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1
MEZEI, Balázs M. "Politics, Ethics, and Religion." WISDOM 10, no. 1 (June 25, 2018): 84–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.24234/wisdom.v10i1.205.
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In this essay, I argue that religion is centrally important in the future of liberal democracy in the Western sense of the word. Without the values of religion, we may have to face the emergence of authoritarian and totalitarian forms of political existence. My starting point is the experience of the so-called post-Communist countries. The essence of this experience is that liberal democracy as a political form may lack genuine content if the society, in which it exists, is devoid of the fundamental human attitudes essential for sustaining such a democracy. This experience can be complemented by the experience we have in the European Union or in the United States today, because even in these organizations we witness clear signs of the loss of common values, which endangers the proper functioning of stable democratic systems. However, some form of religion – traditional or renewed – may help to revitalize the values and their subjective basis, the proper human attitudes to encounter the danger of the decline of contemporary liberal democracies.
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Haynes, Jeffrey. "Introductory Thoughts about Peace, Politics and Religion." Religions 11, no. 5 (May 13, 2020): 242. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel11050242.
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Recent years have seen a growing literature on the interactions between peace, politics and religion, including their diverse and often complex relationships. Underpinning this literature is an increase, more generally, in scholarly and policy interest in connections between religion and politics. The context is that over the last three decades, religion has made a remarkable return to prominence in various academic literatures, including sociology, political science and international relations. This was a surprise to many social scientists and confounded the expectations of both secularization theorists and secularists. In addition, religion retained a strong, some say growing, significance as a core source of identity for billions of people around the world. Numerous religious leaders and faith-based organizations are important carriers and focal points of religious ideas, playing an important role in many countries, both developed and developing, as well as internationally, including at the United Nations and to a lesser, although still notable extent, in the European Union and other regional organizations. This introductory article examines interactions between religious entities in relation to peace and conflict and sets the scene for the articles comprising this volume.
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Irimia, Ana Irina. "The European Union and Minorities." Scientific Bulletin 20, no. 1 (June 1, 2015): 138–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bsaft-2015-0021.
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Abstract We are currently in the process of making a Europe where the elements of national sovereignty will be narrowed through the sharing of sovereignty and for collective security. Another trend in the field was that of regionalization of the importance and implications of this issue, explicitly or implicitly considered as belonging to Central and Eastern Europe. Such an assessment neglects the significance of a number of factors pertaining to the historical and political developments has on the matter, particularly regarding economic development of Central and Eastern Europe areas, and that the conflictual degeneration of perceiving ethnical, cultural and regional otherness is not a phenomenon which affects this space alone, but also the West. In contradiction with this point of view, some foreign experts in the field say it is a social reality that discrimination and intolerance connected to religion and ethnicity can be found in all meetings of the world and in countries with different economic development phases.
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Ribberink, Egbert, P. Achterberg, and Dick Houtman. "Are All Socialists Anti-religious? Anti-religiosity and the Socialist Left in 21 Western European Countries (1990-2008)." RUDN Journal of Political Science, no. 4 (December 15, 2016): 66–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2016-4-66-85.
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The political situation in the Soviet Union during the twentieth century has led some to suggest that socialism is some kind of secular religion as opposed to ‘normal’ religion. In modern Europe, however, there have been vibrant Christian socialist movements. This article looks into the different attitudes of socialists towards religion and answers the question whether it is pressure of religious activity or pressure of religious identity that makes socialists resist religion. The results from a multilevel analysis of three waves of the European Values Study (1990-2008) in 21 Western European countries specifically point to an increase in anti-religiosity by socialists in countries marked by Catholic and Orthodox religious identities.
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Kiviorg, Merilin. "Collective Religious Autonomy versus Individual Rights: A Challenge for the ECtHR?" Review of Central and East European Law 39, no. 3-4 (November 18, 2014): 315–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15730352-00000022.
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The article will focus on the conflicts between individual rights and collective religious autonomy in Europe. The goal is to analyze the approach taken by the European Court of Human Rights to these conflicts and investigate how it influences both individual and collective religious freedom, how it may affect domestic solutions, and how it may be related to other relevant processes in the fields of law, religion and politics at the European level, e.g., in the context of the Council of Europe and the European Union as well as in the (somewhat specific) context of East European countries. The article will put forward an individual (personal) autonomy-based framework for the court to deal with these conflicts.
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Zdioruk, Serhiy I. "Socio-religious relations in Ukrainian realities and European Union policy." Ukrainian Religious Studies, no. 50 (March 10, 2009): 21–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.32420/2009.50.2028.
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The problems of the functioning of religion in the countries of the European Union (EU) are extremely complex and ambiguous. The EU is primarily political and economic. It is in these areas that active intra-integration processes are observed: introduction of a single currency, single payment system, actual “blurring” of borders between member states, development of the Constitutional Treaty, orientation towards the creation of a common market, a common transport network, harmonization of educational systems, etc.
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Miroshnikova, Elena, and Mikhail Smirnov. "Transformation of Religion in the European Union Countries as a Subject of Academic Research." Contemporary Europe 5, no. 91 (October 1, 2019): 122–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/soveurope52019122131.
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Vukoszávlyev, Zorán. "Perception of Latin America’s church architecture in the time of II Vatican Council." Actas de Arquitectura Religiosa Contemporánea 4 (February 16, 2017): 46–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.17979/aarc.2015.4.0.5118.
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Events of World War II resulted in significant social changes from 1945. This is considered to be the main motive behind the attempts for transforming the Catholic sacral space, defining the Christ-centered Church. While in most parts of the Catholic world it was a result of a natural, internal process, these changes didn’t make an effect in the Eastern European countries occupied by the Soviet Union, because religion and religiousness became persecuted under the newly established world order. The political powers professing atheist ideology and communist concepts considered the Church as the main power opponent of their own system. Not only in ideological sense, but also because of the Holy See’s organizational structure that spans state borders. The article interprets the presence of the effects of liturgic reforms, in correspondence with the Eastern politics of the Holy See.
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Valero-Estarellas, María-José. "Freedom of Religion, Religious Employment, and Conflicts of Rights: Europe at a Crossroads." Journal of Law, Religion and State 10, no. 1 (September 14, 2022): 27–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22124810-10010004.
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Abstract Religious communities and churches have traditionally been significant sources of employment. Many European countries have found ways to integrate into their legal systems particularities of religious employment that are alien to other areas of labor law. Until recently, constitutional courts have been reluctant to question the right of churches to define the occupational requirements of their secular employees, but the recognition of church autonomy in religious employment has not been straightforward in the European Court of Human Rights and the Court of Justice of the European Union. This paper provides some reflections on where Europe may be headed in this field, and whether well-tested principles, such as denominational neutrality, may offer some insight on how to address the still unresolved conflict between important human rights: freedom of religion and the right to autonomy of religious employers, and the individual fundamental freedoms of their employees.
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Yengibaryan, R. V. "Mass and uncontrolled immigration as a threat to the civil, legal and civilizational stability in Western European countries and Russia." Journal of Law and Administration 15, no. 3 (December 2, 2019): 3–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2073-8420-2019-3-52-3-9.
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Introduction. Following the collapse, or rather self-liquidation, of the Soviet Union-USSR world events began to develop at a kaleidoscopic speed. Europe, Russia and the United States ceased to be central actors in global politics. Huge civilization countries such as China, India and the African continent broke into global politics with ever-increasing power. The united bloc of Islamic countries began to make aggressive claims to the entire world community, and especially to the countries of Christian civilization. And the most important and unexpected thing is that the peoples, nations, communities everywhere began to return to their civilizational, religious and spiritual roots.Materials and methods. Various methods such as comparative law, systemic, logical analysis and other methods were used in writing this article.The results of the study. The attempt to globalize the world by the socio-political criterion “capitalism socialism” failed. The world community, or rather its political, economic and intellectual elite, was given a clear message: ideologies of all kinds communism, fascism, nationalism, socialism eventually undergo transformation, split into sub streams and practically disappear, but the world religions and civilizations remain.Discussion and conclusion. The world globalized spontaneously and naturally, with financial, economic, political and technological dimensions playing the major role. At the same time globalization laid the foundation of new contradictions among countries that enjoy different social, economic levels of development and belong to various civilizations. Moreover, the interests of civilizations living in different time dimensions began to clash, like Islam that lives in 1441 and other countries that have been living in the 21st century for the second decade. The ideology of multiculturalism both in Western Europe and in the USA turned out to be unrealizable in practice, just like the communist ideology that has sunk into oblivion.
