Dissertations / Theses: 'Religion and politics Australia'

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Lake, Meredith. "'Such spiritual acres' Protestantism, the land and the colonisation of Australia, 1788-1850 /." Connect to full text, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/3983.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Sydney, 2008.
Title from title screen (viewed Apr. 22, 2009) Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy to the Dept. of History, Faculty of Arts. Includes bibliographical references. Also available in print form.

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Sunderland, Sophie Monica May. "Representations of the secular : neutrality, spirituality and mourning in Australia and Canadian cultural politics." University of Western Australia. English and Cultural Studies Discipline Group, 2009. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2009.0177.

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[Truncated abstract] This thesis explores the ways in which 'the secular' is represented in contemporary Australian participatory art, screen, and print cultures. Secularisms are currently the subject of analysis in a broad range of disciplines within the humanities, and this thesis intervenes upon the field by focusing on the cultural politics of representations of embodied, spatialized secularisms. The secular is commonly defined in opposition to the 'religious,' and can also be extrapolated to the division of public and private spaces. Thus, by considering the occlusions and violences inherent in the ways bodies negotiate and are constructed through space, this thesis argues for the fluidity and porosity of these oppositions. By drawing from Janet Jakobsen and Ann Pellegrini's notion of secularisms, understood as specific, situated narratives of the secular, as well as Talal Asad's and William E. Connolly's conceptions of the secular, this thesis identifies 'neutrality' and 'spirituality' as two key narratives of the secular around which questions of language, embodiment, affect, and subjectivity are set in motion. Here, a regime of representation that constructs 'religious' subjects as outsiders to an imagined Australian national identity is critiqued and reconsidered in terms of anxieties about remembering and living with difference and loss. Rather than defining 'the secular,' this thesis seeks to maintain focus on the context and contingencies of enunciation. Thus, firstly the conflation of secularism with 'neutrality' and 'objectivity' is explored through a discussion of 'defining' secularisms, alongside critique of representations of the Oxford English Dictionary (OED). By identifying the ways in which this 'everyday' text signals exclusions through the privileging of British Protestant Christianity in its contents, colonial history and usage, I consider how 'neutrality' is made contextually and contingently. ... . Here, secular mourning is a suggestive concept that foregrounds 'affective economies' of loss, grief, and mourning alongside openness to the ways in which identity is made and lived relationally, and differently. Given that the representations of Australian secularisms I identify are made by locating 'the religious' elsewhere, this thesis reflects upon this process by including a contingent comparative study of representations of Canadian secularisms. Participatory art including the Secular Confession Booth (2007) in Toronto and The Booth (2008) in Perth, news media debates about secularism in Ontario and

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Douglas, Steven Murray, and u4093670@alumni anu edu au. "Is 'green' religion the solution to the ecological crisis? A case study of mainstream religion in Australia." The Australian National University. Fenner School of Environment and Society, 2008. http://thesis.anu.edu.au./public/adt-ANU20091111.144835.

