Academic literature on the topic 'Religion and politics – European Union countries'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the lists of relevant articles, books, theses, conference reports, and other scholarly sources on the topic 'Religion and politics – European Union countries.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Journal articles on the topic "Religion and politics – European Union countries"
1
MEZEI, Balázs M. "Politics, Ethics, and Religion." WISDOM 10, no. 1 (June 25, 2018): 84–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.24234/wisdom.v10i1.205.
Full textAbstract:
In this essay, I argue that religion is centrally important in the future of liberal democracy in the Western sense of the word. Without the values of religion, we may have to face the emergence of authoritarian and totalitarian forms of political existence. My starting point is the experience of the so-called post-Communist countries. The essence of this experience is that liberal democracy as a political form may lack genuine content if the society, in which it exists, is devoid of the fundamental human attitudes essential for sustaining such a democracy. This experience can be complemented by the experience we have in the European Union or in the United States today, because even in these organizations we witness clear signs of the loss of common values, which endangers the proper functioning of stable democratic systems. However, some form of religion – traditional or renewed – may help to revitalize the values and their subjective basis, the proper human attitudes to encounter the danger of the decline of contemporary liberal democracies.
2
Haynes, Jeffrey. "Introductory Thoughts about Peace, Politics and Religion." Religions 11, no. 5 (May 13, 2020): 242. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel11050242.
Full textAbstract:
Recent years have seen a growing literature on the interactions between peace, politics and religion, including their diverse and often complex relationships. Underpinning this literature is an increase, more generally, in scholarly and policy interest in connections between religion and politics. The context is that over the last three decades, religion has made a remarkable return to prominence in various academic literatures, including sociology, political science and international relations. This was a surprise to many social scientists and confounded the expectations of both secularization theorists and secularists. In addition, religion retained a strong, some say growing, significance as a core source of identity for billions of people around the world. Numerous religious leaders and faith-based organizations are important carriers and focal points of religious ideas, playing an important role in many countries, both developed and developing, as well as internationally, including at the United Nations and to a lesser, although still notable extent, in the European Union and other regional organizations. This introductory article examines interactions between religious entities in relation to peace and conflict and sets the scene for the articles comprising this volume.
3
Irimia, Ana Irina. "The European Union and Minorities." Scientific Bulletin 20, no. 1 (June 1, 2015): 138–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bsaft-2015-0021.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract We are currently in the process of making a Europe where the elements of national sovereignty will be narrowed through the sharing of sovereignty and for collective security. Another trend in the field was that of regionalization of the importance and implications of this issue, explicitly or implicitly considered as belonging to Central and Eastern Europe. Such an assessment neglects the significance of a number of factors pertaining to the historical and political developments has on the matter, particularly regarding economic development of Central and Eastern Europe areas, and that the conflictual degeneration of perceiving ethnical, cultural and regional otherness is not a phenomenon which affects this space alone, but also the West. In contradiction with this point of view, some foreign experts in the field say it is a social reality that discrimination and intolerance connected to religion and ethnicity can be found in all meetings of the world and in countries with different economic development phases.
4
Ribberink, Egbert, P. Achterberg, and Dick Houtman. "Are All Socialists Anti-religious? Anti-religiosity and the Socialist Left in 21 Western European Countries (1990-2008)." RUDN Journal of Political Science, no. 4 (December 15, 2016): 66–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2016-4-66-85.
Full textAbstract:
The political situation in the Soviet Union during the twentieth century has led some to suggest that socialism is some kind of secular religion as opposed to ‘normal’ religion. In modern Europe, however, there have been vibrant Christian socialist movements. This article looks into the different attitudes of socialists towards religion and answers the question whether it is pressure of religious activity or pressure of religious identity that makes socialists resist religion. The results from a multilevel analysis of three waves of the European Values Study (1990-2008) in 21 Western European countries specifically point to an increase in anti-religiosity by socialists in countries marked by Catholic and Orthodox religious identities.
5
Kiviorg, Merilin. "Collective Religious Autonomy versus Individual Rights: A Challenge for the ECtHR?" Review of Central and East European Law 39, no. 3-4 (November 18, 2014): 315–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15730352-00000022.
Full textAbstract:
The article will focus on the conflicts between individual rights and collective religious autonomy in Europe. The goal is to analyze the approach taken by the European Court of Human Rights to these conflicts and investigate how it influences both individual and collective religious freedom, how it may affect domestic solutions, and how it may be related to other relevant processes in the fields of law, religion and politics at the European level, e.g., in the context of the Council of Europe and the European Union as well as in the (somewhat specific) context of East European countries. The article will put forward an individual (personal) autonomy-based framework for the court to deal with these conflicts.
6
Zdioruk, Serhiy I. "Socio-religious relations in Ukrainian realities and European Union policy." Ukrainian Religious Studies, no. 50 (March 10, 2009): 21–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.32420/2009.50.2028.
Full textAbstract:
The problems of the functioning of religion in the countries of the European Union (EU) are extremely complex and ambiguous. The EU is primarily political and economic. It is in these areas that active intra-integration processes are observed: introduction of a single currency, single payment system, actual “blurring” of borders between member states, development of the Constitutional Treaty, orientation towards the creation of a common market, a common transport network, harmonization of educational systems, etc.
7
Miroshnikova, Elena, and Mikhail Smirnov. "Transformation of Religion in the European Union Countries as a Subject of Academic Research." Contemporary Europe 5, no. 91 (October 1, 2019): 122–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/soveurope52019122131.
Full text
8
Vukoszávlyev, Zorán. "Perception of Latin America’s church architecture in the time of II Vatican Council." Actas de Arquitectura Religiosa Contemporánea 4 (February 16, 2017): 46–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.17979/aarc.2015.4.0.5118.