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Kissová, Lenka. "The Production of (Un)deserving and (Un)acceptable: Shifting Representations of Migrants within Political Discourse in Slovakia." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 32, no. 4 (December 26, 2017): 743–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325417745127.
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The article examines political discourse in Slovakia, particularly the representations of and ideas about refugees and the relevant topics employed in political, explanations and representations of refugees constructed and employed within political argumentation. The text reveals the main discursive legitimation strategies present in the political framing of refugees, resulting in the non-acceptance of non-Christian refugees. Among these, positive us- and negative other-representation, together with denial, moral evaluation, and discursively declared risk based on religion, prove to be the main ones employed for symbolic and physical boundary construction. In this case, the dividing line between “Slovaks” and “others” has been formed around cultural (religious) adaptability, consequently connected to (un)deservingness of solidarity. Different topics are employed before and after adoption of the European Union refugee redistribution system. Economic interests, border protection, and organized crime are applied as main themes of legitimation strategies in the pre-quota period, while cultural interest, identity protection, and terrorism are employed in the post-quota period. They function as a background for argumentation, knowledge production, political decision-making and wider identity-building and national self-determination processes. In the wider context of globalization and Europeanization trends, Christianity becomes an iconic response to global changes and it is used as a mobilizing tool for invoking nationalist and anti-European Union sentiment. Moreover, as the political strategies and responses employed in other Central and Eastern European countries are similar, the Slovak case might be applied more generally and, thus, provide a deeper understanding of the political responses and state-building processes of other countries in the region.
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Kedikli, Umut, and Mehmet Akça. "Rising Islamophobic Discourses in Europe and Fight Against Islamophobia on the Basis of International Organizations." Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences 9, no. 1 (January 1, 2018): 9–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/mjss-2018-0001.
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Abstract European Civilization was built on the concepts of multiculturalism, tolerance, and dialogue but in the post-Cold War period, without considering these concepts, some European politicians, scientists, and the press have associated concepts of conflict, terror, disintegration, exclusion, and assimilation with Islam. Anti-immigrant and anti-Muslim attitudes are viewed as a new coherent ideology to replace anticommunism following the post-collapse period of the Soviet Union. Thus, a new enemy image and an exclusionist and alienating discourse aimed especially at Muslim societies in Europe were created after the 1990s. Subsequently, this new discourse diffusing across the European continent is referred to as “Islamophobia”. Gradually Muslim immigrants are perceived to be the number one fundamental cause of politic, economic and social issues in European countries so Islamophobic discourses have intensified following the 90s. The aftermath of the September 11 attacks, the actions of terror organizations claiming to commit their attacks in the name of Islam in the world -and especially in Europe- have contributed to the spread of Islamophobia across Europe. Extreme-right wings in pursuit of taking advantage of all these negative circumstances for political gain attempted to find public ground by reflecting Islam as a religion of violence and Muslims as ‘terrorists.’ In this article, it is argued that concrete Islamophobic discourses erode some certain values such as human rights, democracy, plurality and multiculturalism, which Europe was established on these. It is also showed that actions of various extreme-right parties and other wings in different European countries accelerate this process. Policies adopted by international organizations to fight against Islamophobia will be analysed and the problems encountered in these efforts will also be presented.
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MARENICHENKO, Valerii, and Natalia VOLOKITINA. "VECTORS OF STATE REGULATION OF COMPETENT APPROACH IN THE EDUCATION SYSTEM OF UKRAINE FROM THE PERSPECTIVE OF JOINING THE EUROPE." Dnipro Academy of Continuing Education Herald. Series: Public Management and Administration, Vol. 1 No. 2 (2022) (August 31, 2022): 27–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.54891/2786-6998-2022-1-4.
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The main idea of the competence approach is the formation of education system depending on proposed requirements of society, that is, on the expected result. The content of key competencies includes not only knowledge, but also the willingness to apply knowledge in various situations. Thus, the competence approach allows in the process of education to form a person’s readiness and ability to independently and responsibly solve professional and personal problems related to the ability to acquire and qualitatively use knowledge, applying it in real situations, to develop flexibility, mobility, which contributes to self-development and self-realization personality. Nevertheless, the reality is that in practice, the implementation of the competence approach in the education system acquires, to a greater extent, only a declarative character. In addition, there are large differences in the application of the approach in our country and the countries of the European Union. This indicates the need to find modern vectors of state regulation of the competence approach in education system of Ukraine based on European practices, taking into account our prospects for joining the European Union. The purpose of the article is to study Ukrainian and European ways of implementing the competence approach in the education system. The methodological basis of the research is the methods of logical generalization, systematic analysis and synthesis. The article examines the evolution of the concept of «competence» in education. The key ideas of the competence approach are defined, in particular, the importance of the influence on the development of competences not only of education, but also of family, friends, work, politics, religion, etc. is analyzed. It is the entire set of influencing factors that forms the system of value orientations that become the basis for formation of new competencies. The competence approach is characterized in a systematized form, based on the mission of education. The mechanisms of implementation of the competence approach in education system were studied, in particular, through measures to determine the own achievements of both teachers and students of education. The key positions of the Framework Program of Key Competences for Lifelong Learning by the European Parliament and the Council of the European Union are highlighted. Based on this, the main vectors of the development of the competence approach in the European Union were formed. As a result of the conducted research, it is proposed to start work on a comprehensive state program for the development of key competencies at all levels of education, including both children’s and adult education, which should be based on the requirements of social development, the European integration vector and Ukrainian traditions.
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Bosetti, Giancarlo. "Introduction: Addressing the politics of fear. The challenge posed by pluralism to Europe." Philosophy & Social Criticism 37, no. 4 (May 2011): 371–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0191453711400998.
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The introduction to this issue is meant to address the ways in which turbulent immigration is challenging European democratic countries’ capacity to integrate the pluralism of cultures in light of the current state of economic instability, strong public debt, unemployment and an aging resident population. The Reset-Dialogues on Civilizations Association has organized its annual İstanbul Seminars in order to fill the need for constructive dialogue dedicated to increasing understanding and implementing social and political change. Turkey’s accession to the European Union represents in this light a challenge to our liberal views, which must become more open-minded in order to address adequately cultural and religious differences, Islam included. We must set ourselves the task of finding a new perspective so that we may defuse the populist radicalization, fear-mongering politicians and xenophobia that are emerging in many countries. Yet it is equally essential that we reconfigure and recontextualize the traditional secular battle for freedom from the dominance of the Christian majority away from a binary opposition to a plural dimension that takes into account other religious communities. After introducing the major challenges our seminars were organized to address, the introduction will summarize and explain the articulation of the contents of this issue in the following three parts: (1) realigning liberalism in the context of globalization (with contributions by Nilüfer Göle, Alain Touraine, Albena Azmanova, Stephen Macedo, Zygmunt Bauman); (2) different paths: towards modernity and democracy from within different cultures and religions (Fred Dallmayr, Sadik Al Azm, Irfan Ahmad, Ibrahim Kalin); and (3) philosophical presuppositions of intercultural dialogue and multiculturalism (Maeve Cooke, Sebastiano Maffettone, Volker Kaul).
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Buettner, Elizabeth. "Europeanising Migration in Multicultural Spain and Portugal During and After the Decolonisation Era." Itinerario 44, no. 1 (March 27, 2020): 159–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115320000091.
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AbstractPost-1945 Spanish and Portuguese emigration and immigration histories encapsulate the Iberian region's long-standing interconnectedness with the wider world (particularly Latin America and Africa) and other parts of Europe alike. Portugal and Spain have both been part of multiple migration systems as important sending countries that ultimately experienced an international migration turnaround owing to their transition to democracy, decolonisation, and accession to a European Union in which internal freedom of movement counted among its core principles. With the aftermath of the 2008 financial crisis and Europe's migration crisis of the 2010s serving as its vantage point, this article considers these topics as they intersect with issues that include nationality and citizenship, race and racism, and religion and Islamophobia in multicultural Spain and Portugal.