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A significant and growing number of authors and commentators have proposed that ecologically enlightened (greened) religion is the solution or at least a major part of the solution to the global ecological crisis. These include Birch, 1965 p90; Brindle, 2000; Callicott, 1994; Gardner, 2002, 2003, 2006; Gore Jr., 1992; Gottlieb, 2006, 2007; Hallman, 2000; Hamilton, 2006b, a, 2007b; Hessel & Ruether, 2000b; Hitchcock, 1999; King, 2002; Lerner, 2006a; McDonagh, 1987; McFague, 2001; McKenzie, 2005; Nasr, 1996; Oelschlaeger, 1994; Palmer, 1992; Randers, 1972; Tucker & Grim, 2000; and White Jr., 1967. Proponents offer a variety of reasons for this view, including that the majority of the worlds and many nations people identify themselves as religious, and that there is a large amount of land and infrastructure controlled by religious organisations worldwide. However, the most important reason is that religion is said to have one or more exceptional qualities that can drive and sustain dramatic personal and societal change. The underlying or sometimes overt suggestion is that as the ecological crisis is ultimately a moral crisis, religion is best placed to address the problem at its root. ¶ Proponents of the above views are often religious, though there are many who are not. Many proponents are from the USA and write in the context of the powerful role of religion in that country. Others write in a global context. Very few write from or about the Australian context where the role of religion in society is variously argued to be virtually non-existent, soon to be non-existent, or conversely, profound but covert. ¶ This thesis tests the proposition that religion is the solution to the ecological crisis. It does this using a case study of mainstream religion in Australia, represented by the Catholic, Anglican, and Uniting Churches. The Churches ecological policies and practices are analysed to determine the extent to which these denominations are fulfilling, or might be able to fulfil, the proposition. The primary research method is an Internet-based search for policy and praxis material. The methodology is Critical Human Ecology. ¶ The research finds that: the greening of these denominations is evident; it is a recent phenomenon in the older Churches; there is a growing wealth of environmentalist sentiment and ecological policy being produced; but little institutional praxis has occurred. Despite the often-strong rhetoric, there is no evidence to suggest that ecological concerns, even linked to broader social concerns (termed ecojustice) are core business for the Churches as institutions. Conventional institutional and anthropocentric welfare concerns remain dominant. ¶ Overall, the three Churches struggle with organisational, demographic, and cultural problems that impede their ability to convert their official ecological concerns into institutional praxis. Despite these problems, there are some outstanding examples of ecological policy and praxis in institutional and non-institutional forms that at least match those seen in mainstream secular society. ¶ I conclude that in Australia, mainstream religion is a limited part of the solution to the ecological crisis. It is not the solution to the crisis, at least not in its present institutional form. Institutional Christianity is in decline in Australia and is being replaced by non-institutional Christianity, other religions and non-religious spiritualities (Tacey, 2000, 2003; Bouma, 2006; Tacey, 2007). The ecological crisis is a moral crisis, but in Australia, morality is increasingly outside the domain of institutional religion. The growth of the non-institutional religious and the spiritual but not religious demographic may, if ecologically informed, offer more of a contribution to addressing the ecological crisis in future. This may occur in combination with some of the more progressive movements seen at the periphery of institutional Christianity such as the eco-ministry of Rev. Dr. Jason John in Adelaide, and the Creation Spirituality taught, advocated and practiced by the Mercy Sisters Earth Link project in Queensland.

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Lawson, David Edward. "Indigenous Australians and Islam : spiritual, cultural, and political alliances." Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 2010. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/41738/1/David_Lawson_Thesis.pdf.

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This thesis examines why and how Indigenous Australians convert to Islam in the New South Wales suburbs of Redfern and Lakemba. It is argued that conventional religious conversion theories inadequately account for religious change in the circumstances outlined in this study. The aim of the thesis is to apply a sociological-historical methodology to document and analyse both Indigenous and Islamic pathways eventuating in Indigenous Islamic alliances. All of the Indigenous men interviewed for this research have had contact with Islam either while incarcerated or involved with the criminal justice system. The consequences of these alliances for the Indigenous men constitute the contribution the study makes to new knowledge. The study employs a socio-historical and sociological focus to account for the underlying issues by a literature review followed by an ethnographic participant observation methodology. In-depth open-ended interviews with key informants provided the rich qualitative data to compliment literature review findings. For the Indigenous people involved in this study, Islamic religious identity combined with resistance politics formed a significant empowering framework. For them it is a symbolic representation of anti-colonialism and the enduring scourge of social dysfunction in some Indigenous communities.

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Saad-Ghorayeb, Amal. "Hizbu'llah : politics and religion /." Londres : Pluto Press, 2002. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb38942056z.

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Johnston, Philippa. "The politics of poverty in Australia /." Title page and contents only, 1990. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09arj73.pdf.

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Armstrong, John Malcolm. "Religious attendance and affiliation patterns in Australia 1966 to 1996 : the dichotomy of religious identity and practice." View thesis entry in Australian Digital Theses Program, 2001. http://thesis.anu.edu.au/public/adt-ANU20020729.140410/index.html.

