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1

Bean, Clive. "The Forgotten Cleavage? Religion and Politics in Australia." Canadian Journal of Political Science 32, no. 3 (September 1999): 551–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900013962.

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AbstractIn Australia, religion historically has been seen as a secondary but nonetheless significant sociopolitical cleavage, in part cutting across the class divide. In recent times, Australian scholars, like those elsewhere, have been inclined to argue that the political significance of religion is a legacy of the past and that religion no longer plays an important role in shaping mass political behaviour. Although class is also said to have declined in political significance, it is still treated as being of some importance as a cornerstone of the party system. However, many scholars seem more willing to dismiss the relevance of religion altogether. Using sample survey data collected over more than 25 years, this article examines the role of religion in modern Australian electoral politics and assesses the adequacy of such arguments.
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2

Melleuish, Gregory. "Religion and Politics in Australia." Political Theology 11, no. 6 (December 15, 2010): 909–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/poth.v11i6.909.

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Barker, Renae. "Pluralism versus Separation: Tension in the Australian Church-State Relationship." Religion & Human Rights 16, no. 1 (March 23, 2021): 1–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18710328-bja10015.

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Abstract The relationship between the state and religion in Australia exists in a state of tension. On the one hand the “non-establishment” clause in section 116 of the Australian Constitution points to the separation of religion and state. On the other hand there is a high level of cooperation between the state and religion in the public sphere, most visible in the funding of religious schools by the federal government. These two visions of the Australian state-religion relationship are in tension. One requiring the removal of religion from the public sphere while the other calls for a plurality of religions to be accommodated in public spaces. This article seeks to resolve this tension by proposing a new way to understand the Australian state-religion relationship as non-establishment pluralism. Non-establishment in the sense that the Australian Constitution prohibits the establishment of any religion—be that a single state church, multiple state religions, or religion generally. Pluralism in that the state via ordinary legislation, public policy, and government action cooperates with religion in numerous areas of state and religious interest in the public sphere.
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4

Crabb, Anna. "Invoking Religion in Australian Politics." Australian Journal of Political Science 44, no. 2 (June 2009): 259–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10361140902862784.

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5

Smith, Marcus, and Peter Marden. "POLITICS, POLICY AND FAITH: THE CHRISTIAN RIGHT IN AUSTRALIA." POLITICS AND RELIGION JOURNAL 6, no. 2 (December 1, 2012): 303–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.54561/prj0602303s.

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In this paper we offer a critical assessment of the politics of the Christian Right and question the degree to which the religious values of the Christian Right are compatible with a democratic political culture. If religious values are equally political values making the separation of religious belief and political action a fraught exercise, then a number of issues arise. Political action inspired by religious faith should not prevent critical scrutiny of the underlying values, or more importantly, their influence in shaping public debate and public policy. If religious values are indeed political values, then do protections of freedom of religious expression privilege forms of faith-based politics over secular forms? And if so, to what end? We argue that a more nuanced analysis of the intersection of religion and politics is required to ensure that public politics is not threatened by particular forms of religious political activism that exhibit totalitarian tendencies. At the very least, close attention needs to be focused on particular policy advocates and the agenda they seek to advance with little accountability or transparency despite claims to represent the public interest. It is to these ends that this paper makes a contribution
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Hancock, Rosemary. "Religion in Coalition: Balancing Moderate and Progressive Politics in the Sydney Alliance." Religions 10, no. 11 (November 4, 2019): 610. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel10110610.

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This article examines how the engagement of diverse religious organisations and individuals in grassroots politics impacts the nature of politics and coalition building through a case study of an urban grassroots political coalition in Australia: the Sydney Alliance. Based on eight-months of exploratory ethnographic fieldwork in one campaign team, this article argues that whilst religious organisations bring significant symbolic and institutional resources to political coalitions, and can be flexible coalition partners, they tend to moderate both conservative and progressive political tendencies within a coalition and demand focused attention from organisers and leaders to manage the coalition dynamics. This article examines the way many religious activists understand their political action to be an inherent and necessary part of their religious practice: problematizing the characterisation common in much social science literature that religious engagement in more progressive politics primarily serves political, and not religious, ends. In doing so, it shows how political action can be directed both outward towards the work, and inward towards the ‘church’.
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7

Humphrey, Michael. "Islam, immigrants and the state: Religion and cultural politics in Australia." Islam and Christian–Muslim Relations 1, no. 2 (December 1990): 208–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09596419008720935.

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8

Simpson, Brian. "New Labor, new censorship? Politics, religion and internet filtering in Australia." Information & Communications Technology Law 17, no. 3 (October 2008): 167–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13600830802472982.

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9

Tjandra, Jonathan. "Rationalising religion: The role of religion and conscience in Australian politics." ANU Undergraduate Research Journal 8 (August 1, 2017): 93–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.22459/aurj.08.2016.08.

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Kumari, Pariksha. "Reconstructing Aboriginal History and Cultural Identity through Self Narrative: A Study of Ruby Langford’s Autobiography Don‘t Take Your Love to Town." SMART MOVES JOURNAL IJELLH 8, no. 12 (December 28, 2020): 128–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.24113/ijellh.v8i12.10866.