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Opioła, Wojciech, Bartosz Czepil, Marcin Dębicki, Ewa Ganowicz, Justyna Kajta, Katalin Kovály, Łukasz Moll, Natalia Niedźwiecka-Iwańczak, Elżbieta Opiłowska, and Grigorii Pidgrushniy. "War and politics. The 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine and refugee crisis on the eastern EU border from the perspective of border studies." Pogranicze. Polish Borderlands Studies 10, no. 1 (April 25, 2022): 7–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.25167/brs4791.
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Since February 24, 2022, we have been witnessing the next stage of what began in the 2014 Russo-Ukrainian War: a full-scale military invasion of Ukraine. For the first time in the history of the European Union, the intensive armed conflict is now approaching the border of the EU and Schengen Zone. The consequences of war: the refugee crisis, humanitarian aid, and economic problems have affected EU countries both immediately and directly. While keeping in mind the human tragedy and the tragedy of Ukraine, we would like to address a few important questions from the perspective of regional and border scholars. From this perspective, the 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine is another stage of the new political order in Europe, preceded by the war in Ukraine that started in 2014, the 2015 migration crisis, 2021 Belarus-EU border crisis, which altogether – from the perspective of the border studies – could be described as re-bordering and securitization of borderlands.
In this joint editorial, we address four main questions. Firstly, how we can interpret the Russian invasion in the wider, historical context, taking the frontier thesis as an explanatory category developed by Turner (1994). Secondly, the Ukrainian refugee crisis, in the context of the previous Belarusian-EU border crisis, is a multi-layered issue, where religion, gender, geopolitics, and rationales meet. Thirdly, apart from the military and political actions, war and refugee flux could be seen from the perspective of a grassroots movement of aid. Fourthly, the war in Ukraine brings uncertainty and questions about democracy and peace in Western Europe.
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BROŽIČ, LILIANA. "DARFUR PEACEKEEPERS, REVIEW." POSAMEZNIK, DRŽAVA, VARNOST/ INDIVIDUAL, STATE, SECURITY, VOLUME 2021/ISSUE 23/4 (November 30, 2021): 103–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.33179/bsv.99.svi.11.cmc.23.4.rew2.
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In 2021, the French publishing house L'Harmattan published a monograph entitled Darfur peacekeepers the African Union peacekeeping mission in Darfur (AMIS) from the perspective of a Hungarian military advisor. The author of the 234-page monograph is Janos Besenyo. In addition to the author's preface and the conclusion, the monograph includes six substantive chapters. In the first chapter entitled Geography and history of Darfur, the author presents the geography, climate, flora and fauna, major cities, economy, infrastructure, different nationalities, ethnic groups and religions, and the history of Darfur. In the second chapter, entitled AMIS, he focuses on the African Union's mission in Sudan I (AMIS I), in which he presents the causes of the Darfur conflict, its outbreak and the African Union’s engagement in the conflict with the African Union's mission in Sudan. This is followed by a chapter entitled AMIS II, which presents the history, structure and operation following the decision to engage additional civilian and military observers, soldiers, police officers and additional financial and other resources. The fourth chapter presents a new mission called AMIS II E or AMIS III, which is also the title of the chapter. The letter E in the acronym stands for the word “enhanced,” which implicated the enhanced character of military presence in this mission. This chapter is composed of a subchapter entitled The Foreshadow of the Fall and the additional engagement of the United Nations, followed by the UN and African Union mission in Darfur, known as UNAMID. In the fifth chapter, entitled The Support Mission of the European Union, and its four substantive subchapters, the author presents several phases of the European Union's participation in the mission led by the African Union. Chapter six, entitled Hungarian Experience, describes Hungarian experiences from the missions in Darfur. Hungary first deployed its military observer to Darfur in 2004. Hungary's involvement in the mission in Africa seems unusual, as it was the only one of all the participating countries that had no colonial history, economic or any other interests in this part of the world, and at the same time had no previous experiences. The monograph has only one drawback, and that is the fact that it is not scientific. However, this is at the same time its advantage. Besenyo was an officer in the Hungarian Armed Forces for 31 years and was deployed in Darfur in the second half of 2005. He was strongly marked by his personal experience as a peacekeeper. Ever since, he has been devoting much attention to Africa-related security topics. His return from the mission of the African Union, the European Union, NATO, the United Nations and other organisations in Darfur coincided with his doctoral studies. Both of these activities have achieved the same effect as two rivers, which merge at the confluence and gain a lot of power and speed as their flow continues. After completing his military career, the author of the monograph being a prolific writer and restless researcher became actively involved in the academic environment as a university professor at the Obuda University in Budapest. In 2019, the Africa Research Institute was established within Doctoral School of Safety and Security Sciences, University of Óbuda, headed by Assistant Professor Besenyo, PhD. Considering the amount and quality of publications on the African continent, the institute is clearly very successful. From a European point of view, Africa is a very distant continent; however, the developments in that region and their results are increasingly affecting all of us in the European Union and beyond. The migration flow, which brought many African migrants to the shores of the Mediterranean over the last decade and peaked in 2015, has significantly changed and affected all the countries along their way, especially those that migrants had chosen as their target countries. Since everyone should have the right to live at home in peace, in their own way, with their family, it would be right that they are enabled to do so. Unfortunately, climate change, water scarcity, disease, poverty, differences in culture, religion, political order and natural resources, but sometimes only individuals or smaller associations, lead to various frictions, conflicts or even genocide, as was the case in Darfur. In such cases, the international humanitarian community and various security and other organizations are usually involved to assist the helpless population. In his monograph, Besenyo presented the full breadth and magnitude of international humanitarian efforts, but also the harsh reality where all those who want to help are exactly where they need to be, but despite all their efforts, they are completely powerless. I recommend Darfur Peacekeepers to be read by all those who care about the future of all of us and our descendants, but especially by those who have the opportunity and ability to influence the security of the country, the society and the individual. The content of the book provides an invaluable insight into the experience of a military officer. It is a valuable learning resource for all of us, but especially for members of the armed forces, police and civilian institutions that lead or support the activities within international missions.
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Mamiński, Marcin. "Human Rights. Poland and the UN declarations on Human Rights." Zeszyty Naukowe Uniwersytetu Rzeszowskiego. Seria Prawnicza. Prawo 31 (2020): 169–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.15584/znurprawo.2020.31.13.
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Human rights are the foundation of democracy, a democratic society, freedom, justice and peace. Without human rights and awareness of their ownership, people cannot live in dignity. Human rights are the same for all of us, regardless of race, gender, religion, ethnicity, political or other beliefs, social origin, national origin, sexual orientation. There are cases in which human rights may be limited, but only in very specific situations, usually defined in international documents or constitutions of individual countries (e.g. due to the protection of certain values by the state, or due to threats such as war or public security). In 1948, Poland was one of the eight states that abstained from voting on the ratification of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Until the transformation of the political system between 1989–1992, the number of international conventions dealing with the issue of human rights, which the Polish state had not ratified, has increased. Along with the democratization of public life in Poland and the accession process to the European Union, successive governments have signed certain conventions, but many important documents remain unratified or unimplemented, including significant conventions regarding the status of stateless persons or related to cluster munitions. This presentation aims at indication of the relation of Polish legislation and basic legal acts to the UN Universal Declaration of Human Rights and subsequent conventions aimed at protecting those rights. On the basis of a short comparative analysis, I will try to indicate how important human rights are to Poland nowadays.
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Akova, Sibel, and Gülin Terek Ünal. "THE CULTURE OF COEXISTENCE AND PERCEPTION OF THE OTHER IN THE WESTERN BALKANS." Journal Human Research in Rehabilitation 5, no. 1 (April 2015): 39–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.21554/hrr.041505.