Full textAbstract:
Events of World War II resulted in significant social changes from 1945. This is considered to be the main motive behind the attempts for transforming the Catholic sacral space, defining the Christ-centered Church. While in most parts of the Catholic world it was a result of a natural, internal process, these changes didn’t make an effect in the Eastern European countries occupied by the Soviet Union, because religion and religiousness became persecuted under the newly established world order. The political powers professing atheist ideology and communist concepts considered the Church as the main power opponent of their own system. Not only in ideological sense, but also because of the Holy See’s organizational structure that spans state borders. The article interprets the presence of the effects of liturgic reforms, in correspondence with the Eastern politics of the Holy See.
9
Valero-Estarellas, María-José. "Freedom of Religion, Religious Employment, and Conflicts of Rights: Europe at a Crossroads." Journal of Law, Religion and State 10, no. 1 (September 14, 2022): 27–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22124810-10010004.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract Religious communities and churches have traditionally been significant sources of employment. Many European countries have found ways to integrate into their legal systems particularities of religious employment that are alien to other areas of labor law. Until recently, constitutional courts have been reluctant to question the right of churches to define the occupational requirements of their secular employees, but the recognition of church autonomy in religious employment has not been straightforward in the European Court of Human Rights and the Court of Justice of the European Union. This paper provides some reflections on where Europe may be headed in this field, and whether well-tested principles, such as denominational neutrality, may offer some insight on how to address the still unresolved conflict between important human rights: freedom of religion and the right to autonomy of religious employers, and the individual fundamental freedoms of their employees.
10
Yengibaryan, R. V. "Mass and uncontrolled immigration as a threat to the civil, legal and civilizational stability in Western European countries and Russia." Journal of Law and Administration 15, no. 3 (December 2, 2019): 3–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2073-8420-2019-3-52-3-9.
Full textAbstract:
Introduction. Following the collapse, or rather self-liquidation, of the Soviet Union-USSR world events began to develop at a kaleidoscopic speed. Europe, Russia and the United States ceased to be central actors in global politics. Huge civilization countries such as China, India and the African continent broke into global politics with ever-increasing power. The united bloc of Islamic countries began to make aggressive claims to the entire world community, and especially to the countries of Christian civilization. And the most important and unexpected thing is that the peoples, nations, communities everywhere began to return to their civilizational, religious and spiritual roots.Materials and methods. Various methods such as comparative law, systemic, logical analysis and other methods were used in writing this article.The results of the study. The attempt to globalize the world by the socio-political criterion “capitalism socialism” failed. The world community, or rather its political, economic and intellectual elite, was given a clear message: ideologies of all kinds communism, fascism, nationalism, socialism eventually undergo transformation, split into sub streams and practically disappear, but the world religions and civilizations remain.Discussion and conclusion. The world globalized spontaneously and naturally, with financial, economic, political and technological dimensions playing the major role. At the same time globalization laid the foundation of new contradictions among countries that enjoy different social, economic levels of development and belong to various civilizations. Moreover, the interests of civilizations living in different time dimensions began to clash, like Islam that lives in 1441 and other countries that have been living in the 21st century for the second decade. The ideology of multiculturalism both in Western Europe and in the USA turned out to be unrealizable in practice, just like the communist ideology that has sunk into oblivion.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Religion and politics – European Union countries"
1
Jupille, Joseph Henri. "Procedural politics : issues, interests, and institutional choice in the European Union /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10751.
Full text
2
Palmer, James Robert. "Science and politics in European energy and environmental policy : the wicked problem of biofuels and indirect land-use change (ILUC)." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.608217.
Full text
3
Luedtke, Adam. "Fortress Europe or spillover? : immigration politics and policy at the European level." Thesis, McGill University, 1997. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=20441.
Full textAbstract:
Although the evolution of a unified Europe has been unsteady, the immigration policies of member states have nonetheless become increasingly harmonized in recent years. This harmonization has not been without its controversies, however, and is characterized by two inter-linked political disputes that have shaped the progress achieved thus far. The first dispute area is the exclusion of Europe's legally-resident third country nationals (TCNs) from the privileges of intra-EU free movement, contrary to the inclusionist arguments of the European Commission and Parliament. The second dispute area is the political struggle between advocates of intergovernmental decision-making structures, which are not subject to EU law or institutional control, and the advocates of full (supranational) EU competence over policy. Two hypotheses are contrasted to examine these disputes: (1) the "Fortress Europe" hypothesis, which foresees the continuation of exclusionism and intergovernmentalism; and (2) the "spillover" hypothesis, which predicts the inclusion of TCNs through the EU's central institutions eventually winning full competence over policy. It is concluded that although exclusionism continues to hold the upper hand, recent victories for supranationalism have confirmed the optimism of the spillover hypothesis.
4
Li, Xin. "European identity, a case study." Thesis, University of Macau, 2009. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2555548.
Full text
5
Wiessala, Eugen Georg. "The politics of re-orientation and responsibility : European Union foreign policy and human rights promotion in Asian countries." Thesis, University of Central Lancashire, 2005. http://clok.uclan.ac.uk/22530/.