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The last decades of previous century has witnessed the burgeoning of life narratives lending voice to the oppressed, dispossessed, and the colonized marginalities of race, class or gender across the world. A large number of autobiographical and biographical narratives that have appeared on the literary scene have started articulating their ordeals and their struggle for survival. The Aboriginals in Australia have started candidly articulating their side of story, exposing the harassment and oppression of their people in Australia. These oppressed communities find themselves sandwiched and strangled under the mainstream politics of multiculturalism, assimilation and secularism. The present paper seeks to analyze how life writing serves the purpose of history in celebrated Australian novelist, Aboriginal historian and social activist Ruby Langford’s autobiographical narrative, Don’t Take Your Love to Town. The Colonial historiography of Australian settlement has never accepted the fact of displacement and eviction of the Aboriginals from their land and culture. The whites systematically transplanted Anglo-Celtic culture and identity in the land of Australia which was belonged to the indigenous for centuries. Don’t Take Your Love to Town reconstructs the debate on history of the colonial settlement and status of Aboriginals under subsequent government policies like reconciliation, assimilation and multiculturalism. The paper is an attempt to gaze the assimilation policy adopted by the state to bring the Aboriginals into the mainstream politics and society on the one hand, and the regular torture, exploitation and cultural degradation of the Aboriginals recorded in the text on the other. In this respect the paper sees how Langford encounters British history of Australian settlement and the perspectives of Australian state towards the Aboriginals. The politics of mainstream culture, religion, race and ethnicity, which is directly or indirectly responsible for the condition of the Aboriginals, is also the part of discussion in the paper.
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Cowen, Robert. "Re-thinking comparative education and religion: temptations, traditions, and politics." Revista Española de Educación Comparada, no. 33 (January 25, 2019): 28. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/reec.33.2019.22229.

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This article opens by refusing some traditional ways to approach the theme of comparative education and religion-and-education. Partly, this is because some topics, in terms of religion and education, have been well covered. More generally, there is an explicit refusal of the clichéd assumption that ‘comparative education articles’ compare (e.g. education systems in Argentina and Australia, or in Brazil and Bolivia; and so on), juxtaposing narratives on any-old-topic which interests the writer, provided the narratives are about two or more different countries. Fortunately, some current changes in the ‘epistemic gaze’ of comparative education create new levels of theoretical difficulty and permit a break from the classic political equilibrium problem of the liberal secular state juggling education policy choices and juggling competing religious groups. Starting from a different axiom, a sketch of new possibilities is offered. The sketch is theoretically clumsy but it opens up a strategically different way to tell comparative education stories, of the kind which traditionally we have not tried to tell. The conclusion of the article makes a guess about why religion and education might again become a major topic in comparative education.
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Austin, Denise A., David Perry, and Stephen Fogarty. "Politics and Pentecostalism in Australia." Pneuma 44, no. 1 (March 21, 2022): 100–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700747-bja10009.

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Abstract Pentecostalism and politics are, for better or worse, no strangers. In 2018, Scott Morrison became the first pentecostal prime minister in the history of Australia and, possibly, in the English-speaking world. He then led the Liberal Party to a resounding election victory in 2019. As a result, Morrison was dubbed the “Miracle Man” after his acceptance speech referred to divine intervention in the electoral results. Since then, there has been regular, negative speculation on links between Morrison’s pentecostal faith and policy positions. This article provides a counterposition that several elements of the pentecostal worldview have the potential for positive impact in politics and may explain aspects of Morrison’s electoral success. We argue that Morrison effectively leveraged his pentecostal experience and convictions to advantage through strong leadership, practical pragmatism, marketing acumen, and a narrative of hope. Here, in a morass of indecision and “policy-free” political elites, was someone who believed in something.
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Evans, Carolyn. "Religion as Politics not Law: the Religion Clauses in the Australian Constitution1." Religion, State and Society 36, no. 3 (September 2008): 283–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09637490802260369.

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Perales, Francisco, and Gary Bouma. "Religion, religiosity and patriarchal gender beliefs: Understanding the Australian experience." Journal of Sociology 55, no. 2 (August 1, 2018): 323–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1440783318791755.

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This study examines diversity in how different religious groups and people with different levels of religiosity see the value and roles of women in Australian society through an examination of their gender beliefs. This addresses a significant gap in knowledge in the Australian scholarship in religious diversity and the impact of religion in family life. Understanding the relationships between religious identity and patriarchal gender attitudes is critical to understanding certain contemporary social problems, such as the links between religion and domestic violence, and devising appropriate intervention. The analyses rely on high-quality panel data from a national sample, the Household, Income and Labour Dynamics in Australia Survey. Identifying with a religion is associated with stronger patriarchal attitudes, but there is remarkable heterogeneity in attitudes across religious groups. Higher religiosity is associated with stronger patriarchal beliefs. Differences in patriarchal beliefs between religious and non-religious people in Australia increased between 2005 and 2015.
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Casiño, Tereso Catiil. "Winds of change in the church in Australia." Review & Expositor 115, no. 2 (May 2018): 214–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0034637318761358.

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The history of Christianity in Australia had a humble but rich beginning. Its early foundations were built on the sacrifices and hard work of individuals and groups who, although bound by their oath to expand and promote the Crown, showed concern for people who did not share their religious beliefs and norms. Australia provided the Church with an almost unparalleled opportunity to advance the gospel. By 1901, Christianity emerged as the religion of over 90% of the population. Church growth was sustained by a series of revival occurrences, which coincided with momentous social and political events. Missionary work among the aboriginal Australians accelerated. As the nation became wealthier, however, Christian values began to erode. In the aftermath of World War II, new waves of immigrants arrived. When Australia embraced multiculturalism, society slid into pluralism. New players emerged within Christianity, e.g., the Pentecostals and Charismatics. Technological advancement and consumerism impacted Australian society and the Church. By 2016, 30% of the national population claimed to have “no religion.” The Australian Church today navigates uncharted waters wisely and decisively as the winds of change continue to blow across the dry, barren spiritual regions of the nation.
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Bush, Martin. "The Proctor-Parkes Incident: Politics, Protestants and Popular Astronomy in Australia in 1880." Historical Records of Australian Science 28, no. 1 (2017): 26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/hr17001.