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Throughout the 550 year Ottoman rule over the Balkan lands, where even today internal dynamics threaten peace and justice, how and through what means the Ottoman Empire achieved consistency, security and peace is a question to which a number of political scientists, sociologists, communication scientists and history researchers have sought an answer. The most interesting point of the question is that the peoples of the Balkans, a living museum comprising a number of different ethnic groups and religious beliefs, have reached the point where the culture of coexistence has been internalised and dynamics have moved from the conflict of identities to cultural integration. The Balkans are a bridge to the East from Europe and indeed to the West from Turkey, incorporating a patchwork political and cultural geography, the geopolitical location and a richness of culture and civilization, being one of the areas attracting the attention of researchers from different disciplines and capturing the imagination of the peoples of the world throughout history. Balkan studies are almost as difficult as climbing the peaks in the areas and meaningful answers cannot be reached by defining the area on a single parameter such as language, culture or traditions, while the phenomenon of the other can also be observed within the culture of coexistence in this intricate and significant location. Different ethnic groups with different cultures, such as the Southern Slavs (Bosniaks, Montenegrans, Serbs, Croats and Slovenes) as well as Turks, Albanians, Bulgarians, Balkan Jews, Balkan Romany and Wallachians (Romanians and Greeks). Although these peoples may have different religious beliefs, in the ethnically rich Balkan region, religion, language, political and cultural differences are vital in the formation of a mosaic, making the discourse of coexistence possible and creating common values and loyalties, breaking down differences. The Serbian and Montenegrin peoples, belonging to the Greek Orthodox Church, the Croat and Slovene peoples belonging to the Catholic Church and the Muslin Bosniaks have shared the same lands and livee in coexistence throughout the historical process, despite having different beliefs. However, in some periods the other and the perception of the other have replaced common values, leading to conflicts of interest, unrest and religion based wars. After the breakup of the Yugoslavian Federal Socialist Republic, Slovenia, Croatia, the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia, Montenegro and Kosovo, defined by the European Union as the Western Balkans, have established themselves as nation states of the stage of history. The scope of our study is these Western Balkan Countries, and we will use the terminology Western Balkans throughout.
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Arënliu, Dr Sc Aliriza, Dr Sc Dashamir Bërxulli, and Dr Sc Mytaher Haskuka. "Social distance in terms of demographic features – Kosovo population study." ILIRIA International Review 3, no. 1 (June 30, 2013): 293. http://dx.doi.org/10.21113/iir.v3i1.113.
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Kosovo aims for development of a state over the Kosovo state identity, which includes all communities living in Kosovo. Integration of all communities in public institutions and life remains one of the challenges of Kosovo society. The social distance refers to the extent of understanding of another group, which characterizes parasocial and social relations. Another definition is the lack of availability and relations in being open to others. Bogardus states that social distance is an outcome of affective distance between members of two groups. Earlier studies have shown that the social distance or gap is related to the ethnic background, education level and earlier interaction with other ethnic groups. Also, studies have shown a link with social/political activism. Further, it has been proven that social distance is manifested at three different spatial dimensions, their own self in a reciprocal co-product: physical, symbolical and geometric. The study aims to explicate social distance in a relation with demographic records of respondents to a research undertaken in Kosovo in 2010, in which 1296 citizens (64.4% Albanians, 13.9% Serbs, 6.9% Turkish, 5% Roma/Ashkali/Egyptian (RAE), 6.9% Bosnian and 2.7% others). Social distance has been measured by asking the respondents about the groups or persons they would object in terms of neighborhood: they, who speak another language, have another religion, have homosexual orientation, etc. Comparisons of average social distance in relation with ethnic sub-groups, gender, level of education, experience in earlier trips to the countries of the European Union (EU), size of settlement and the region of origin of the respondent, show significant differences, at p < 0.05. Also, the research also reviewed the link between social activism and activism in civil society and social distance. In these terms, outcomes are less clearer, thereby suggesting that social activism or activism in civil society not necessarily influences the narrowing of the social gap. Outcomes are discussed in due account of permanent efforts to involve minorities in governance and public life in Kosovo.
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Leustean, Lucian. "Religion and Politics in the Construction of the European Union." Ecclesiastical Law Journal 10, no. 1 (December 3, 2007): 118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x08000999.
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Leustean, Lucian N., and John T. S. Madeley. "Religion, Politics and Law in the European Union: an Introduction1." Religion, State and Society 37, no. 1-2 (March 2009): 3–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09637490802693072.
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Cohen, Ariel. "Power or Ideology." American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 22, no. 3 (July 1, 2005): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajiss.v22i3.463.
Full textAbstract:
The DebateQuestion 1: Various commentators have frequently invoked the importance of moderate Muslims and the role that they can play in fighting extremism in the Muslim world. But it is not clear who is a moderate Muslim. The recent cancellation of Tariq Ramadan’s visa to the United States, the raids on several American Muslim organizations, and the near marginalization of mainstream American Muslims in North America pose the following question: If moderate Muslims are critical to an American victory in the war on terror, then why does the American government frequently take steps that undermine moderate Muslims? Perhaps there is a lack of clarity about who the moderate Muslims are. In your view, who are these moderate Muslims and what are their beliefs and politics?
AC: I would like to say from the outset that I am neither a Muslim nor a sociologist. Therefore, my remarks should be taken as those of an interested and sympathetic outsider. I do not believe at all that the American government “undermines” moderate Muslims. The problem is more complicated. Many American officials abhor engagement in religion or the politics of religion. They believe that the American Constitution separates religion and state and does not allow them to make distinctions when it comes to different interpretations of Islam. For some of them, Salafiya Islam is as good as Sufi Islam. Others do not have a sufficient knowledge base to sort out the moderates from the radicals, identify the retrograde fundamentalists, or recognize modernizers who want political Islam to dominate. This is wrong. Radical ideologies have to do more with politics and warfare than religion, and, in some extreme cases, should not enjoy the constitutional protections of freedom of religion or free speech. There is a difference between propagating a faith and disseminating hatred, violence, or murder. The latter is an abuse and exploitation of faith for political ends, and should be treated as such. For example, the racist Aryan Nation churches were prosecuted and bankrupted by American NGOs and the American government. One of the problems is that the American government allows radical Muslims who support terrorism to operate with impunity in the United States and around the world, and does very little to support moderate Muslims, especially in the conflict zones. To me, moderate Muslims are those who do not view the “greater jihad” either as a pillar of faith or as a predominant dimension thereof. A moderate is one who is searching for a dialogue and a compromise with people who adhere to other interpretations of the Qur’an, and with those who are not Muslim. Amoderate Sunni, for example, will not support terror attacks on Shi`ahs or Sufis, or on Christians, Jews, or Hindus. Moderate Muslims respect the right of individuals to disagree, to worship Allah the way they chose, or not to worship – and even not to believe. Amoderate Muslim is one who is willing to bring his or her brother or sister to faith by love and logic, not by mortal threats or force of arms. Amoderate Muslim decries suicide bombings and terrorist “operations,” and abhors those clerics who indoctrinate toward, bless, and support such atrocities. The list of moderate Muslims is too long to give all or even a part of it here. Shaykh Muhammad Hisham Kabbani (chairman of the Islamic Supreme Council of America) and Sheikh Abdul Hadi Palazzi (secretarygeneral of the Rome-based Italian Muslim Association) come to mind. Ayatollah Ali Sistani may be a moderate, but I need to read more of his teachings. As the Wahhabi attacks against the Shi`ah escalate, Shi`i clerics and leaders are beginning to speak up. Examples include Sheikh Agha Jafri, a Westchester-based Pakistani Shi`ah who heads an organization called the Society for Humanity and Islam in America, and Tashbih Sayyed, a California-based Pakistani who serves as president of the Council for Democracy and Tolerance. I admire the bravery of Amina Wadud, a female professor of Islamic studies at Virginia Commonwealth University who led a mixed-gender Friday Islamic prayer service, according to Mona Eltahawy’s op-ed piece in The Washington Post on Friday, March 18, 2005 (“A Prayer Toward Equality”). Another brave woman is the co-founder of the Progressive Muslim Union of America, Sarah Eltantawi. And the whole world is proud of the achievements of Judge Shirin Ebadi, the Iranian human rights lawyer who was awarded the Nobel peace prize in 2003. There is a problem with the first question, however. It contains several assumptions that are debatable, to say the least, if not outright false. First, it assumes that Tariq Ramadan is a “moderate.” Nevertheless, there is a near-consensus that Ramadan, while calling for ijtihad, is a supporter of the Egyptian Ikhwan al-Muslimin [the Muslim Brotherhood] and comes from that tradition [he is the grandson of its founder, Hasan al-Banna]. He also expressed support for Yusuf al-Qaradawi (and all he stands for) on a BBC TVprogram, and is viewed as an anti-Semite. He also rationalizes the murder of children, though apparently that does not preclude the European Social Forum from inviting him to be a member. He and Hasan al-Turabi, the founder of the Islamic state in Sudan, have exchanged compliments. There are numerous reports in the media, quoting intelligence sources and ex-terrorists, that Ramadan associates with the most radical circles, including terrorists. In its decision to ban Ramadan, the United States Department of Homeland Security was guided by a number of issues, some of them reported in the media and others classified. This is sufficient for me to believe that Ramadan may be a security risk who, in the post-9/11 environment, could reasonably be banned from entering the United States.1 Second, the raids on “American Muslim organizations” are, in fact, a part of law enforcement operations. Some of these steps have had to do with investigations of terrorist activities, such as the alleged Libyan conspiracy to assassinate Crown Prince Abdullah of Saudi Arabia. Others focused on American Islamist organizations that were funding the terrorist activities of groups on the State Department’s terrorism watch list, such as Hamas. To say that these criminal investigations are targeting moderate Islam is like saying that investigating pedophile priests undermines freedom of religion in the United States. Finally, American Muslims are hardly marginalized. They enjoy unencumbered religious life and support numerous non-governmental organizations that often take positions highly critical of domestic and foreign policy – something that is often not the case in their countries of origin. There is no job discrimination – some senior Bush Administration officials, such as Elias A. Zerhouni, head of the National Institutes of Health (NIH), are Muslims. American presidents have congratulated Muslims on religious holidays and often invite Muslim clergymen to important state functions, such as the funeral of former president Ronald Reagan.