Full textAbstract:
This study focuses on the protection and promotion of human rights in the context of the external relations of the European Union (EU). It sets out to examine, in particular, the position of human rights within the framework of EU foreign policy. While questions of human rights sparked a wide-ranging academic debate and resulted in enhanced levels of public scrutiny over the last decade, the research presented in this dissertation attempts to fill a significant gap in scholarly attention. It does so by offering a critique of the theoretical approaches towards, and the practical manifestations of human rights promotion initiatives in the context of EU policy interaction with countries in Asia. Evidence from previous work, included as part of this dissertation, suggests that the incremental growth of human rights competencies and agendas within the EU's legal and political systems was reflected in a number of areas of concrete EU external activity, such as the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP), Development Policy, relations with the African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) group of countries and the EU's New Asia Strategy. This dissertation attempts to demonstrate how, in the context of a Constructivist perspective within International Relations Theory in general, and EU-Asia relations in particular, the EU can be conceptualised as a value-guided, 'ethical' polity, grounded in a constitutional framework of Treaties. As a result of this, the Union introdued a more pronounced human rights dimension to its dialogue with Asia. The evidence indicates that, in respect of its Asian partners, the EU implemented human rights strategies in a number or formats and with varying degrees of success. The study scrutinises, in particular, the Commission's 'strategy papers' on Asia and the Asia-Europe Meetings (ASEM). In addition to findings analysed in previous work, this study demonstrates that the resulting debates about 'rights' and 'values' can be related to wider discourses derived from normative theory and surrounding issues of culture and identity. In the Asia-EU dialogue, arguments over human rights contain the potential to be both an enabling dynamic for, and an inhibiting agent of, a more intensive EU-Asia political and cultural dialogue. The study places a particular emphasis on EU human rights promotion policies towards the People's Republic of China, the Republic of Indonesia and Burma (The Union of Myanmar). It identifies and appraises three distinct EU policy approaches ranging from incentives based and coordinated measures to a more coercive and punitive diplomatic arsenal.
6
Carey, Sean D. (Sean Damien). "A Political and Macroeconomic Explanation of Public Support for European Integration." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1997. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc278919/.
Full textAbstract:
This study develops a model of macroeconomic and political determinants of public support for European integration. The research is conducted on pooled cross-sectional time-series data from five European Union member states between 1978 and 1994. The method used in this analysis is a Generalized Least Squares - Autoregressive Moving Average approach. The factors hypothesized to determine a macroeconomic explanation of public support for integration are inflation, unemployment, and economic growth. The effect of the major economic reform in the 1980s, the Single European Act, is hypothesized to act as a positive permanent intervention. The other determinants of public support are the temporary interventions of European Parliament elections and the permanent intervention of the Maastricht Treaty in 1992. These are hypothesized to exert a negative effect. In a fully specified model all variables except economic growth and European Parliament elections demonstrate statistical significance at the 0.10 level or better.
7
FERNANDES, Daniel. "Governments, public opinion, and social policy : change in Western Europe." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2022. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/75046.
Full textAbstract:
Defence date: 21 November 2022Examining Board: Prof. Ellen Immergut (EUI, Supervisor); Prof. Anton Hemerijck (EUI); Prof. Christoffer Green-Pedersen (Aarhus University); Prof. Evelyne Hübscher (Central European University)
This dissertation investigates how public opinion and government partisanship affect social policy. It brings an innovative perspective that links the idea of democratic representation to debates about the welfare state. The general claim made here is that social policy is a function of public and government preferences. This claim hinges on two critical premises. The first relates to the general mechanisms that underlie government representation. Politicians have electoral incentives to align their actions with what citizens want. They may respond to public opinion indirectly by updating their party agendas, which can serve as the basis for social policy decisions in case they get elected. They may also respond directly by introducing welfare reforms that react to shifts in public opinion during their mandates. The second premise concerns how citizens and politicians structure their preferences over welfare. These preferences fall alongside two dimensions. First, general attitudes about how much should the state intervene in the economy to reduce inequality and promote economic well-being (how much policy). Second, the specific preferences about which social programmes should get better funding (what kind of policy). The empirical analysis is split into three empirical chapters. Each explores different aspects of government representation in Western European welfare states. The first empirical chapter (Chapter 4) asks how governments shape social policy when facing severe pressures to decrease spending. It argues that governments strategically reduce spending on programmes that offer less visible and indirect benefits, as they are less likely to trigger an electoral backlash. The experience of the Great Recession is consistent with this claim. Countries that faced the most challenging financial constraints cut down social investment and services. Except for Greece, they all preserved consumption schemes. The second empirical chapter (Chapter 5) explores how public opinion affects government spending priorities in different welfare programmes. It expects government responsiveness to depend on public mood for more or less government activity and the most salient social issues at the time. Empirical evidence from old-age, healthcare and education issue-policy areas supports these claims. Higher policy mood and issue saliency is positively associated with increasing spending efforts. Public opinion does not appear to affect unemployment policies. vii The third empirical chapter (Chapter 6) examines how party preferences affect spending priorities in unemployment programmes. It claims that preferences on economic intervention in the economy and welfare recalibration affect different components of unemployment policy. Evidence from the past 20 years bodes well with these expectations. The generosity of compensatory schemes depends on economic preferences. The left invests more than the right. The funding of active labour-market policies depends on both preference dimensions. Among conventional parties, their funding follows the same patterns as compensatory schemes. Among recalibration parties, parties across the economic spectrum present comparable spending patterns.
8
REH, Christine. "The Politics of Preparation : delegated decisions, arguing and constitutional choice in Europe." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/10475.