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Spash, Clive L. "The Politics of Researching Carbon Trading in Australia." WU Vienna University of Economics and Business, 2014. http://epub.wu.ac.at/4277/1/sre%2Ddisc%2D2014_03.pdf.

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This paper explores the conflicts of interest present in science policy and how claims being made for evidence based science can be used to suppress critical social science research. The specific case presented concerns the attempts to ban and censor my work criticising the economics of carbon emissions trading while I was working for the Commonwealth Scientific Industrial Research Organisation (CSIRO) in Australia. The role of management and the Science Minister are documented through their own public statements. The case raises general issues about the role of epistemic communities in the production of knowledge, the potential for manipulation of information under the guise of quality control and the problems created by claiming a fact-value dichotomy in the science-policy interface. The implications go well beyond just climate change research and challenge how public policy is being formulated in modern industrial societies where scientific knowledge and corporate interests are closely intertwined. (author's abstract)
Series: SRE - Discussion Papers

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Thorogood, Carol. "Politics and the professions: Homebirth in Western Australia." Thesis, Thorogood, Carol (2000) Politics and the professions: Homebirth in Western Australia. PhD thesis, Murdoch University, 2000. https://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/id/eprint/52312/.

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This thesis explores the historical, social, political and economic influences on the politics of Australian homebirth, specifically the processes whereby the state enables or restricts independent midwifery practice. By using documentary sources of letters, official correspondence, literature reviews, interviews with key stakeholders and case studies the thesis provides an historical overview and interpretative critique of the cultural, political and bureaucratic processes surrounding the provision of midwife-managed homebirth services. It shows how authoritative knowledge about birthing is created, promulgated and challenged, highlighting the nexus between authoritative knowledge and the distribution of medical power. The Commonwealth’s Alternative Birthing Services Program is used as a case study to illustrate how the medical discourses of 'risk' and 'safety' legitimate medical power and practice as well as the relative lack of power of midwives. Just as importantly, the thesis demonstrates how birth activists overcame the obstacles placed in their paths and in doing so used the Alternative Birthing Services Program to create new models of woman-centred birthing. This thesis argues that an important objective for both bureaucrats and the midwifery profession is to continue to challenge and indeed change entrenched patriarchal, state-supported medical practices. Only then will homebirths be regarded not as an alternative but one of a range of core, mainstream birthing options.

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Boodoo, Gerald Uzukwu Elochukwu Eugene. "GLOBALIZATION, POLITICS AND RELIGION IN POSTCOLONIAL AFRICA." Bulletin of Ecumenical Theology, 2013. http://digital.library.duq.edu/u?/bet,1233.

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Stewart, Laura A. M. "Politics and religion in Edinburgh, 1617-53." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/27475.

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Gibb, Camilla C. T. "Religion, politics and gender in Harar, Ethiopia." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.321548.

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Piatt, Wendy Louisa. "Politics and religion in Renaissance closet drama." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.287042.

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Kittermaster, A. J. "Politics and religion in Exeter 1635-1660." Thesis, University of Exeter, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.354910.

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In the mid-seventeenth century Exeter was the foremost city in the south west, with a population of about 10,000. Its economy was founded chiefly on the wool and cloth trades. Exeter's geographical pOSition made it an ideal distribution point for goods going to and coming from the continent, but it was also an important area for the finishing processes of the cloth industry. The city'S wealthiest inhabitants were mostly merchants who dominated Exeter politically through membership of the Corporation. The penetration of puritanism in the late Elizabethan and early Stuart era, a long history of conflict between the Corporation and the Cathedral clergy, as well as of hostility to the policies of Charles I during the 11 years 'tyranny', were among the main reasons which led the city to side with Parliament at the beginning of the civil war. In 1643 after some fierce fighting it surendered to the Royalists and was held by them until 1646 when Parliament'S forces led by Sir Thomas Fairfax recaptured it. The presence of a garrison was increasingly resented after 1647, and the presbyterian majority in the Corporation gradually lost faith in governments in the 1650s without ever openly resisting them. The threat of a continuance of military government and the collapse of trade in 1659-1660 was enough to ensure that the return of Charles II was generally welcomed.