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Henry Parkes' intervention to placate the Sabbatarian movement and prevent British astronomer Richard Proctor from delivering an astronomical lecture on Sunday 5 September 1880 created a major controversy in the Australian colonies. Controversy had been central to much of Proctor's success, and in this case drew on a long-standing connection between astronomy and religion. An examination of the Proctor-Parkes incident shows how popular science works in culture by drawing on and sustaining the analogical connections between scientific ideas and broader cultural concerns.
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Zuhroh, Ni'matuz. "PERILAKU SOSIAL BUDAYA POLITIK DAN AKTIVITAS RELIGI MASYARAKAT INDONESIA." J-PIPS (Jurnal Pendidikan Ilmu Pengetahuan Sosial) 1, no. 1 (December 30, 2014): 35. http://dx.doi.org/10.18860/j-pips.v1i1.6811.

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<p>In order to achieve the authority cannot be separated from political culture in society, political culture according Ranney, there are two main components of political culture, namely cognitive orientations and affective orientations. Meanwhile, Almond and Verba more comprehensive reference on what formulated by Parson and Shils about classification of orientation types, that political culture contains three components as follows: cognitive orientation, affective orientation, and evaluative. In Indonesia also has various religions including Islam, Christian, Hindu, Buddha, and Konghucu. Sometimes, some people believe to witchcraft. Belief /religion of Indonesia people star from the simplest, for example fetishism, animism, pragmatism, and totemism. Belief and religion do not look traditional and modern societies even in Australia, America, and Africa totemism is a system that occupies the position as a religion and become the basis of social organization. J.G. Frezer in Totemism and Exogamy (1910)</p><p>Keywords: Political culture, System of Religion, and Witchcraft</p>
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18

O'Toole, John Mitchell. "Religion, Politics, Science and Bureaucracy: An Australian Science Curriculum?" Journal of Christian Education os-54, no. 2 (September 2011): 19–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002196571105400203.

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19

Jiang, Liang. "Does Religious Attendance Increase Immigrant Political Participation?: A Case Study in Australia." Politics and Religion 10, no. 2 (March 6, 2017): 440–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048317000049.

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AbstractThe relationship between religion and immigrant political participation has not been rigorously investigated in the literature set in Australia. In this study, I test whether religious attendance influences electoral and non-electoral participation among immigrants. Drawing on data from the 2013 Australian Election Study, I demonstrate that the impact of religious attendance on political participation may be overstated. I find that religious attendance is not significantly related to electoral and non-electoral participation among immigrants in Australia. This result may relate to three factors: the ability of religious attendance to affect immigrants’ key political resources; competition between religious and secular organizations; and the political salience of particular religious denominations within the Australian context. This study does not provide the much sought-after empirical confirmation to associational theories of political participation, but instead sounds a note of caution about the universal applicability of such theories.
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Monteath, Peter. "Globalising German Anthropology: Erhard Eylmann in Australia." Itinerario 37, no. 1 (April 2013): 29–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115313000247.

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The German presence in nineteenth-century South Australia is associated primarily with the immigration of Prussian Lutherans escaping religious persecution in their homeland. Their settlement in the fledgling British colony aided its early, stuttering development; in the longer term it also fitted neatly South Australia's perception of itself as a “paradise of dissent.” These Germans took their religion seriously, none more so than the Lutheran missionaries who committed themselves to bringing the Gospel to the indigenous people of the Adelaide plains and, eventually, much further afield as well. In reality, however, the story of the German contribution to the history of this British colony extended far beyond these pious Lutherans. Among those who followed in their wake, whether as settlers or travellers, were Germans of many different backgrounds, who made their way to the Antipodes for a multitude of reasons. In South Australia as much as anywhere, globalising Germany was a multi-facetted project.The intellectual gamut of Germans in South Australia is nowhere more evident than in the realm of anthropology. The missionaries were not alone in displaying a keen interest in the Australian Aborigines. Anthropologists steeped in the empirical tradition that came to dominate the nascent discipline at the end of the nineteenth century also turned their attention to Australia. Indeed, in Germany and elsewhere, Australia occupied a special position in international discourse. The American anthropologist Lewis Henry Morgan had observed in 1880 that Australian aboriginal societies “now represent the condition of mankind in savagery better than it is elsewhere represented on the earth—a condition now rapidly passing away.”
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Maddox, Marion. "Religion, Secularism and the Promise of Public Theology." International Journal of Public Theology 1, no. 1 (2007): 82–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156973207x194501.

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AbstractThe phrase 'religion and politics' conjures unsettling images of fiery-eyed zealots, in Protestant America or the Muslim Middle-East. Such religiously-inspired political activity is usually assumed to be a feature of societies where religion is prominent in national and cultural life. The presumed antidote, particularly from a European point of view, has been secularization: surely, if people in general cared less about religion, religious politics would fade from public life and its threatened disruptions would disappear. This view rests too much on historical specificities. Very secular societies can foster their own varieties of religious extremism, entering the public square in ways which are covert rather than overt, but no less unsettling for that. Very secular societies also pose searching questions for those wishing to develop theologically-based contributions to such societies' public debate. What legitimacy can a theologically-based contribution claim where Christianity commands no automatic attention? How should theologically-grounded voices pitch themselves in order to be heard, without succumbing to either (a) nostalgia for a time when Christian/Christendom assumptions could enter the public sphere uncontested or (b) covert hegemonic aspirations? Recent Australian politics provides a case study of both pitfalls and prospects.
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Barker, Renae. "The Place of the Child in Recent Australian Debate about Freedom of Religion and Belief." Laws 11, no. 6 (November 17, 2022): 83. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/laws11060083.