Full textAbstract:
Defence date: 10 December 2007Examining Board: Prof. Adrienne Héritier (EUI, Florence) ; Prof. Frank Schimmelfennig (ETH, Zürich) ; Prof. Andy Smith (IEP, Bordeaux) ; Prof. Helen Wallace (EUI/RSCAS, Florence)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
This project investigates a ubiquitous yet under-studied phenomenon in national, European and global politics: delegated preparation, defined as those negotiations through which civil servants or experts "pre-cook" political choice in multi-level decision-processes. While examples are legion-reaching from legislative drafting in national ministries to the Committee of Permanent Representatives (COREPER) in the European Union (EU)- the project focuses on preparation in complex international negotiations, and chooses EU Intergovernmental Conferences (IGCs) as empirical case. Claiming that a look beyond the tip of the "decision-iceberg" will gain us deeper insights into how and by whom Europe has been constitutionalised, I tackle two wider questions: 1) What is preparation and what can it do? and 2) Under what conditions will preparation be effective? Linked to an understanding of international negotiation as a "thick" social process, I argue, first, that the key to preparatory effectiveness lies in a particular set of collective resources as a necessary condition, and in consensual preagreement as both necessary and sufficient. Second, with effective pre-decision-making thus hinging upon successful delegated arguing, a set of scope conditions favourable to persuasion are singled out. These include 1) a familiar, iterative and insulated social context as a pre-condition for the non-distortive use of arguments; 2) an issue's complexity as facilitating the resonance of expertise and novel ideas; and 3) a macronorm's constitutional-systemic nature as favouring factual arguments linked to the international system. The hypotheses are tested on the "Group of Government Representatives" (GoR), with units of observation chosen from the Amsterdam and Nice IGCs according to variation of issue complexity and constitutional-systemic nature. Process-tracing of five issues: the communitarisation of free movement, the integration of Schengen and the institutionalisation of flexibility (Amsterdam), as well as Commission reform and Council votes (Nice) confirms that delegated preparation plays a key role even in the "bastion of high politics" that is EU reform. Yet, empirical evidence shows that persuasion is less prominent than expected, and uncovers alternative mechanisms behind effective preparation,in particular accommodation, depoliticisation and systemic compensation.
9
PAOLINI, Giulia. "The legitimacy deficit of the European Union and the role of national parliaments." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/10445.
Full textAbstract:
Defence date: 17 September 2007Examining Board: Prof. Morten Kelstrup, (University of Copenhagen) ; Prof. Peter Mair, (European University Institute) ; Prof. Gianfranco Pasquino, (University of Bologna) ; Prof. Philippe C. Schmitter, (EUI Professional Fellow)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
no abstract available
10
Prosser, Christopher. "Rethinking representation and European integration." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:1f596c7e-bfb9-43ff-b3e8-2de716f234ec.
Full textAbstract:
In representative democracy the chain of political legitimacy runs from voters to governments through votes cast at elections. In order for representation to occur, political parties must offer distinct policy platforms that citizens consider in their vote choices. This thesis examines whether citizens are adequately represented within the European Union. It finds that although representation on left-right issues occurs, it does not occur for European integration preferences. Over the course its history, European integration has changed from being primarily an economic issue to a social issue. This separation from the primary axis of political competition has increased the need for representation on EU issues directly. Political parties have polarised over European integration providing increased choice, but voters have not engaged with the issue. Examining how voters process party signals about policy positions shows that very few are affected by signals on the EU. Accounting for voters' cognitive biases suggests that the influence of EU issues in European Parliament elections has been overestimated and is non-existent in most member-states. As direct democracy might offer an alternative to inadequate representation this thesis examines why referendums have been held on the EU but finds that they are largely driven by governments' desire to contain the threat of EU issues at national elections, further undermining representation. However, as a result of institutional differences between national and European Parliament elections rather than the emergence of the EU as an electoral issue, the size of party systems at European Parliament elections has grown considerably over successive elections in many member-states, a change that has fed into national party systems. Although representation on EU issues is inadequate, the expansion of European party systems and the redrawing of the lines of political competition offers some hope that representation on EU issues might improve in the future.
Books on the topic "Religion and politics – European Union countries"
1
Turkey and the dilemma of EU accession: When religion meets politics. London: I.B. Tauris, 2011.
Find full text
2
Jung, Dietrich, and Catharina Raudvere. Religion, politics, and Turkey's EU accession. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008.
Find full text
3
1959-, Jung Dietrich, and Raudvere Catharina, eds. Religion, politics, and Turkey's EU accession. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008.
Find full text
4
Hartmut, Behr, and Hildebrandt Mathias, eds. Politik und Religion in der Europäischen Union: Zwischen nationalen Traditionen und Europäisierung. Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 2006.
Find full text
5
Fraser, Cameron, ed. The enlargement of the European Union. Sheffield, England: Sheffield Academic Press, 1998.
Find full text
6
Der Dialog nach Art. 17 III AEUV: "in Anerkennung ihrer Identität und ihres besonderen Beitrags". Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2014.
Find full text
7
kultury, Czech Republic Ministerstvo, ed. Náboženství a veřejná moc v zemích Evropské unie: Sborník textů z konference = Religion and public authority in European Union Countries : conference proceedings. Praha: Ministerstvo kultury České republiky (Ministry of Culture of the Czech Republic), 2009.
Find full text
8
Belief, law and politics: What future for a secular Europe? Farnham, Surrey, England: Ashgate, 2014.
Find full text
9
Michelle, Cini, ed. European Union politics. 2nd ed. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007.
Find full text
10
Nieves, Pérez-Solórzano Borragán, ed. European Union politics. 3rd ed. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2010.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Religion and politics – European Union countries"
1
Kley, Florian K., and Holger Lengfeld. "Is There an East–West Divide over European Solidarity? Comparing European Citizens’ Attitudes Towards Cross-Border Solidarity 2016." In Palgrave Studies in European Union Politics, 81–108. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-54674-8_4.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract The Euro and sovereign debt crises since 2008, as well as the following Great Recession, have challenged the strength of European solidarity between EU citizens and member states. This chapter analyses the strength of European solidarity within East Central Europe and other European countries in two dimensions: citizens’ willingness to support indebted European countries financially (European fiscal solidarity) and their willingness to reduce welfare differences among EU member states (European territorial solidarity). The analyses are based on a comparative survey conducted in 13 European countries in 2016. Results show that citizens displayed a notably high level of European solidarity in both dimensions. While ECE countries showed slightly lower approval rates for European fiscal solidarity, their demand for European territorial solidarity is average. However, Slovakia, Hungary and Poland do not form a unique cluster standing out on these topics, making further policies of European integration possible.