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Lamburn, D. J. "Politics and religion in sixteenth century Beverley." Thesis, University of York, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.290476.

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Lovric, Ivo Mark. "Ghost Wars : the Politics of War Commemoration." Phd thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/150317.

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Ghost Wars: the politics of war commemoration: research into dissenting views to war and other aspects of the Australian experience of war that are marginalised by the Australian War Memorial. A study taking the form of an exhibition of a filmic (video) essay, which comprises the outcome of the Studio Practice component, together with the Exegesis which documents the nature of the course of study undertaken, and the Dissertation, which comprises 33% of the Thesis.

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Clark, Anna. "Teaching the nation : politics and pedagogy in Australian history /." Connect to thesis, 2004. http://eprints.unimelb.edu.au/archive/00000860.

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Hogarth, Jane T. "The politics of World Heritage listing in South Australia /." Title page, table of contents and summary only, 1990. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09ENV/09envH715.pdf.

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Laskowski, Eliza Fisher Barbour Reid. "Performance, politics, and religion reconstructing seventeenth-century masque /." Chapel Hill, N.C. : University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2006. http://dc.lib.unc.edu/u?/etd,73.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2006.
Title from electronic title page (viewed Oct. 10, 2007). "... in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of English." Discipline: English; Department/School: English.

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Ranganathan, C. S. "Religion, politics and the secular state in India." Thesis, University of Hull, 1993. http://hydra.hull.ac.uk/resources/hull:6696.

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India has been declared to be a 'Secular State' since 1976, by an amendment to the Constitution, although its supporters claim that it has been one since 1950 when the Constitution was first adopted. From its inception the weaknesses of secularism as an operational category was apparent, but was ignored by politicians as well as by academics. 'Secularism' has since then not been defined in terms of the institutions of the state or the dominant values of the political system. It was given different interpretations by different groups. Even among the ranks of secularists there have been distinct divergences. The Constitution recognizes not only ethnic but also religious minorities and has given them special rights to maintain educational institutions. Similarly caste based privileges were provided on the plea of 'backwardness'. Moreover, India continued to be a religious society although the state claimed to be secular. Some secularists would identify it with anti-religious policies. The Hindu revivalists would identify the state with pro-minority and even anti-Hindu policies. In modern political idiom it was called 'minorityism' and 'pseudosecularism'. The Muslims, Sikhs and Christians, on the other hand, felt that such special rights are essential to maintain their identities. The rise of religions based politics in the eighties has created a major problem for the secular state. In the light of the above 'Secularism' needs to be redefined in clearer terms. Religious syncretism and political and cultural accommodation associated with South Indian tradition where some of this necessary re-definition has been achieved through the process of historical evolution needs be looked into. Similarly, the de-linking of religion from culture in Indonesia and the adoption of a national ideology which can provide some helpful insights for India is worth pursuing. ' Apparently, Malaysia has established a viable democratic state by adopting an inter-communal than an noncommunal approach to its political problems. By taking a comparative look at the problem of secularism, in the light of the experiences of other nations, perhaps, the Indian secular state could face the future with more confidence.

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Steele, Sarah. "Politics, religion and the work of Seamus Heaney." Thesis, University of Kent, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.300935.

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Kukah, Matthew Hassan. "Religion and politics in northern Nigeria since 1960." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.418365.

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White, A. "Religion, politics and society in Aberdeen, 1543-1593." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.372978.

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Walker, Gareth David. "Politics, religion and the 'London churchmen' 1662-1689." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.611308.

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Mancini, Mark Ryan. "Liberation theology : politics and religion in Latin America /." Click for abstract, 1997. http://library.ctstateu.edu/ccsu%5Ftheses/1498.html.