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Cohen, Ariel. "Power or Ideology." American Journal of Islam and Society 22, no. 3 (July 1, 2005): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v22i3.463.
Full textAbstract:
The DebateQuestion 1: Various commentators have frequently invoked the importance of moderate Muslims and the role that they can play in fighting extremism in the Muslim world. But it is not clear who is a moderate Muslim. The recent cancellation of Tariq Ramadan’s visa to the United States, the raids on several American Muslim organizations, and the near marginalization of mainstream American Muslims in North America pose the following question: If moderate Muslims are critical to an American victory in the war on terror, then why does the American government frequently take steps that undermine moderate Muslims? Perhaps there is a lack of clarity about who the moderate Muslims are. In your view, who are these moderate Muslims and what are their beliefs and politics?
AC: I would like to say from the outset that I am neither a Muslim nor a sociologist. Therefore, my remarks should be taken as those of an interested and sympathetic outsider. I do not believe at all that the American government “undermines” moderate Muslims. The problem is more complicated. Many American officials abhor engagement in religion or the politics of religion. They believe that the American Constitution separates religion and state and does not allow them to make distinctions when it comes to different interpretations of Islam. For some of them, Salafiya Islam is as good as Sufi Islam. Others do not have a sufficient knowledge base to sort out the moderates from the radicals, identify the retrograde fundamentalists, or recognize modernizers who want political Islam to dominate. This is wrong. Radical ideologies have to do more with politics and warfare than religion, and, in some extreme cases, should not enjoy the constitutional protections of freedom of religion or free speech. There is a difference between propagating a faith and disseminating hatred, violence, or murder. The latter is an abuse and exploitation of faith for political ends, and should be treated as such. For example, the racist Aryan Nation churches were prosecuted and bankrupted by American NGOs and the American government. One of the problems is that the American government allows radical Muslims who support terrorism to operate with impunity in the United States and around the world, and does very little to support moderate Muslims, especially in the conflict zones. To me, moderate Muslims are those who do not view the “greater jihad” either as a pillar of faith or as a predominant dimension thereof. A moderate is one who is searching for a dialogue and a compromise with people who adhere to other interpretations of the Qur’an, and with those who are not Muslim. Amoderate Sunni, for example, will not support terror attacks on Shi`ahs or Sufis, or on Christians, Jews, or Hindus. Moderate Muslims respect the right of individuals to disagree, to worship Allah the way they chose, or not to worship – and even not to believe. Amoderate Muslim is one who is willing to bring his or her brother or sister to faith by love and logic, not by mortal threats or force of arms. Amoderate Muslim decries suicide bombings and terrorist “operations,” and abhors those clerics who indoctrinate toward, bless, and support such atrocities. The list of moderate Muslims is too long to give all or even a part of it here. Shaykh Muhammad Hisham Kabbani (chairman of the Islamic Supreme Council of America) and Sheikh Abdul Hadi Palazzi (secretarygeneral of the Rome-based Italian Muslim Association) come to mind. Ayatollah Ali Sistani may be a moderate, but I need to read more of his teachings. As the Wahhabi attacks against the Shi`ah escalate, Shi`i clerics and leaders are beginning to speak up. Examples include Sheikh Agha Jafri, a Westchester-based Pakistani Shi`ah who heads an organization called the Society for Humanity and Islam in America, and Tashbih Sayyed, a California-based Pakistani who serves as president of the Council for Democracy and Tolerance. I admire the bravery of Amina Wadud, a female professor of Islamic studies at Virginia Commonwealth University who led a mixed-gender Friday Islamic prayer service, according to Mona Eltahawy’s op-ed piece in The Washington Post on Friday, March 18, 2005 (“A Prayer Toward Equality”). Another brave woman is the co-founder of the Progressive Muslim Union of America, Sarah Eltantawi. And the whole world is proud of the achievements of Judge Shirin Ebadi, the Iranian human rights lawyer who was awarded the Nobel peace prize in 2003. There is a problem with the first question, however. It contains several assumptions that are debatable, to say the least, if not outright false. First, it assumes that Tariq Ramadan is a “moderate.” Nevertheless, there is a near-consensus that Ramadan, while calling for ijtihad, is a supporter of the Egyptian Ikhwan al-Muslimin [the Muslim Brotherhood] and comes from that tradition [he is the grandson of its founder, Hasan al-Banna]. He also expressed support for Yusuf al-Qaradawi (and all he stands for) on a BBC TVprogram, and is viewed as an anti-Semite. He also rationalizes the murder of children, though apparently that does not preclude the European Social Forum from inviting him to be a member. He and Hasan al-Turabi, the founder of the Islamic state in Sudan, have exchanged compliments. There are numerous reports in the media, quoting intelligence sources and ex-terrorists, that Ramadan associates with the most radical circles, including terrorists. In its decision to ban Ramadan, the United States Department of Homeland Security was guided by a number of issues, some of them reported in the media and others classified. This is sufficient for me to believe that Ramadan may be a security risk who, in the post-9/11 environment, could reasonably be banned from entering the United States.1 Second, the raids on “American Muslim organizations” are, in fact, a part of law enforcement operations. Some of these steps have had to do with investigations of terrorist activities, such as the alleged Libyan conspiracy to assassinate Crown Prince Abdullah of Saudi Arabia. Others focused on American Islamist organizations that were funding the terrorist activities of groups on the State Department’s terrorism watch list, such as Hamas. To say that these criminal investigations are targeting moderate Islam is like saying that investigating pedophile priests undermines freedom of religion in the United States. Finally, American Muslims are hardly marginalized. They enjoy unencumbered religious life and support numerous non-governmental organizations that often take positions highly critical of domestic and foreign policy – something that is often not the case in their countries of origin. There is no job discrimination – some senior Bush Administration officials, such as Elias A. Zerhouni, head of the National Institutes of Health (NIH), are Muslims. American presidents have congratulated Muslims on religious holidays and often invite Muslim clergymen to important state functions, such as the funeral of former president Ronald Reagan.
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Robbers, Gerhard. "Diversity of State-Religion Relations and European Union Unity." Ecclesiastical Law Journal 7, no. 34 (January 2004): 304–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x00005391.
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There is no single system of state-religion relations within Europe which is equal to another. Each one is distinct. Many countries know a number of different systems within themselves, as does the United Kingdom, Germany or France. The presence of history is strongest perhaps in this field of life. Tradition and truth, emotion and identity flourish in this field. Future law on religion in Europe is best built on strong regional structures. This paper reports on three aspects of state-religion relations in Europe: What is the situation in Germany? What does the United Kingdom look like from the continent? And what about Europe?
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Spicka, Jindrich. "Socio-demographic drivers of the risk-taking propensity of micro farmers." Journal of Entrepreneurship in Emerging Economies 12, no. 4 (March 6, 2020): 569–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jeee-09-2019-0143.