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Political and legal debate about freedom of religion and belief (FoRB) in Australia has intensified since the same-sex marriage postal survey in 2017. Central to this debate has been children, their parents and institutions (Schools). This paper outlines the place of children in the Australian FoRB since 2017, focusing on the same-sex marriage postal survey debate and subsequent reviews into FoRB. In particular, it highlights the links drawn between same-sex marriage or marriage equality and the Safe School Coalition Australia campaign, the emphasis on parental rights in relation to education about marriage in schools, and the ongoing debate about potential reform to Australia’s suite of anti-discrimination laws, including the failed federal Religious Discrimination Bill.
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BLACK, Alan W. "Religion and Environmentally Protective Behaviour in Australia." Social Compass 44, no. 3 (September 1997): 401–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/003776897044003007.

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Mayrl, Damon. "How Does the State Structure Secularization?" European Journal of Sociology 56, no. 2 (August 2015): 207–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003975615000119.

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AbstractWhy do similar modern nations accord religion different roles in their public institutions? This paper engages this question by examining trends in religious instruction in the public schools of the United States and Australia from 1850 to 1950. I find that American education secularized farther and faster than Australian education because of its decentralized system of educational administration. In the United States, decentralized educational administration facilitated challenges to religious exercises by religious minorities, fostered professional development among educators, and allowed novel educational practices oriented in new educational theories rather than religion to spread. In Australia, by contrast, centralized state control over education insulated majoritarian religious exercises from minority criticism, suppressed professional development, and helped maintain traditional educational practices that sustained religious instruction. The state thus has both mediating and constitutive effects on secularization, a finding which opens new directions for research into the dynamics of secularization.
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Possamai, Adam, and Alphia Possamai-Inesedy. "The Baha'i faith and Caodaism." Journal of Sociology 43, no. 3 (September 2007): 301–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1440783307080108.

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In Australia, new immigrant and ethnic communities constitute the largest segment of the phenomenon of increasing religious diversity and change. These groups celebrate and maintain a way of life and a religious culture from elsewhere, but they are also working in Australian society: not just resisting pressures for assimilation, but helping members to translate the norms and values of their land of origin into the new Australian context. In this process, a de-secularization of the world at both local and global levels occurs; indeed, while offering support to migrants, these groups offer a site of `cultural security' to them and simultaneously promote and diffuse their religion in Australia's public sphere. This article focuses on the Baha'i faith and Caodaism; two groups with an ever-increasing growth in the Western world, and an involvement at local, national and international levels. The research shows that these two groups have had different measures of success in Australia, highlighting the fact that the de-secularization process does not have the same intensity among these groups. This article aims at finding the reason behind this difference of intensity.
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Miller, William Watts. "The ‘Revelation’ in Durkheim's Sociology of Religion." Durkheimian Studies 26, no. 1 (December 1, 2022): 159–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ds.2022.260107.

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Abstract What was the nature of the ‘revelation’ and of the appreciation of William Robertson Smith that, in 1907, Émile Durkheim dated to 1895? This article tracks new developments in his thought after 1895, including an emphasis on creative effervescence. But there was also continuity, involving a search for origins that used the ethnology of a living culture to identify early human socioreligious life with totemism in Australia. It is this continuity, at the core of his thought after 1895, which helps to bring out the nature of his ‘revelation’ and of his homage to Robertson Smith. It also highlights a problem with his start from an already complex Australian world, yet without a suitable evolutionary perspective available to him. However, a modern re-reading can reinstate Durkheim's interest in origins, in a story of hominin/human evolution over millions of years.
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Halafoff, Anna, Kim Lam, Cristina Rocha, Enqi Weng, and Sue Smith. "Buddhism in the Far North of Australia pre-WWII: (In)visibility, Post-colonialism and Materiality." Journal of Global Buddhism 23, no. 2 (December 8, 2022): 105–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.26034/lu.jgb.2022.1995.

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Buddhism was first established in Australia through flows of migrants in the mid-nineteenth century, and is currently Australia’s fourth-largest religion. Yet Buddhists have received significantly less scholarly attention than Christians, Jews and Muslims in Australia. Previous research conducted on Buddhism in Australia has also largely centered on the southern states, and on white Buddhists. This article shares findings of archival research on Buddhism in the far north of Australia, focused on Chinese, Japanese, and Sri Lankan communities working in mining, pearling, and sugar cane industries, pre-WWII. It documents the histories of exclusion, resistance and belonging experienced by Australia’s Buddhists in the far north of Australia pre-WWII, during times of colonial oppression and Japanese internment. In so doing, this article challenges dominant narratives of a white Christian Australia, and also of white Buddhism in Australia, by rendering Asian communities in scholarship on religion in Australia more visible.
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Musharraf, Muhammad Nabeel, and Basheer Ahmad Dars. "ECLIPSES, MYTHOLOGY, AND ISLAM." Al-Duhaa 2, no. 02 (September 15, 2021): 01–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.51665/al-duhaa.002.02.0077.