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Thesis (M.S.)--Central Connecticut State University, 1997.
Thesis advisor: Lilian Uribe. " ... in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Science in International Studies." Includes bibliographical references.

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Evans, Richard Kent. "MOVE: RELIGION, SECULARISM, AND THE POLITICS OF CLASSIFICATION." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2018. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/505910.

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History
Ph.D.
This dissertation is a study of how religion is manufactured, policed, imagined, and defended in the modern United States. It traces the history of one group, MOVE, from its inception in the late 1960s to the present in order to illustrate how the category of religion functions in the modern United States. The central premise of the book is that MOVE people believed MOVE was a religion. They believed, nearly from the very beginning of the group, that John Africa was a prophet who communicated on behalf of the divine, that his Teachings were inspired and had supernatural effects on the body, and that MOVE people had a role to play in a cosmic conflict between forces of good (The Law of Mama) and forces of evil (The System). Despite this, MOVE was rarely allowed to be a religion. That is, MOVE’s claim that they had a religion was, more often than not, dismissed. Historians of religion have, in recent years, begun turning their attention to the people with the power to define lived experience as either religious or secular. In MOVE’s case, the people who defined their experience as secular, and not religious, included police officers, judges, journalists, established religious leaders, and politicians. At various points throughout MOVE’s history, these social actors articulated a series of claims about what “true religion” was and why MOVE did not count. The disconnect between how MOVE people viewed themselves and how MOVE was understood by most outside the group points to the central concern of this dissertation.
Temple University--Theses

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Lehane, John. "The experiences of Western Australian Muslims within the current political and social environment." Thesis, Edith Cowan University, Research Online, Perth, Western Australia, 2020. https://ro.ecu.edu.au/theses/2400.

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The purpose of this research was to examine the experiences of Western Australian (WA) Muslims, within the context of the current Australian political and social climate, with a key focus on how political and social factors, and the vast introduction of Australian antiterrorism legislation, may impact them. Also explored in this inquiry, was how mainstream media and their regular portrayal of Islamic-inspired terrorist attacks, which has at times connected all Muslims to these atrocities, is creating a social division within the Australian community which is difficult to overcome. A generic qualitative methodology was utilised to best capture the lived experiences of the participants involved in this research, which concluded that the WA Muslims interviewed had all experienced differing levels of prejudice, racism and discrimination from fellow WA residents (Non-Muslims), with a perception that western media (including social media) is largely responsible for this phenomenon. The implications of this phenomena highlighted the need for Federal and State government to work closer with WA Muslims and to involve them more in the introduction of new anti-terrorism legislation, so that unbiased and non-discriminatory laws can be established. This thesis further highlights the need for media organisations and public figures, to accurately report on Australian Muslims and on the Islam religion itself, and not create links to Islamic-inspired atrocities occurring around Australia and the world, to all the followers of this Islamic faith.

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Marshall, Helen. "Australian foreign policy and Cambodia : international power, regionalism and domestic politics." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/112135.

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The Hawke Labor government came to power in March 1983 committed to playing a more active role in finding a solution to the Cambodian conflict, improving bilateral relations with Vietnam and restoring Australian aid. This signalled a departure from the Fraser government's minimal involvement in the issue, and reflected a closer identification of Australia's interests with the Asia-Pacific region. As Foreign Minister, Bill Hayden, explained: The war in Cambodia, in all its many dimensions, is the greatest unresolved source of tension in Southeast Asia...The future of Australia lies in developing a mature and balanced set of relationships with its neighbours in Southeast Asia. Indochina is part of that neighbourhood.

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Terrill, Gregston Charles. "Secrecy and openness, publicity and propaganda : the politics of Australian federal government communication." Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 1996.

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King, Rebecca M. "The Sacred State: Religion, Politics and the Jerusalem Temple." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2012. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/92.