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Purpose Risk attitude is an elementary attribute of entrepreneurial behaviour. Determinants of risk-taking propensity have been widely investigated in the group of entrepreneurs and non-entrepreneurs so far. There is a lack of evidence on determinants of risk-taking propensity in the farming business, which is considered as risky business because of the ongoing climate change and epidemic outbreaks. Alternatively, the risk of lower European Union budget raised the question, how to implement publicly supported financial instruments for micro and small farmers which have lower credit rating. The purpose of this study is to find socio-demographic determinants of the risk-taking propensity of the Czech micro farms, controlling for the type of farming. Design/methodology/approach The survey of 747 micro farmers was processed through ordinal logistic regression. The study is based on the subjective self-assessment of the risk-taking behaviour which is frequently used to measure risk-taking attitude. The results are representative from the type of farming point of view. Findings The model provided clear evidence that age, household size, living with the partner/wife/husband and level of education have a significant relationship with risk-taking propensity. The most risk-tolerant farmers are young with less formal education and living in small households. The risk-taking propensity varies by the type of farming. Specialized crop farms have significantly higher risk-taking propensity than farms with a substantial share of livestock production. Alternatively, gender, feeling about household income and religion are not significantly related to the risk-taking propensity of the Czech micro farms. Research limitations/implications The main limitation of the study is the number of explanatory variables and the use of self-assessment of risk-taking attitude. The risk attitude can be explained by other variables which require in-depth qualitative research, such as past risk experience, the structure of decision problems, market orientation and operation under subsistence conditions. Practical implications The significant determinants of risk-taking attitude of micro farmers are important for banks, the Czech Support and Guarantee Fund for Farmers and Forestry and for policymakers who design the rules for post-2020 common agricultural policy. The study is original and valuable for the Central and Eastern European countries’ implementation of financial instruments as new rules for investment support are being prepared and research on the risk-taking attitude of the most vulnerable segment of farmers has not been conducted. Originality/value The originality of this study is from the perspective of agricultural sector as well as from the micro farms point of view. The results have commercial and political implications. Younger farmers, singles and lower-educated farmers have significantly higher risk-taking propensity and can be potentially risky clients for banks. Such farmers represent the financial gap in the credit market, and their viable development projects could be subject for implementation of financial instruments co-financed by the European Agricultural Fund for Rural Development in the forthcoming programming period past 2020.
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Dummons, Bruno. "Between Religion and Politics." Contemporary European History 8, no. 1 (March 1999): 141–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s096077739900017x.
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Jean-Marie Mayeur, La question laïque (XIXe–XXe siècle) (Paris: Fayard, 1997), 239 pp., 95 FF. IBSN 2–213–60013–9.Etienne Fouilloux, Les chrétiens français entre crise et libération (1937–1947) (Paris: Seuil, 1997), 293 pp, 130 FF. ISBN 2–020–28131–7.Stathis N. Kalyvas, The Rise of Christian Democracy in Europe (Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 1996), 300 pp., £15.95. ISBN 0–8014–8320–4.Emiel Lamberts, ed., Christian Democracy in the European Union (1945–1995) (Leuven: Leuven University Press, 1997), 511 pp. ISBN 9–061–86808–4.‘Christians and political life’ (taking the latter term in its widest sense) is a theme which continues to attract a great deal of interest among contemporary historians, in terms of both detailed research and broader surveys. René Rémond and Aline Coutrot demonstrated the interconnectedness of the two domains of religion and politics when they abandoned the restricted subject of relations between states and the Roman Catholic church and initiated the study of religion as an integral part of history, and the social sciences, as a whole. Approaches since 1966 have been greatly modified, as shown by the treatment of the material in the four works now to be reviewed.
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Kratochvíl, Petr, and Jana Hovorková. "François Foret, Religion and Politics in the European Union. The Secular Canopy." ERIS – European Review of International Studies 3, no. 1 (September 12, 2016): 135–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.3224/eris.v3i1.15.
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HURD, ELIZABETH SHAKMAN. "Negotiating Europe: the politics of religion and the prospects for Turkish accession." Review of International Studies 32, no. 3 (July 2006): 401–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s026021050600708x.
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This article examines the cultural basis of European opposition to Turkish accession to the European Union (EU). Most observers depict the cultural and religious dimensions of the European debate over Turkish accession as a disagreement between those who see Europe as a Christian ‘club’ and those open to a more religiously pluralistic European identity. However, polls suggest that cultural and religiously based doubts about Turkish accession resonate with a much larger proportion of the European population than those who publicly defend the idea of an exclusivist ‘Christian’ Europe. Both secularists and Christian exclusivists (‘traditionalists’) express hesitations about Turkish membership:
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Haynes, Jeffrey. "Religion and politics in the European Union. The secular canopy, by François Foret." Democratization 23, no. 2 (July 15, 2015): 368–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13510347.2015.1039996.
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Sandholtz, Wayne. "Choosing union: monetary politics and Maastricht." International Organization 47, no. 1 (1993): 1–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300004690.
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At their Maastricht summit, heads of state of the European Community (EC) countries agreed to establish a single currency and a common central bank by the end of the century. For students of international political economy, the treaty on monetary union offers intriguing puzzles: Why did EC governments commit themselves to such a far-reaching sacrifice of sovereignty? Why did national political leaders in some cases outrun public opinion in their enthusiasm for monetary integration? This study seeks a political explanation of the choices that produced the late-1980s movement for monetary union in Europe. It examines the conversion to monetary discipline in several EC states during the 1980s, arguing that the shift toward anti-inflationary rigor was a necessary precondition for discussions on monetary union. The article outlines three general options for a European monetary regime, based variously on unilateral commitments, multilateral arrangements, and full integration. Treating national preference formation as endogenous and requiring explanation, the article weighs five propositions that explain the motives and preferences of national leaders.
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Leifman, Håkan. "Homogenisation in alcohol consumption in the European Union." Nordic Studies on Alcohol and Drugs 18, no. 1_suppl (February 2001): 15–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/145507250101801s06.
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Håkan Leifman: Homogenisation in alcohol consumption in the European Union This article examines the trends in aggregate alcohol consumption in 15 European countries (14 European Union or EU member states and Norway) from 1950 to 1995. One of the aims is to outline the general trends in total consumption and beverage preferences, focusing on the dispersion over time between all the countries involved, another to look more closely behind these trends and to analyse the development for different groups of countries. Evidence points to a clear homogenisation for the whole study period in qualitative terms, that is, in beverage preferences. In terms of quantity, the homogenisation of the last 15–20 years is less distinct and can be explained mainly by a drastic reduction in wine consumption in the Mediterranean wine-drinking countries. As to the remaining countries (beer and former spirits-drinking countries), there has not been any quantitative homogenisation from the mid-1970s onwards. The results are discussed in the light of the on-going globalisation of economy, politics and culture, not least between the EU member states.
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Alba, Richard, and Nancy Foner. "Mixed Unions and Immigrant-Group Integration in North America and Western Europe." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 662, no. 1 (October 11, 2015): 38–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716215594611.
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We examine unions between individuals with non-Western immigrant origins and those from the native majorities in six North American and Western European countries: Canada, France, Germany, Great Britain, the Netherlands, and the United States. The analysis shows that certain deep social cleavages, involving African ancestry in the United States and Muslim religion in Western Europe, hinder the formation of mixed unions; in the European case, low rates of mixed unions are linked in some countries to high rates of transnational marriage. Overall, the rates of mixed unions appear to be higher in Canada, France, and the United States, suggesting a role for integration-related ideologies. In the case of the United States, we are able to trace the consequences of mixed unions, which appear likely to have the effect of changing, or expanding, the societal mainstream. Yet we conclude that mixed unions do not have a uniform significance for integration and that their effects are context-dependent.
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HURD, ELIZABETH SHAKMAN. "International politics after secularism." Review of International Studies 38, no. 5 (December 2012): 943–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210512000411.
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AbstractAt the height of the influence of the secularisation thesis religion was understood to be absent from affairs of state and the law, including international politics and international law. As the critique of secularisation gained momentum this master narrative fell apart, and a new consensus began to take shape. The notion that religion had been ignored and should be ‘brought back in’ to International Relations took centre stage among many academics and practitioners. The assumption is that restoring religion in the right way will help address the problems associated with having ignored religion in IR, paving the way for the marginalisation of violent religion and globalisation of religious freedom. This article undertakes a critical analysis of this restorative narrative and the religious and political world it is creating. It then proposes a different approach to the intersection of religion and world politics after secularism. This approach draws attention to the authority of transnational actors such as the United States, United Nations, and European Union to shape the public administration of religious affairs globally. Channels through which this is accomplished include the promotion of religious freedom, humanitarian intervention, foreign aid, nation building and democratisation, counterterrorism and peace-building efforts, and the pronouncements of supra-national courts.