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Comparative religion is a field of study through which views of various religions about a particular topic or sets of topics can be collated, interpreted, and systematically compared for attaining useful insights and broadening the understanding of religious beliefs, behaviors, and actions [i]. The current research furthers the study of comparative religion by elaborating the conceptions or myths related to eclipses as found in various religions and cultures in the world. Written as a narrative literature review, it aims to collate these conceptions and opinions for comparative analysis. In this paper, we have studied the ‘myths’ and ‘mythology’ of the religions and cultures spread across Australia, Asia, the Americas, Europe, Africa, and the Middle East. It is found that some common themes exist in the beliefs held by various people and religions. However, if we compare these themes with each other, they are found to be considerably different indicating that they have not come from a common source; people have been creating them at various points in history. However, very different to them is the Islamic perspective on the topic. It profoundly differs from the conceptions held in other religions. It does not say that the eclipses are caused by some giant creature eating up the sun, or because of the sun being imprisoned, or because of a fight between some ‘gods’, and so on. It rather explains them as a phenomenon of nature that invites reflection and pondering. This raises a very important question to ponder upon: Why did Islam not adopt any myths to explain the concept of eclipse unlike any other religion even though it could use them for its benefit? This paper answers it by explaining the nature and objective of the Prophet of Islam and the source of his knowledge which was that very Creator who created the sun and the moon and everything else. Another important point that the current research highlights is that there is an inseparable connection between the fields of history, science, religion, politics, culture, and psychology; none of them can be separated from each other if one wishes to obtain a holistic understanding of this topic as well as many other matters of the past, present, and future.
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Pepper, Miriam, and Rosemary Leonard. "Climate Change, Politics and Religion: Australian Churchgoers’ Beliefs about Climate Change." Religions 7, no. 5 (May 5, 2016): 47. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel7050047.

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Carey, Hilary M., and Anne O'Brien. "God's Willing Workers: Women and Religion in Australia." Labour History, no. 91 (2006): 217. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27516171.

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Openshaw, Kathleen. "The Universal Church of the Kingdom of God in Australia: A church of non-Brazilian migrants." Social Compass 68, no. 2 (April 21, 2021): 231–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00377686211001028.

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The Universal Church of the Kingdom of God (UCKG) is a Brazilian neo-Pentecostal megachurch. Over the past 40 years, it has established branches in over 100 countries among the economically and socially marginalised. This holds true in Australia, where congregants are disenfranchised migrants from diverse ethnic backgrounds and (former) refugees. Drawing on 2 years of ethnographic research in the UCKG’s Australian headquarters, this article explores why a Brazilian church, with a seemingly disagreeable character, attracts a multicultural migrant congregation in Australia. I argue that the UCKG is attractive to these congregants because it provides a space where its followers’ ethnicity is accepted; its cosmovision is easily translated to its congregation’s diverse spiritual sensibilities; and it offers ‘pioneering techniques’ to overcome life obstacles for those on the margins of Australian society. This work contributes to scholarly literature concerning Brazilian religiosity outside of Brazil, and the role religion plays in migrant settlement.
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Hausner, Sondra L. "From India to Australia and Back Again." Durkheimian Studies 23, no. 1 (July 1, 2017): 128–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ds.2017.230108.

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This article argues that, although we think of Australian tribal ritual as Durkheim’s source material for his masterwork The Elementary Forms of Religious Life, we must also consider the extensive Indological scholarship on which he draws – and with which he debates – as critical inspirations for the text. His extensive engagement with his nephew, Marcel Mauss, whose earlier work, Sacrifice, with Henri Hubert, was premised on an analysis of Vedic ritual, would have been one source for his study of religion writ large; Elementary Forms also takes up in detail the work of Max Müller, among other Indologists, whose work was well known and widely engaged with in the French and broader European intellectual context of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. This article argues that the Indological comparative lens was key to Durkheim’s own approach as he worked to articulate the relationship between religion and society; in contrast to the philologists, he argued for the primacy of practice over language in ritual action.
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Melville, Catriona. "Abortion care in Australasia: A matter of health, not politics or religion." Australian and New Zealand Journal of Obstetrics and Gynaecology 62, no. 2 (April 2022): 187–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/ajo.13501.

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Dar, Showkat Ahmad. "Naser Ghobadzadeh, Religious Secularity: A Theological Challenge to the Islamic State." ICR Journal 7, no. 1 (January 15, 2016): 144–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.52282/icr.v7i1.294.

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This book is an important - though controversial - addition to the discourse surrounding Islamic political thought. It traces its lineage to the debate advocating a separation of religion and politics. By putting this politico-religious discourse into a new oxymoronic term, ‘religious secularity’, the author attempts to construct another theological challenge to the concept of an Islamic state. Hailing from Iran, Dr. Naser Ghobadzadeh (currently a Research Fellow at the Institute for Social Justice, the Australian Catholic University), examines Islamic politico-religious discourse in the context of his homeland. Briefly reviewing the political struggles Muslims have faced during the second half of the twentieth century while trying to fulfil their aspirations of establishing an Islamic state, he attempts to describe the parallel Iranian quest for a democratic secular state. Being aware of the varied definitions and understandings of the term ‘secularism’, he intentionally uses the term ‘secularity’ to clarify the distinction between the emerging discourse in Iran and the conventional understanding of secularism as a global paradigm. This discourse, according to the author, was first developed following a series of articles written by Abdulkarim Soroush in 1989, in which the latter emphasized a separation of religion from religious knowledge (p.25). The author ignores, however, the Sunni scholar, Shaykh Ali Abdul Raziq, who, in his book entitled al-Islam wa usul al-Hukm (1925), held the same view. This might be because of the author’s focus on Shi'ite political thought.
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Linder, Robert D. "Monarchy, Religion and the State: Civil Religion in the United Kingdom, Canada, Australia and the Commonwealth." Journal of Church and State 58, no. 1 (January 23, 2016): 168–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jcs/csv081.