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I will begin at the beginning, the original construction of the Temple by Solomon and will examine the political nature the Temple achieved even before the first stone was placed. From there the Temple goes through a phase of destruction, rebuilding and destruction again. Each of these phases has political undertones that are important to understand in light of the religious ones. Jewish identity comes into question and the Temple becomes a tool by which to gain legitimacy in the political realm. However, once the Temple is destroyed a second time Jews have to accommodate themselves to a reality in which they no longer have control of space where the Temple stood. Repeated conquests over Jerusalem keeps the Jews either in Jerusalem but under foreign control, or out of Jerusalem and living in the Diaspora. Jews are forced to deal with these changes and to form their responses. Their political authority diminishes and their religious life attempts to deal without the Temple. What comes of this is years of struggle and formations of religious and/or political movements in order to ultimately accomplish one of two things; either to return to Jerusalem and establish a Jewish state, or to return to Jerusalem and rebuild the Temple. A continuous thread that runs through much of Jewish history is how the Temple, as both a religious symbol and a political tool, has shaped Jews thought about themselves as a people with both religious and political values and aspirations. Having a greater understanding of Jewish history will contribute to the understanding of the current political situation that Jerusalem finds itself in today.

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Crowe, Shaun. "Whitlam's children? Labor and the Greens in Australia." Phd thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/118289.

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Over the past three decades, the gradual rise of the Australian Greens has transformed Australian politics. Where the Australian Labor Party once enjoyed parliamentary dominance over the progressive left, it now shares space with the minor party. At both the state and federal level, Labor has depended on Greens support to form government, and even more frequently to pass contentious legislation. After the 2010 federal election and its resulting minority parliament, the first in almost seventy years, the two parties signed a formal ‘Agreement’, with the Greens guaranteeing Labor confidence in return for policy demands and a great role in government. In the following three years, the Labor and Greens relationship received unprecedented public scrutiny. The Agreement and surrounding theatre became a major theme of the government – one amplified by Labor’s opponents. Focusing on this first federal minority experience, the thesis examines the Labor and Greens relationship in Australia. Across forty-one interviews with federal representatives, it sought each party’s institutional perspective on a range of issues. Was the formal Agreement an effective model for minority government, and did it serve either party’s interests? What were the defining institutional and ideological differences between Labor and the Greens? In the longer term, was a closer arrangement possible, and did either party desire it? On top of these questions, the thesis examined a number of difficult policy areas facing the minority arrangement – carbon pricing, refugee processing and mining taxation. While the research revealed a number of different perspectives, even within parties, it uncovered a productive, though often hostile parliamentary relationship; united by a series of shared values, but divided by different approaches to parliament, politics and pragmatism.

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Pasolli, Kelly E. "Policy legacies and child care politics in Australia and Canada." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/101806.

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Thesis: S.M., Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Department of Political Science, 2015.
"September 2015." Cataloged from PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references (pages 58-63).
This study explores the puzzle of why Australia and Canada have followed significantly different paths in national-level child care policy despite their otherwise similar welfare state structures. Australia has developed a relatively generous system of public subsidies to support the provision of care for young children, while at the same time relying increasingly on the market to deliver child care. In contrast, Canada has extremely low levels of public spending and service provision, resulting in a less expansive system of regulated child care. I trace these divergent outcomes to the impact of post-WWII child care policy legacies in these countries and the way that these legacies interact with the changing politics of the welfare state to produce variation. In Canada, child care policy was first established within a social assistance framework as a service intended to combat poverty, while in Australia, child care was introduced as an economic policy to facilitate women's workforce participation. The differences in the intended goals of these policies affected the subsequent patterns of child care politics and policy development in these two countries, leading to the divergent outcomes observed today.
by Kelly E. Pasolli.
S.M.

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Wynn, Natalie. "Jews, antisemitism and irish politics : A tale of two narratives." Universität Potsdam, 2012. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2012/6151/.