2
Matthes, Claudia-Y. "Safeguarding Democracy and the Rule of Law by Civil Society Actors? The Case of Poland." In Palgrave Studies in European Union Politics, 263–81. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-54674-8_11.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract A growing body of literature examines the EU’s reactions to illiberal trends in ECE countries. These studies predominantly focus on political instruments such as Article 7 and the Commission’s new rule of law mechanism, and there is a broad consensus on the view that these tools are too weak to combat breaches of liberal principles. This chapter therefore explores the potential of alternative strategies, namely the involvement of civil society actors in backsliding countries. By looking at the Polish case, it explores how much Polish civil society interacts with the European institutions in order to address violations of the rule of law and which strategies these actors unfold. It examines whether this cooperation may help to safeguard democracy in a bottom-up manner. The overall goal of the chapter is to investigate how much the EU’s instruments against democratic backsliding could and should be accompanied effectively by strategies aiming at collaboration with liberal forces within the backsliding member states.
3
Tomini, Luca, and Seda Gürkan. "Contesting the EU, Contesting Democracy and Rule of Law in Europe. Conceptual Suggestions for Future Research." In Palgrave Studies in European Union Politics, 285–300. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-54674-8_12.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract In ECE countries, democratisation and Europeanisation seemed to exist in a mutually reinforcing relationship and both concepts provided the main analytical lenses for studying these states. In the light of recent illiberal and anti-EU politics, two different concepts have started to receive increasing scholarly attention, namely the concepts of de-Europeanisation and autocratisation. Their exact meaning, however, remains unclear and the causal link between these specific processes and the rule of law has largely remained understudied. Against this backdrop, this chapter first summarises the state-of-the-art research on autocratisation and de-Europeanisation, and then examines the interaction and causal link between these two phenomena in times of declining democracies in Europe and rule of law problems.
4
Vogel, Lars. "Illiberal and Anti-EU Politics in the Name of the People? Euroscepticism in East Central Europe 2004–2019 in Comparative Perspective." In Palgrave Studies in European Union Politics, 29–55. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-54674-8_2.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract This chapter describes patterns, trends and determinants of public Euroscepticism in East Central Europe (ECE). It investigates whether public opinion on European integration in this region is connected to the contestation of both the immigration policies and the constitutional principles of the EU by the respective national governments. By applying longitudinal and comparative analyses based on European Election Studies from 2004 to 2019, it shows public support for European integration in ECE as more closely linked to instrumental performance assessments than in the EU average and as structured by country-specific rather than region-specific patterns. Cultural issues, like immigration and conceptions of democracy, which dominate ECE governmental politics, are only related to public Euroscepticism in some of those countries. Based on these results, the chapter suggests that the connection between the illiberal and anti-EU politics of ECE national governments and public Euroscepticism is loose and conditional upon the national context.
5
Beger, Paula. "Party Rhetoric and Action Compared: Examining Politicisation and Compliance in the Field of Asylum and Migration Policy in the Czech Republic and Hungary." In Palgrave Studies in European Union Politics, 137–56. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-54674-8_6.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract Since the European refugee crisis 2015, the rather bureaucratic asylum and migration policy has become a highly politicised issue in ECE countries. The politicisation process started while political parties were involved with the policy. However, many studies have ignored the practice of executives’ and administrations’ action in this domain and knowledge of whether this public anti-EU rhetoric really resulted in non-compliance, therefore, remains limited. This chapter interlinks politicisation and non-compliance research in a comparative case study of Hungary and the Czech Republic. While combining findings of expert interviews, data on party manifestos and infringement procedures, it concludes that the partial politicisation did not lead to broader non-compliance in the Czech case, whereas the governmental-led politicisation in Hungary resulted in non-compliance. This difference is explained by the fact that in Hungary, the asylum-related administration, like other bureaucratic fields, has become increasingly re-politicised during the last decade.
6
Michailidou, Asimina, Elisabeth Eike, and Hans-Jörg Trenz. "Journalism, Truth and the Restoration of Trust in Democracy: Tracing the EU ‘Fake News’ Strategy." In Europe in the Age of Post-Truth Politics, 53–75. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-13694-8_4.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractTrust in journalism in Europe and beyond has been undermined by a series of scandals, by the closeness of journalists to political parties and government, but also by more frequent attacks against freedom of speech and of the press run especially by populist leaders and new authoritarian governments. In some countries, like Hungary, Poland and Italy, the press freedom index is in steep decline, and governments have also entered a ‘war’ with journalism, putting increasing pressure on the free exercise of the profession, restricting budgets and the autonomy of public service broadcasting. In our chapter, we critically discuss the responses, i.e. counter-strategies, for trust-(re)building that this disruption triggers, from a top-down European Union (EU) policy perspective. We assess the EU’s response to the authoritarian and fake news challenge and discuss the limits of a voluntary (self) regulatory approach in light of public sphere standards.
7
Szulecki, Kacper, Marta Bivand Erdal, and Ben Stanley. "Emigration and Transnational Political Practices in Central and Eastern Europe After EU Enlargement 2004–2007." In External Voting, 21–36. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-19246-3_2.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractAs the European Union expanded eastward in 2004 and 2007 to cover the formerly communist states of Central and Eastern Europe (CEE), this triggered a wave of migration which saw millions of people moving to Western and Northern European countries. What impact did that migration have on the politics of CEE countries, and what might be the relationship between outward migration and the apparent democracy backsliding occurring in some parts of the region? This is the main puzzle of this book, which looks at the way external voting results can be used to assess migrant political preferences and their change over time, as well as their potential influence on domestic politics in sending countries. This chapter sketches the political context of CEE and introduces the data gathering procedure and methodology of the project on which the book draws.