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Bellanta, Melissa. "A Hard Culture? Religion and Politics in Turn-of-the-Century Australian History." Australian Journal of Politics & History 56, no. 1 (March 2010): 55–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.2010.01541.x.

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Kersten, Carool. "Islam in History and Politics." American Journal of Islam and Society 25, no. 1 (January 1, 2008): 126–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v25i1.1499.

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This collection of essays consists primarily of the output of Australia’s firstmajor conference on SouthAsian Islam, held in 1996.Most of the contributionsto this somewhat delayed volume, then, were written by scholars working in the Australian and New Zealand academe. Editor Asim Roy has triedto close the intervening decade with an at times polemical introductionfocusing on the Islamophobia that has been rising steadily since the conferencewas held.The book opens with Francis Robinson’s conference keynote address. Aprofessor at Royal Holloway in London and former president of the RoyalAsiatic Society, Robinson is one of the most prominent scholars on (early)modern Islam in South Asia. His presentation discusses the shift from an“other-worldly” to a “this-world Islam” and the consequences that thisinward turn had for the individual Muslim’s sense of responsibility. As theulama lost their monopoly on the interpretation of Islam in this process,reformists and modernists – and Muslim women in particular – were allthrown back on their own devices for re-evaluating the role of religion inwhat had become, to a large extent, a disenchanted world ...
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Prenzler, Tim. "Recent Writing on the History of Religion in Australia: A Critique." Australian Journal of Politics & History 41 (June 28, 2008): 139–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.1995.tb01085.x.

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Lee, Yoonmi. "Religion, modernity and politics: colonial education and the Australian mission in Korea, 1910–1941." Paedagogica Historica 52, no. 6 (October 7, 2016): 596–613. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00309230.2016.1237530.

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Kolig, Erich. "Legitimising Belief: Identity Politics, Utility, Strategies of Concealment, and Rationalisation in Australian Aboriginal Religion." Australian Journal of Anthropology 14, no. 2 (August 2003): 209–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1835-9310.2003.tb00231.x.

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41

Parker, Lyn, and Chang-Yau Hoon. "Secularity, Religion and the Possibilities for Religious Citizenship." Asian Journal of Social Science 41, no. 2 (2013): 150–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685314-12341296.

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Abstract Scholarly predictions of the secularization of the world have proven premature. We see a heterogeneous world in which religion remains a significant and vital social and political force. This paper reflects critically upon secularization theory in order to see how scholars can productively respond to the, at least partly, religious condition of the world at the beginning of the twenty first century. We note that conventional multiculturalism theory and policy neglects religion, and argue the need for a reconceptualization of understanding of religion and secularity, particularly in a context of multicultural citizenship — such as in Australia and Indonesia. We consider the possibilities for religious pluralism in citizenship and for “religious citizenship”. Finally, we propose that religious citizenship education might be a site for fostering a tolerant and enquiring attitude towards religious diversity.
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O’Sullivan, Dominic. "Reconciliation as Public Theology: Christian Thought in Comparative Indigenous Politics." International Journal of Public Theology 8, no. 1 (February 4, 2014): 5–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15697320-12341327.

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AbstractChristian public theology extends reconciliation beyond its principal sacramental concern for relationships between God and penitent to the construction of ‘socially just’ public relationships for the settlement of intra-national conflict. In theological terms, reconciliation brings public relationships into what Hally calls ‘the Christ narrative of passion, death and resurrection’ in which the perpetrators of injustice repent and seek forgiveness. This article introduces the conflicts that these discourses aim to resolve in Australia, Fiji and New Zealand and explains and contrasts reconciliation’s relative importance in each of these jurisdictions. Moreover, the article’s cross-jurisdictional comparison shows reconciliation’s limits and possibilities as public theology, and argues that in Australia and New Zealand it has helped to create political environments willing to admit indigenous perspectives on a range of policy issues. On the contrary, however, the article also shows that the Fijian churches have distorted the concept of reconciliation to support political imperatives that are difficult to rationalize theologically, even though they are presented by the churches as being concerned with religious goals.
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North, Sue. "Privileged knowledge, privileged access: early universities in Australia." History of Education Review 45, no. 1 (June 6, 2016): 88–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/her-04-2014-0028.

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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to show that Australia’s first two universities were connected to class status. It challenges the idea that these universities extended the “educational franchise” at their outset, by interrogating the characteristics of the student population in comparison with the characteristics of the population in the colonies. It looks at the curricula within the university system to show it is always “interested”, never neutral – it may be unique to the social, cultural, political and economic location of each university, but ultimately it benefits those who hold power in these locations. Design/methodology/approach – This research involves empirical analysis of characteristics of university students in Australia in the 1850s, including country of birth, religion, age, previous education and fathers’ occupation, as well as population demographics from the censuses that took place in the colonies of NSW and Victoria at that time. It also involves an analysis of the sociology of knowledge in nineteenth century Australian universities in light of this empirical data. Findings – Socio-political influences on the establishment of the first universities in Australia highlight the power of conferring legitimacy to particular areas of knowledge and to whom this knowledge was made available. Research limitations/implications – The research is limited to using the student data for the first three years of enrolment because in order to make comparisons between the student population and the population of the colonies, the student data needed to be from a time as close to the population census as possible. The Sydney census was in 1851, so student data from the University of Sydney was 1852-1854. The Melbourne census was in 1854, so student data from the University of Melbourne was 1855-1857. Originality/value – Australian historiography suggests that early universities in Australia were open to all, regardless of background. This paper challenges this orthodoxy through empirical findings and theoretical analysis.
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Stuart, John, and Ian Welch. "William Henry Fitchett: Methodist, Englishman, Australian, Imperialist." Social Sciences and Missions 21, no. 1 (2008): 57–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187489408x308037.

