, Ihsan Yilmaz, and Priya Chacko. Civilizationist Populism in South Asia: Turning India Saffron. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), February 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/pp0009.

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The 21st century has witnessed a significant shift in how the concept of nationalism is understood. A political marriage between identity politics and populism has resulted in “civilizationism,” a new form of nationalism that entails an emotionally charged division of society into “the people” versus “the Other.” All too often, the divisive discourses and policies associated with civilizationalist populism produce intercommunal conflict and violence. This paper draws on a salient case study, India’s Hindutva movement, to analyze how mainstream populist political parties and grassroots organizations can leverage civilizationist populism in campaigns to mobilize political constituencies. In surveying the various groups within the Hindutva movement and conducting a discourse analysis of their leaders’ statements, the paper shows the central role of sacralized nostalgia, history, and culture in Hindutva populist civilizationism. By analyzing the contours and socio-political implications of civilizationist populism through this case study, the paper contributes to the theoretical understanding of the concept more generally.
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