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Hoffmann, Tomasz. "The Status of the European Institutions Officials." Polish Political Science Yearbook 36, no. 1 (March 31, 2007): 224–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2007015.
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The European Union increasingly inuences the member states, their political institutions, business groups, commercial business sector and the citizens. The institutions, politics and legal regulations of the Communities inuence also countries and human beings from outside the Union. is inuence means that each member state of the European Union has its own representative in the European Institutions such as European Parliament, European Commission, the Court of Justice and the Court of Auditors
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O'Donovan, Joan Lockwood. "Political Authority and European Community: The Challenge of the Christian Political Tradition." Scottish Journal of Theology 47, no. 1 (February 1994): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0036930600045610.
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Today the whole of Europe, East and West, is caught up in the search for new political and economic structures, sadly, along violent and atavistic as well as peaceful and constructive paths. In the West the fulcrum of change is the halting movement of countries toward economic and political ‘integration’ within the European Community. The issue of what form, or forms, the Community should take (whether federal, confederal, or more loosely associative) is understandably divisive, for its resolution will determine the political shape, not only of the member states, but also of those western European countries (should there be any eventually) that remain either outside the Community or only partially integrated in it. Moreover, it will decisively influence the political and economic aspirations and possibilities of the Community's eastern European neighbours, and even of their Soviet or ex-Soviet neighbours. Thus are we justified in viewing the fate of the European Community as the fate of Europe. Consequendy, it is a task of theoretical and practical moment to attempt to grasp the civilisational meaning of the projected European union with the help of some points of reference from western Europe's past and present.
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İbrahim qızı Cəfərli, Ramilə. "Mechanisms for Cooperation of the European Union." SCIENTIFIC WORK 15, no. 2 (March 9, 2021): 84–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.36719/2663-4619/63/84-87.
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The article deals with mechanisms for cooperation of the European Union with nations considered from the scientific point of' view. The author analyzes the details of the European Union technical assistance program for CIS couintries, its aims and positions in the frame of TACIS. Each candidate country that intends to get European Union membership has to follow the common principle and standards. But sometimes in addition to the membership obligations EU member states attitude to the candidate countries may playe great role to get the final result. The article analyzes different European countries attitude to Turkey’s membership as one of the barriers that Turkey faces in the frame of Turkey integration policy to EU. This is explained by the complexity of project co-ordination between the countries in the region, and the economic and political systems in transition countries. Thus, the desire of the commission to use the TACIS program as a tool for regional co-operation and the settlement of existing conflicts corresponds to the existing reality. İn this context, the Nagorno-Karabakh region of Azerbaijan is a clear example of TACIS programs. The expansion of the Armenian TACIS program to Nagorno-Karabakh has been denied by the European Union as it has no consensus by the Azerbaijani government. Key words: European Union, South Caucasus, Central Asia, cooperation mechanisms, economy, politics
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Finke, Daniel, and Annika Herbel. "Coalition Politics and Parliamentary Oversight in the European Union." Government and Opposition 53, no. 3 (September 19, 2016): 388–415. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2016.28.
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According to the literature, parliamentary scrutiny is either used by the opposition to control the government or by a coalition partner to control the leading minister. Yet, neither the opposition alone nor individual governing parties alone can muster a parliamentary majority to adopt recommendations, resolutions or statements. Therefore, we ask which parties coalesce in co-sponsoring such joint position papers on European Union policy proposals and why. Tying in with the existing literature, we offer three explanations. Firstly, position papers are co-sponsored by so-called ‘policy coalitions’, a group of parties that hold similar preferences on the policy under discussion. Secondly, governing parties form coalitions which support their minister’s position vis-à-vis his or her international partners in Brussels. Thirdly, party groups co-sponsor position papers to counterbalance the leading minister’s deviation from the floor median.On the empirical side, we study the statements issued by committees of the Finnish Eduskunta and recommendations adopted by committees of the German Bundestag over a period of 10 years. Though having similarly strong parliaments, the two countries are characterized by very different types of coalition governments. These differences are mirrored in the observed co-sponsorship patterns.
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Lee, Kibeom, Michael C. Ashton, Yannick Griep, and Michael Edmonds. "Personality, Religion, and Politics: An Investigation in 33 Countries." European Journal of Personality 32, no. 2 (March 2018): 100–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/per.2142.
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The relations of HEXACO personality factors and religiosity with political orientation were examined in responses collected online from participants in 33 countries ( N = 141 492). Endorsement of a right–wing political orientation was negatively associated with Honesty–Humility and Openness to Experience and positively associated with religiosity. The strength of these associations varied widely across countries, such that the religiosity–politics correlations were stronger in more religious countries, whereas the personality–politics correlations were stronger in more developed countries. We also investigated the utility of the narrower traits (i.e. facets) that define the HEXACO factors. The Altruism facet (interstitially located between the Honesty–Humility, Agreeableness, and Emotionality axes) was negatively associated with right–wing political orientation, but religiosity was found to suppress this relationship, especially in religious countries. In addition to Altruism, the Greed Avoidance and Modesty facets of the Honesty–Humility factor and the Unconventionality and Aesthetic Appreciation facets of the Openness to Experience factor were also negatively associated with right–wing political orientation. We discuss the utility of examining facet–level personality traits, along with religiosity, in research on the individual difference correlates of political orientation. Copyright © 2018 European Association of Personality Psychology
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Shumilin, Aleksandr. "THE MUSLIM BROTHERHOOD IN EUROPE: BETWEEN RELIGION AND POLITICS. PART 2." Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 26, no. 2 (April 1, 2022): 140–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran22022140148.
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In this article, the author considers two most important, in his opinion, aspects of the activities of the Islamist movement «Muslim Brotherhood» (MB) in Europe today – a rupture that has emerged in the system of the highest governing bodies of the MB (the formation of two rival centers – in Istanbul and London) and the intensification of attempts of MB groups participation in the political life of European countries under the «banner of Islam». The author draws attention to the fact that the observed «renaissance of the brothers» in Europe not only clearly contrasts with the position of their associates in most Arab countries, in whose social and political life they are failing after failure, but can also be considered as an attempt to lead the MB precisely through his European experience to preserve the movement itself, to support the dynamics of its activity, to formulate its upcoming goals. In other words, to demonstrate the ability of the movement and its ideology to transform and adapt to the conditions of the 21st century. To do this, the Islamist «brotherhood» is actively exploiting the potential of the welfare state and political freedoms in the Old World. The author explores the mechanisms used by the Islamists of the BM to penetrate into state structures and influential layers of European societies. It is noteworthy that the activities of the MB are increasingly mentioned by European experts and politicians in the context of growing internal threats to their countries.
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Schuck, Martin. "Verwirklichungsformen der Religionsfreiheit in Europa." Zeitschrift für Evangelische Ethik 46, no. 1 (February 1, 2002): 270–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.14315/zee-2002-0144.
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Abstract The article describes the different systems of religious right in the European Union as a result of the different historical developments in the European countries. ln the declaration of the Amsterdam- Treaty of 1997 was fixed, that the European Union respects the status, churches and ideological communities take within the member states. At the perspective of the churches this guarantee of continued existence is important, but it is not enough to realize full individual and institutional freedom of religion.
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Ardielli, Eva. "eHealth in the European Union – Comparative Study." ACC Journal 26, no. 2 (September 2020): 7–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.15240/tul/004/2020-2-001.
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eHealth is one of the global modern trends in IT, medicine and politics. It is a broad term that refers to electronization of healthcare and health services and mainly describes the use of information and communication technologies in healthcare. In practice, the evaluation of eHealth is an important matter because it leads to selection of appropriate measures for further progress in the field of electronic healthcare. What is more, it proposes recommendations for the development of eHealth in the EU countries. The article is focused on the comparison of eHealth implementation in the European Union member states. The analysis is performed by means of ELECTRE III method. The results of the empirical research further evaluate the state of eHealth implementation in all European Union member states by selected criteria and enable the comparison of the eHealth implementation in the international context. The results are verified by application of MAPPAC method. It has been acknowledged that the best ranking countries in this area has been obtained by Denmark, Finland, Estonia and Sweden.