8
Bakir, Vian, and Andrew McStay. "Defending the Civic Body from False Information Online." In Optimising Emotions, Incubating Falsehoods, 205–46. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-13551-4_8.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractWe have established that false information online harms the civic body, driven by the economics of emotion and the politics of emotion. What should be done about this? Multi-stakeholder solutions have been proffered by various countries’ governmental inquiries into disinformation and fake news, and by supranational bodies including the United Nations, European Union and Commonwealth. This chapter assesses seven solution areas: namely, (1) coercive and non-coercive government action, (2) cybersecurity, (3) digital intermediaries/platforms, (4) advertisers, (5) professional political persuaders and public relations, (6) media organisations and (7) education. As well as being intrinsically difficult areas to solve individually, let alone in concert, the chapter concludes that such solutions merely tinker at the edges as they do not address a fundamental incubator for false information online: namely, the business model for social media platforms built on the economics of emotion.
9
Donohue, Christopher. "“A Mountain of Nonsense”? Czech and Slovenian Receptions of Materialism and Vitalism from c. 1860s to the First World War." In History, Philosophy and Theory of the Life Sciences, 67–84. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-12604-8_5.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractIn general, historians of science and historians of ideas do not focus on critical appraisals of scientific ideas such as vitalism and materialism from Catholic intellectuals in eastern and southeastern Europe, nor is there much comparative work available on how significant European ideas in the life sciences such as materialism and vitalism were understood and received outside of France, Germany, Italy and the UK. Insofar as such treatments are available, they focus on the contributions of nineteenth century vitalism and materialism to later twentieth ideologies, as well as trace the interactions of vitalism and various intersections with the development of genetics and evolutionary biology see Mosse (The culture of Western Europe: the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Westview Press, Boulder, 1988, Toward the final solution: a history of European racism. Howard Fertig Publisher, New York, 1978; Turda et al., Crafting humans: from genesis to eugenics and beyond. V&R Unipress, Goettingen, 2013). English and American eugenicists (such as William Caleb Saleeby), and scores of others underscored the importance of vitalism to the future science of “eugenics” (Saleeby, The progress of eugenics. Cassell, New York, 1914). Little has been written on materialism qua materialism or vitalism qua vitalism in eastern Europe.The Czech and Slovene cases are interesting for comparison insofar as both had national awakenings in the middle of the nineteenth century which were linguistic and scientific, while also being religious in nature (on the Czech case see David, Realism, tolerance, and liberalism in the Czech National awakening: legacies of the Bohemian reformation. Johns Hopkins University Press, Baltimore, 2010; on the Slovene case see Kann and David, Peoples of the Eastern Habsburg Lands, 1526-1918. University of Washington Press, Washington, 2010). In the case of many Catholic writers writing in Moravia, there are not only slight noticeable differences in word-choice and construction but a greater influence of scholastic Latin, all the more so in the works of nineteenth century Czech priests and bishops.In this case, German, Latin and literary Czech coexisted in the same texts. Thus, the presence of these three languages throws caution on the work on the work of Michael Gordin, who argues that scientific language went from Latin to German to vernacular. In Czech, Slovenian and Croatian cases, all three coexisted quite happily until the First World War, with the decades from the 1840s to the 1880s being particularly suited to linguistic flexibility, where oftentimes writers would put in parentheses a Latin or German word to make the meaning clear to the audience. Note however that these multiple paraphrases were often polemical in the case of discussions of materialism and vitalism.In Slovenia Čas (Time or The Times) ran from 1907 to 1942, running under the muscular editorship of Fr. Aleš Ušeničnik (1868–1952) devoted hundreds of pages often penned by Ušeničnik himself or his close collaborators to wide-ranging discussions of vitalism, materialism and its implied social and societal consequences. Like their Czech counterparts Fr. Matěj Procházka (1811–1889) and Fr. Antonín LenzMaterialismMechanismDynamism (1829–1901), materialism was often conjoined with "pantheism" and immorality. In both the Czech and the Slovene cases, materialism was viewed as a deep theological problem, as it made the Catholic account of the transformation of the Eucharistic sacrifice into the real presence untenable. In the Czech case, materialism was often conjoined with “bestiality” (bestialnost) and radical politics, especially agrarianism, while in the case of Ušeničnik and Slovene writers, materialism was conjoined with “parliamentarianism” and “democracy.” There is too an unexamined dialogue on vitalism, materialism and pan-Slavism which needs to be explored.Writing in 1914 in a review of O bistvu življenja (Concerning the essence of life) by the controversial Croatian biologist Boris Zarnik) Ušeničnik underscored that vitalism was an speculative outlook because it left the field of positive science and entered the speculative realm of philosophy. Ušeničnik writes that it was “Too bad” that Zarnik “tackles” the question of vitalism, as his zoological opinions are interesting but his philosophy was not “successful”. Ušeničnik concluded that vitalism was a rather old idea, which belonged more to the realm of philosophy and Thomistic theology then biology. It nonetheless seemed to provide a solution for the particular characteristics of life, especially its individuality. It was certainly preferable to all the dangers that materialism presented. Likewise in the Czech case, Emmanuel Radl (1873–1942) spent much of his life extolling the virtues of vitalism, up until his death in home confinement during the Nazi Protectorate. Vitalism too became bound up in the late nineteenth century rediscovery of early modern philosophy, which became an essential part of the development of new scientific consciousness and linguistic awareness right before the First World War in the Czech lands. Thus, by comparing the reception of these ideas together in two countries separated by ‘nationality’ but bounded by religion and active engagement with French and German ideas (especially Driesch), we can reconstruct not only receptions of vitalism and materialism, but articulate their political and theological valances.