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AbstractHistorians of colonial Australia have long been fascinated by the effects of religious change on urban New South Wales and Victoria in the last quarter of the nineteenth century. This period, it is generally acknowledged, was one of evangelical revival amongst Anglicans and nonconformists alike. Well known (and sometimes world-renowned) evangelists from Great Britain and the United States invariably included cities such as Sydney and Melbourne on their international itineraries. But the local evangelical presence was strong; and this article focuses on William Henry Fitchett, a Melbourne-based evangelical Methodist clergyman who has largely escaped the attention of historians of religion. The reason he has done so is because he achieved fame in a rather different field: as a popular author of imperial histories and biographies. His published works sold in the hundreds of thousands. Yet he also wrote many serious works on religious matters. This article places Fitchett in the context of evangelical mission and revival within and beyond Australia, while also paying due attention to the influence of religion on his writing career. Les historiens de l'Australie coloniale ont longtemps été fascinés par les effets des transformations religieuses dans le monde urbain de New South Wales et Victoria durant le dernier quart du 19e siècle. Cette période est généralement considérée comme ayant été celle d'un Réveil évangélique parmi les Anglicans et les non-conformistes. Des évangélistes connus (et parfois mondialement connus) venus de Grande Bretagne et des Etats-Unis incluaient invariablement dans leurs périples internationaux des villes comme Sydney et Melbourne. Mais la présence évangélique locale était aussi forte, et cet article se concentre sur un pasteur de l'Eglise Méthodiste évangélique basé à Melbourne, William Henry Fitchett, qui a largement échappé à l'attention des historiens de la religion. La raison en est qu'il s'est rendu célèbre dans un domaine autre que religieux, à savoir comme auteur populaire d'histoires et biographies impériales. Les travaux qu'il a publiés se sont vendus par centaines de milliers d'exemplaires, mais il a aussi écrit des œuvres sérieuses sur des questions de religion. Le présent article replace Fitchett dans le contexte de la mission évangélique et du Réveil en Australie et au-delà, tout en se penchant sur la question de l'influence de la religion sur sa carrière d'auteur.
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Mansouri, Fethi. "ISLAM AND MUSLIMS IN AUSTRALIA: THE SOCIAL EXPERIENCES OF EARLY SETTLEMENT AND THE POLITICS OF CONTEMPORARY RACE RELATIONS." POLITICS AND RELIGION JOURNAL 14, no. 1 (March 30, 2020): 127–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.54561/prj1401127m.

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“Hello, brother” were the last words uttered by Haji-Daoud Nabi, an elderly man who opened the doors of a Christchurch mosque in New Zealand in March 2019. Moments later, he was shot down and killed in a brutal terrorist attack carried out by an Australian white supremacist. This recent tragedy captures the increasingly precarious position that Muslims in the West presently occupy that is no longer confined to discursive racialization and verbal abuse, but is now starting to become a life and death challenge, quite literally. The Christchurch mosque attacks occurred in a local and global context of persisting Islamophobia and rising far-right nationalist fringe groups entering the mainstream in Australia and elsewhere. This paper discusses contemporary attitudes towards Islam and Muslim Australians through an examination of the historical context for the settlement of Muslims communities in Australia from the early days of the nineteenth century to the contemporary era, which has seen a more diversified migration from many parts of the Muslim world. The paper discusses the critical factors that shaped this migration and examines the contemporary social experiences of Muslim Australians in a global context of hyper-securitized agendas often connecting Islam and Muslims to extreme violent ideologies.
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Lim, Tania, Terence Lee, and Weiyu Zhang. "Editorial and Critical Reflections on the future of identity moments and social media in China and beyond." Global Media and China 5, no. 3 (September 2020): 215–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2059436420939322.

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This Special Issue of Global Media and China responds in part to Stuart Hall’s famous 1996 invocation, ‘Who needs identity?’ – to study ‘specific enunciative strategies’ utilized within ‘specific modalities of power’ so as to consider identity discourses of the present and of the future. This issue draws upon empirical observations presented and debated at the 2019 Chinese Internet Research Conference held in Singapore in May 2019, as well as theoretical contributions in identity politics and social media, the chosen site or ‘modality of power’. This editorial and critical essay reflects upon, complemented and supported by the papers in this issue, the critical and conceptual frameworks that are emerging to critique the global and local complexities, diversity and dynamics resulting from the deeper integration of social media into the everyday lives of Chinese Internet users. It presents an overview of the 2019 Chinese Internet Research Conference proceedings in terms of how social media is used to wrap personal politics into a widening range of identity groupings around gender, class, citizens, pop culture and religion in ways that signal the future of newer forms of identity politics among Internet users in China. Since social media posts and exchanges, while geographically sourced and situated, often transcend their boundaries, the arguments presented here goes beyond China and are global. The shareability of identity mediated by individual, state and public discourses on social and ‘anti-social’ media during the COVID-19 pandemic within China, Singapore and Australia leads to novel ways of understanding identity politics in globalizing China and strategic uses of Chinese identity.
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Kovalchuk, Andriy, and Andriy Man’ko. "Paganism in Ukraine as a potential for the development of religious tourism." Visnyk of the Lviv University. Series Geography, no. 52 (June 27, 2018): 132–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vgg.2018.52.10179.