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Im Artikel wird eine der größten Schwächen der Historiographie der irischen Judenheiten betrachtet: die fehlende Bestimmung des wahren Ausmaßes des Antisemitismus und dessen Auswirkungen auf die jüdische Gemeinschaft in Irland. Hierfür wird ein kurzer Überblick über einen Ausschnitt des irisch-jüdischen Narrativs gegeben: das jüdische Verhältnis zur nationalistischen Politik in Irland. Der Fokus liegt dabei auf der Notwendigkeit für einen neuartigen Umgang mit den Quellen und den vorliegenden Sachverhalten, um eine ganzheitliche, objektivere und inklusive Geschichte der irischen Judenheiten zu schreiben.
This article considers one of the major weaknesses in the existing historiography of Irish Jewry, the failure to consider the true extent and impact of antisemitism on Ireland’s Jewish community. This is illustrated through a brief survey of one small area of the Irish-Jewish narrative, the Jewish relationship with Irish nationalist politics. Throughout, the focus remains on the need for a fresh approach to the sources and the issues at hand, in order to create a more holistic, objective and inclusive history of the Jewish experience in Ireland.

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Allbritton, Jay Michael. "Religion and politics in films about the Vietnam war." [Gainesville, Fla.] : University of Florida, 2003. http://purl.fcla.edu/fcla/etd/UFE0001227.

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Angerbrandt, Henrik. "Placing Conflict : Religion and politics in Kaduna State, Nigeria." Doctoral thesis, Stockholms universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-120386.

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Decentralisation and federalism are often said to mitigate conflict by better meeting the preferences of a heterogeneous population and demands for limited autonomy. But it is argued in this thesis that this perspective does not sufficiently address the ways in which conflict-ridden relations entangle processes across different scales ‒ local, regional as well as national. The aim of this thesis is to explain how it is that while decentralisation may contribute to national stability, it may simultaneously generate local conflict. This problem is analysed through a conflict in Kaduna State in north-central Nigeria where there have been outbreaks of violence between Hausa-Fulani Muslims and Christians of different ethnicities since the 1980s. Christian ethnic groups claim to be excluded from state benefits, while Muslim groups claim that Christians have undue influence over the state bureaucracy. The conflict feeds off ethnic and religious mobilisation. Expanded local political space further fuelled the conflict following the decentralisation that came with the shift from military to civilian rule in 1999. Decentralisation in Nigeria implies that the authorities should be associated with the majority ethnicity or religion in a specific territory. A localisation of politics accordingly raises the stakes in identity-based conflicts, especially as control of local institutions is necessary for inclusion in wider political processes. In Kaduna, this has led to demands for separating the state on a religious and ethnic basis. Actors make use of “scalar politics” to conform to or challenge boundaries set by the state. Social relations are associated with different boundaries. Accordingly, decentralisation triggers conflicts on an identity basis, involving contestation over the hierarchy of scales. While national struggles between ethnic and religious groups may be subdued, conflicts play out locally as decentralisation in Nigeria makes religion and ethnicity a powerful tool for political mobilisation.

At the time of the doctoral defense, the following paper was unpublished and had a status as follows: Paper 2: Manuscript.

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36

Frettingham, Edmund. "Security and the construction of 'religion' in international politics." Thesis, Aberystwyth University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2160/bb4064ba-409d-4027-af17-7af296b909f4.

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The thesis begins from the observation that religion has become an object of considerable public and IR-disciplinary debate, centred on the increasing political assertiveness of many religious groups and movements and the apparent complicity of religion in violent conflict around the world. It is proposed that this ‘politics about religion’ should be understood as fought out within and through discourses that construct the meaning of religion, that shape ideas about its proper character and purpose, and that influence the form it can take in society. Within this general objective, the thesis has three interrelated aims. It seeks to denaturalise the concept of religion as it is conventionally used in international politics, politicise its construction, and examine the contribution of thinking about security in the liberal tradition to the production of specific contemporary discourses of religion. The thesis identifies and denaturalises two prominent assumptions about religion, namely, that it is a separate domain of human activity and a genus. The partial and contested character of these ways of imagining religion often goes unrecognised, but they derive from particular liberal security strategies for ending the Wars of Religion. That such traditions of thought underpin much scholarship on religion in international politics and continue to inform security responses to religious violence is argued to be problematic; this is because they rely on empirically questionable assumptions, are contested politically, displace conflict rather than resolving it, and are bound up with the legitimation of a liberal political order, its imagination of security, and the forms of religion compatible with it. The argument that these particular discourses of religion are being articulated as part of contemporary liberal responses to religious violence is illustrated by Tony Blair’s representation of Islam when he was Prime Minister of the UK. The thesis concludes that because the meaning of religion is likely to remain a divisive question at the centre of international politics in the coming decades, those who study and practice it must be cognisant of the politics involved in all statements about religion – including their own.