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Brosius, Anna, Erika J. van Elsas, and Claes H. de Vreese. "Trust in context: National heuristics and survey context effects on political trust in the European Union." European Union Politics 21, no. 2 (January 5, 2020): 294–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1465116519896010.
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Trust in the European Union is strongly related to trust in national political institutions through extrapolation, i.e. cues from national politics. Most evidence for this mechanism, however, is based on surveys using question blocks that present several institutions at once in non-randomized order. We conducted six split-ballot survey experiments in five European countries, asking about trust in national and European Union institutions (a) separately or in the same question block and (b) in different question orders. Our findings demonstrate survey context effects: asking about two institutions within the same question block increases the correlation of reported levels of trust in these institutions. Furthermore, our findings indicate that national primes decrease reported trust in the European Union, providing novel micro-level evidence for extrapolation and cue-taking from national politics in the formation of public opinion about the European Union.
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Khomutenko, L., and O. Ieremenko. "MULTICULTURALISM AS A DERIVATIVE PHENOMENON OF LABOR MIGRATION IN THE EUROPEAN UNION." Vìsnik Sumsʹkogo deržavnogo unìversitetu, no. 1 (2019): 71–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.21272/1817-9215.2019.1-9.
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The article explores the essence of multiculturalism and its place in the politics of the European Union. This article looks at aspects of the impact of migration flows on countries of the world and world politics. It reveals the scope and main directions of international labor migration. The purpose of the article is to investigate the economic indicators of the countries most affected by irregular migration flows and to develop practical recommendations for improving the mechanisms of employment in international relations. Analyzing and summarizing the results of scientific works and research of domestic and foreign scholars, the tendency of characteristic changes of multiculturalism as part of cultural relations was considered. Several consequences of international labor migration from different countries are described. The importance of multiculturalism policy for international economic relations has been proved. Particular attention is paid to the problems and prospects of multicultural policy development in EU countries. Keywords: multiculturalism, migration, labor migration, emigration, immigration, economic migrants.
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Russell, Meg, and Colm O'Cinneide. "Positive Action to Promote Women in Politics: Some European Comparisons." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 52, no. 3 (July 2003): 587–614. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/iclq/52.3.587.
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The issue of women's under-representation in politics continues to be controversial and pressing in countries all over the world. According to the Inter Parliamentary Union, only 14.7 per cent of the world's legislators are women.1 In no country do women achieve parity with men in terms of parliamentary representation. The record of many of the world's most developed countries is particularly poor. Looking at lower houses of the legislature, in the US women's representation is only 14 per cent, in the UK 18 per cent, France 12 per cent and Italy 10 per cent. These countries are considerably out-performed by others such as South Africa and Argentina, both at 30 per cent.2
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Larsen, Henrik. "Normative Power Europe and the importance of discursive context: The European Union and the politics of religion." Cooperation and Conflict 49, no. 4 (May 22, 2014): 419–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010836714532918.
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This article attempts to demonstrate the importance of the discursive context for whether and, if so, how the European Union (EU) can exert normative power in different policy areas. Surprisingly, the concept of power has not been extensively discussed in the academic literature on Normative Power Europe, with the notable exceptions of Diez (2013); Keene (2012); Forsberg (2011) and Huelss (2011) (who also discuss the meaning of the ‘normative’). Focusing on power, the question asked in this article is how the discursive context of the politics of religion affects the EU’s ability to exert normative power in this area. The article examines the politics of religion by looking at the case of the debate about human rights versus religion in the United Nations Human Rights Council after the year 2000. The broader point addressed in the article is whether the EU can exert normative power regardless of the discursive context of the policy area concerned.
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Shumilin, Alexander. "MUSLIM BROTHERHOOD IN EUROPE: BETWEEN RELIGION AND POLITICS." Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 24, no. 6 (December 31, 2021): 147–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran62021147154.
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The article examines the reasons that prompted the governments and expert circles of many EU countries to pay increased attention in the past two years to the activities of the Muslim Brotherhood (BM) religious and political association within the EU. According to the author, this is due not only to the terrorist attacks of Islamists in France and Austria in 2020, but also to the manifestations of the growing influence of this category of Muslim organizations and groups on the social and political life of the countries of the Old World. The article focuses on the analysis of the means, methods and mechanisms characteristic of the groupings associated with the structures of the Muslim Brotherhood in Europe, on their differences from similar organizations in the Middle East. The author turns to the history of the emergence and growth of the influence of the «brothers» in Europe in order to more thoroughly examine the phenomenon of today: while the authority and influence of the BM are noticeably falling in the Arab countries, in the Old World the situation is different for the «brothers» – in many cases they manage to hide their Islamist essence under the cover of left, «progressive» rhetoric, which allows them to fit into the current political and ideological discourse in the host countries. However, with the aggravation of intercivilizational relations in Europe, BM groups are increasingly forced to leave their traditional «hiding places», publicly claiming the status of «defenders of discredited Muslims», but in fact trying to legalize their radical views and positions. The resulting scale of their presence and influence in European societies noticeably frightens the establishment and the population of these countries. The author comes to the conclusion that at the current stage, an aggravation of the confrontation between the political elites in the EU countries and the BM structures is inevitable
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Nahorniak, Ivan. "10 Years of Eastern Partnership: The Scenarios for the Further Development of the Initiative and the EU Eastern Neighbourhood Policy." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XX (2019): 655–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2019-42.
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The article suggests that ten years after the Eastern Partnership initiative was founded, its format and structure do not allow to draw full potential of the states that seek European Union membership. The author emphasizes that the change in the EU’s approach to the Eastern Partnership countries will make it possible to ensure the accomplishment of the fundamental mission of the European Neighbourhood Policy, namely peace and prosperity in the region. The European Union has already done quite a lot in this regard. Expanding the EU’s social rights as part of the Europeanization process will provide a more stable and favourable environment in the Eastern Partnership countries and reduce migration flows therefrom. The main efforts of the European Union and Eastern Partnership countries in the near future will be focused on solving domestic political, social and economic problems. In this case, Ukraine and the region as a whole will appear on the European Union agenda in terms of security issues. The biggest success story of the European Union is its enlargement policy, which can force enemies to negotiate and find a compromise, as well as motivate political leaders to take risks for the implementation of European integration reforms. This policy does not apply to Eastern Partnership countries. The author concludes that the neighbourhood policy has already exhausted its potential, and in order for the dialogue within the Eastern partnership not to descend to the solution of technical issues of the European Union Association Agreements implementation, it is necessary to offer an attractive model of cooperation that would provide support for pro-European reforms in the Eastern Partnership countries. Keywords: European Union, Eastern Partnership, politics, bilateral dialogue.
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Semenenko, I. S. "Memory Politics in the European Union: in Search for Common Landmarks." Izvestiya of Altai State University, no. 6(116) (December 18, 2020): 62–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.14258/izvasu(2020)6-10.
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The article evaluates the reasons behind the surge of interest in memory politics in EU countries in the last decade. The author analyses the current memory studies agenda, the mechanisms and instruments proposed for use at EU level to promote a common European identity, and the practices of representing a shared European past in public spaces that have emerged over the last few years (such as the permanent exhibition of House of European History in Brussels). The evaluation of new priorities on the memory politics agenda can help shed light on the difficulties and threats to further promote European solidarity based on a common memory, especially having in mind the drastic consequences of the 2020 pandemic crisis. One can foresee the advancement of national and regional models of memory politics to the frontline of identity politics in Europe. The research is based on the analysis of discourses reflecting the changing memory politics agenda aimed at consolidating a common European space where Russia is considered as the alien Other. Empirical data was collected by the author during her visits to European museums and memory sites representing the history and the current state of the European integration project. This was complemented by the analysis of digital library and archive resources and expert reports dedicated to memory politics and identity policies in the EU.
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Visser, Jelle, and Jeremy Waddington. "Industrialization and Politics: A Century of Union Structural Development in Three European Countries." European Journal of Industrial Relations 2, no. 1 (March 1996): 21–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/095968019621003.
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