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An artificial term “pagan” is used to denote someone who believes in his/her authentic religion different from Abrahamic religions: Judaism, Christianity, and Islam. There are 400–500 millions of pagans in the world. They are divided into such groups: 1) aboriginal or autochthonous cults are widespread mostly among indigenous peoples of Asia, Africa, America, Australia and Oceania, and have not only deep historical roots, but also have kept the polytheistic religious worldview of their ethnos; 2) representatives of “vernacular” paganism, which combines some elements of ancient beliefs (magic, cult of nature, cult of ancestors, fortune telling etc.) with a specific Abrahamic religion; 3) groups of supporters of healthy lifestyle and living well in the harmony with nature, pagan religions characterized by substantial syncretism with environment-oriented teachings; 4) religious denominations, which combine an autochthonous religion of its people with its current political aims. Overall paganism is one of the least aggressive religions in the world. Ukrainian pagans (Ridnovirs, rodovirs (Slavic Native Faith)) have approximately 120 communities in all regions of Ukraine. The biggest amount of them is concentrated in Vinnytska, Khmelnytska, Zaporizka, Dnipropetrovska, Poltavska, Lvivska oblasts and the city of Kyiv. There are no foreigners among all clerics-pagans, which is unusual for most Ukrainian denominations. Paganism is an indigenous religion of the Ukrainians, which stands up for the authenticity of our society and country. According to our calculations, there are more than 100 pagan sacred places in Ukraine: ancient and functional, more or less preserved and managed, attractive for tourists. Podillia, Podniprovia, the Carpathians, Pollissia are characterized by the greatest concentration of pagan sacred sites - places of worship of anthropogenic and natural origin: sanctuaries, temples, sacrificial altars, caves, cliffs, megaliths (dolmens, cromlechs, menhirs), petroglyphs, burial mounds, trees, idols, springs, pantheons etc. However, most of these places are not widely known or they are known only as natural or historical and cultural objects. In order to make those facts well known, it is necessary to organize an advertising campaign in support of this issue and to stop an adversary, biased attitude of the whole society or some representatives of separate religions towards paganism. In addition, it is important to stop destroying pagan sacred places and to turn them into touristic spots. Multiple highlights of the ethnical religious and cultural significance of Ukrainian pagan sacred sites will augment already known information about them and will add religious tourists and pilgrims to the general flow of travellers. Key words: paganism, Abrahamic religions, organization of religious tourism, paganism in Ukraine, organization of pilgrimage, religious tourism in Ukraine.
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Bouma, Gary D. "The role of demographic and socio-cultural factors in Australia’s successful multicultural society: How Australia is not Europe." Journal of Sociology 52, no. 4 (July 9, 2016): 759–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1440783315584210.

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Religious diversity and social cohesion have long been seen to be at odds with each other. Classical sociology, grounded in the Westphalian solution to religious conflict in Europe presumed that a single religion was necessary for social cohesion. The issue of religious diversity and social cohesion has come to the fore as once religiously monochrome societies have become diverse through migration and, to a lesser degree, conversion. While European nations question the possibility of multicultural and multi-faith societies living in productive harmony, Australia offers an example of a successful multicultural and multi-faith society. Australia has produced a multicultural society through a policy of social inclusion and mutual respect, in contrast to European policies which produce separate community development. This cross-national comparative study reveals demographic and socio-cultural differences that are likely to explain some of the comparative success of Australia in producing social inclusion and avoiding the ‘othering’ of religious minorities, especially of Muslims. Australia has a particular demographic that features multiple substantial minority religious communities living in ways that promote daily encounters among people of different backgrounds.
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Lindsay, Jo, and Deborah Dempsey. "First names and social distinction: Middle-class naming practices in Australia." Journal of Sociology 53, no. 3 (February 3, 2017): 577–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1440783317690925.

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Naming practices provide a novel way to explore contemporary gender and class processes in Australia. Names are important everyday symbols of social location and signify family history, gender, class, ethnicity and religion. In an individualised society a name is the ultimate personal ‘brand’ and is used to locate children in social space. In this article we draw on qualitative interviews with 41 parents to focus on class and gender distinctions in naming practices. Naming a child was considered to be an important responsibility and names were viewed as central to identity and social classification. Through our exploration of naming preferences and judgements by middle-class parents, contemporary processes of social distinction come to light. Discussion of name choices illustrated parental aspirations and fears and the drawing of symbolic class-, gender- and sexuality-based cultural boundaries in Australia.
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Rocha, Cristina. "Global Religious Infrastructures: The Australian Megachurch Hillsong in Brazil." Social Compass 68, no. 2 (April 19, 2021): 245–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00377686211001029.

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This article explores the infrastructures that allow the Australian Pentecostal megachurch Hillsong to expand into Brazil. Hillsong is a global religious phenomenon: it has branches in global cities, celebrities among its followers, and an award-winning worship band. Drawing on five years of multi-sited ethnography in Australia and Brazil, I analyse significant infrastructures – smart church buildings, hip soundscapes, and digital media – that enabled Hillsong to establish itself in Brazil. I show that such technologies comprise an architecture through which Hillsong’s ‘Cool Christianity’ circulates. I argue that these infrastructures communicate success, excitement, modernity, and cosmopolitanism to young middle-class Brazilians who aspire to break with the local conservative Pentecostalism that caters for the poor. Here, I call for a focus on human and nonhuman actors and infrastructures that move religion across borders, and a special attention to how imagination and power differentials shape mobility and immobility.
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