10
Tryma, Kateryna, and Natalia Salnikova. "The Influence of Religion on Political Parties of the European Union." In Advances in Hospitality, Tourism, and the Services Industry, 98–112. IGI Global, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-7998-5792-1.ch007.
Full textAbstract:
The chapter is aimed to carry out discourse analysis of theoretical approaches and documents that highlight the issues of transformation of party-political systems of the EU countries. The religious factor is one of the catalysts for changes in modern parties of the EU, which, being different in their ideological orientation, electoral base, and territorial character, are influenced by general development trends. An important result of the discourse analysis is the conclusion about the weakening of the traditional parties, which from the national level has become a tendency of the pan-European political process. The religious factor stimulates the formation of small parties, which performs a great role in the development of tourism in the EU. The small parties are considered to be the defenders of local cultural and religious identities. The specific position of small parties to the development of tourism is caused by the wish to follow the economic interest and by the need to defend the local identities.
Conference papers on the topic "Religion and politics – European Union countries"
1
Kolářová, Eva, and Blanka Jarolímová. "ANALYSIS OF TAX RELIEF FOR INDIVIDUALS IN THE EUROPEAN UNION COUNTRIES." In Fifth International Scientific-Business Conference LIMEN Leadership, Innovation, Management and Economics: Integrated Politics of Research. Association of Economists and Managers of the Balkans, Belgrade, Serbia, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.31410/limen.s.p.2019.53.
Full text
2
Kostadinović, Ivana, and Sunčica Stanković. "Comparative Analysis of the Development of the Small and Medium Enterprises Sector in the Republic of Serbia and the European Union." In Seventh International Scientific-Business Conference LIMEN Leadership, Innovation, Management and Economics: Integrated Politics of Research. Association of Economists and Managers of the Balkans, Belgrade, Serbia, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.31410/limen.2021.1.
Full textAbstract:
In modern conditions, developed market economies base their growth and development on the small and medium enterprises sector and entrepreneurship, as the most efficient segment of the economy, which provides the greatest contribution to employment, GDP and turnover. Since SMEs significantly contribute to employment, competitiveness and exports, developed countries have taken a systematic and organized approach to encourage their development and successful functioning. Following the example of developed countries, developing countries, are increasingly basing their economic growth and development on the SME sector. In the Republic of Serbia, at the beginning of the 21st century, institutional changes were implemented, which resulted in the improvement of the business environment and significant progress in building a system for encouraging and supporting the development of SMEs. The paper aims to, through comparative analysis, explain the development of the SME sector in the Republic of Serbia and the European Union.
3
Samardžić, Radovan. "LEADERSHIP AND MANAGEMENT OF INVESTMENT FUNDS OF MONTENEGRO AND OTHER COUNTRIES IN THE REGION IN TIMES OF THE INTEGRATION OF RESEARCH AND INNOVATION POLICY BEFORE THE IMPLEMENTATION OF NEW DIRECTIVES OF EUROPEAN UNION." In 4th International Scientific – Business Conference LIMEN 2018 – Leadership & Management: Integrated Politics of Research and Innovations. Association of Economists and Managers of the Balkans, Belgrade, Serbia et all, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.31410/limen.2018.650.
Full text
4
Nuhanović, Amra, and Jasmila Pašić. "United Europe – Yes, or no?" In 7th International e-Conference on Studies in Humanities and Social Sciences. Center for Open Access in Science, Belgrade, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.32591/coas.e-conf.07.05043n.
Full textAbstract:
In recent years, the European Union has been facing a number of challenges that it is finding it increasingly difficult to overcome. Most EU member states are facing a crisis of confidence in Europe and its institutions, and at the same time nationalist political parties and ideas are developing more and more, leading to a weakening of European solidarity. Eastern European countries weakened awareness of the collective interest. The common values that existed until then have become “diluted”, because different understandings of the nature of the state have emerged, as well as different views on international politics. At the same time, support for European integration among citizens has been declining, and fewer and fewer have seen membership as good and can bring significant benefits. Today, the idea of a united EU is in crisis and that is precisely the cause of the crisis the Union is facing.
5
Botseva, Desislava, Georgi Tsolov, and Nikola Tanakov. "SMART REGIONAL SPECIALIZATION - OPPORTUNITY OR OXYMORON OF THE DEVELOPMENT OF SMALL AND MEDIUM ENTERPRISES." In Sixth International Scientific-Business Conference LIMEN Leadership, Innovation, Management and Economics: Integrated Politics of Research. Association of Economists and Managers of the Balkans, Belgrade, Serbia, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.31410/limen.2020.121.
Full textAbstract:
The need to understand and characterize management approaches, especially in their modern context, is becoming particularly important, mostly to test small and medium-sized businesses' ability to adapt to modernization's high demands. According to the research team, several challenges generated by various constraints, external and internal to organizations of this type, are why they fail to reach their growth and development potential. However, such a statement must be a subjected to a severe analysis based on the methodology of a new, modern system of indicators to illustrate SMEs' real readiness and ability to be in line with development trends. The regional sector analysis successfully identifies the prerequisites for these enterprises' development and determines their specific regional potentials. The study analyzes the small and medium-sized enterprise sector in the Balkan countries and within the European Union. The research team identifies the predisposition for small and medium enterprises to regional specialization, application of innovations, technologies, entrepreneurial discoveries, digitalization and strategy, planning, and programming of a new generation.
6
Torlak, Sülün Evinç, and Bilsev Gürsan. "A Study on the Regional Development Agencies as Project Based Development Model." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c03.00472.
Full textAbstract:
Development concept, especially regional development concept has become the most important topic to even out the regional imbalances after the Second World War. The most important date has been after 1929, beginning with big crisis in the world. Regional development agencies which are the role of growth and development key have been established since the early of 1930’s, initially in America, and then in European Countries together with in some other Eastern Countries. Today, the key role of the development within the framework of ‘new development perception’ form the basis of project logic, in other words; project based development model which the agencies are intervening notably. This model is on the agenda, with the strong impact of regional and cohesion politics of European Union and takes the role excessively through grants and funds which development agencies are seen as the place of implementation of those policies. Many different sector-specific projects from infrastructure to protection of heritage, presented to the related authorities are being executed. Supported projects within grants and funds help people changing viewpoints; improve competences and direct people to act through project logic as well. This case carries the meaning of the strong impact of development by relieving the problems or needs through projects. In this study, some definitions related with development, development project examples to the published extent by European Commission and the case of the model that is very new to Turkey within project examples of development agencies have been examined using the comparative analysis method.
7
Kuru, Ahmet T. "CHANGING PERSPECTIVES ON ISLAMISM AND SECULARISM IN TURKEY: THE GÜLEN MOVEMENT AND THE AK PARTY." In Muslim World in Transition: Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/mmwz7057.
Full textAbstract:
The debate between secularists and Islamic groups, a conspicuous feature of Turkish politics for decades, changed in the late 1990s when the political discourse of mainstream Islamic groups embraced secularism. The establishment elite advocate the existing French model of an ‘assertive secularism’, meaning that, in the public domain, the state supports only the ex- pression of a secular worldview, and formally excludes religion and religious symbols from that domain. The pro-Islamic conservatives, on the other hand, favour the American model of ‘passive secularism’, in which the state permits the expression of religion in the public do- main. In short, what Turkey has witnessed over the last decade is no longer a tussle between secularism and Islamism, but between two brands of secularism. Two actors have played crucial roles in this transformation: the Gülen movement and the Justice and Development (AK) Party. Recently the Gülen movement became an international actor and a defendant of passive secularism. Similarly, although the AK Party was originated from an Islamist Milli Görüş (National Outlook) movement, it is now a keen supporter of Turkey’s membership to the European Union and defends (passive) secularist, democratic regime. This paper analyses the transformation of these important social and political actors with regard to certain structural conditions, as well as the interactions between them.In April 2007, the international media covered Turkey for the protest meetings of more than a million people in three major cities, the military intervention to politics, and the abortive presidential election. According to several journalists and columnists, Turkey was experienc- ing another phase of the ongoing tension between the secularists and Islamists. Some major Turkish newspapers, such as Hürriyet, were asserting that the secularists finally achieved to bring together millions of opponents of the ruling Adalet ve Kalkınma (Justice and Development) (AK) Party. In addition to their dominance in military and judicial bureauc- racy, the secularists appeared to be maintaining the support of the majority of the people. The parliamentary elections that took place few months later, in July, revealed that the main- stream Turkish media’s presentation was misleading and the so-called secularists’ aspira- tions were unrealistic. The AK Party received 47 percent of the national votes, an unusual ratio for a multiparty system where there were 14 contesting parties. The main opposition, Cumhuriyet Halk (Republican People’s) Party (CHP), only received 21 percent of the votes, despite its alliance with the other leftist party. Both the national and international media’s misleading presentation of Turkish politics was not confined by the preferences of the vot- ers. Moreover, the media was primarily misleading with its use of the terms “Islamists” and “secularists.” What Turkey has witnessed for the last decade has not been a struggle between secularism and Islamism; but it has been a conflict between two types of secularism. As I elaborated else- where, the AK Party is not an Islamist party. It defends a particular understanding of secular- ism that differs from that of the CHP. Although several leaders of the AK Party historically belonged to an Islamist -Milli Görüş (National Outlook)- movement, they later experienced an ideational transformation and embraced a certain type of secularism that tolerates public visibility of religion. This transformation was not an isolated event, but part of a larger expe- rience that several other Islamic groups took part in. I argue that the AKP leaders’ interaction with the Gülen movement, in this regard, played an important role in the formation of the party’s new perspective toward secularism. In another article, I analyzed the transformation of the AK Party and Gülen movement with certain external (globalization process) and internal (the February 28 coup) conditions. In this essay, I will focus on the interaction between these two entities to explore their changing perspectives. I will first discuss the two different types of secularism that the Kemalists and conservatives defend in Turkey. Then, I will briefly summarize diverse discourses of the Milli Görüş and Gülen movements. Finally, I will examine the exchanges between the Gülen movement and the AK Party with regard to their rethinking of Islamism and secularism.
8
Polcicova, Maria. "POLITICAL EDUCATION AS A NECESSARY PART OF AN EDUCATIONAL PROCESS IN A DEMOCRATIC SOCIETY." In NORDSCI Conference Proceedings. Saima Consult Ltd, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.32008/nordsci2021/b2/v4/27.
Full textAbstract:
"There is currently a noticeable increase in extremism, populism, hatred and intolerance in all EU countries, which are evoked by several political conflicts, social events (critical situation in Afghanistan, response to the COVID pandemic, conflict in Ukraine, migration from third countries etc.). Political education as an integral part of the educational process in schools, not only at the national level, we therefore naturally consider it one of the tools for promoting democratic tools in society. We also consider foreign language teaching to be one of the tools of political education. Within it, on the example of learning about important political events, which at the same time shaped the moral democratic values of the bearers of a given language, we can mediate a critical analysis of the way of life in a given developmental stage of society. The aim of our paper is to present the idea of the educational process as a driving force for the spread of democratic values on the example of foreign language teaching at our faculty. From the point of view of theoretical backgrounds, we define the very concept of political education on the example of several experts in the field of sociology, politics and education. In order to find out the current state of the concept of political education in the educational process at national and transnational level, we analyze the individual documents of the European Union. Throughout the post, we mainly use qualitative data, such as thematic analysis, to interpret patterns and meanings in the data and descriptive data."