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37

Burley, Stephen. "Hazlitt the Dissenter : Religion, Philosophy, and Politics, 1766-1816." Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.535536.

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38

Yoo, Baekyun. "Religion and Politics in the Poetry of W.B. Yeats." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1997. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc278080/.

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Previous critics have paid insufficient attention to the political implications of Yeats's life-long preoccupation with a wide range of Western and Eastern religious traditions. Though he always preserved some skepticism about mysticism's ability to reshape the material world, the early Yeats valued the mystical idea of oneness in part because he hoped (mistakenly, as it turned out) that such oneness would bring Catholic and Protestant Ireland together in a way that might make the goals of Irish nationalism easier to accomplish. Yeats's celebration of mystical oneness does not reflect a pseudo-fascistic commitment to a static, oppressive unity. Like most mystics—and most modernists—Yeats conceived of both religious and political oneness not as a final end but rather as an ongoing process, a "way of happening" (as Auden put it).

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39

Huckins, Kyle David. "Religion, politics and journalism : testing theoretical constructs of framing /." Digital version accessible at:, 1999. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/main.

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40

Brent, Richard. "Liberal Anglican politics : whiggery, religion and reform, 1830-1841 /." Oxford : Clarendon press, 1987. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb36628289q.

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41

Stendal, Grant. "The politics of productivity bargaining : the two-tier wage system case /." Title page, contents and abstract only, 1994. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phs825.pdf.

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42

Willson, Alexander. "The Growing Instrumentalization of Catholicism in French Politics." Thesis, The American University of Paris (France), 2019. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=13871639.

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43

Gupta, Radhika. "Piety, politics, and patriotism in Kargil, India." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.547755.

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44

Dhaliwal, Sukhwant. "Religion, moral hegemony and local cartographies of power : feminist reflections on religion in local politics." Thesis, Goldsmiths College (University of London), 2011. http://research.gold.ac.uk/7802/.

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This is a comparative feminist analysis of religion in local politics within two London boroughs: Ealing and Newham. Starting from the observation that there has been a de-secularisation of relations between the state and civil society in Britain, it draws upon the feminist and anti racist critique of multiculturalism to produce new reflections on the shift to multifaithism. This thesis argues that the shift is the result of a double movement - from above and from below - and enables moral hegemony. By re-orienting an analysis of the religious-secular to local cartographies of power, this thesis makes smaller claims that run alongside and pose questions for a growing consensus within feminist theory that seeks a distance from secularism, that emphasises solidarities with faith based mobilisations and seeks to uncritically defend religious minority claims. The data comprises 47 in depth interviews with 'secular', 'religious' and 'state' actors. This is supplemented with ethnographic observations from public meetings, religious processions and other events. The empirical analysis discusses the following key themes: the way in which religion is welded to electoral politics; religious commitment as an ontological, aesthetic and affective source for social responsibility and political engagement; the shared pastoral-policing functions of religious organisations and the state; the emergence of religious 'election' as a new way of re-ordering local areas and access to welfare services; the negotiation of a new wave of Muslim political identifications in the context of the War on Terror; the perpetuation of a unanimist Khalsa norm and its implications for making religious claims; and a closer consideration of religious groups in alliance, the darker side of faith as social capital.

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45

Sammut, Jeremy 1971. "The quest for civic virtue : citizenship and politics in federal Australia." Monash University, School of Historical Studies, 2003. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/7610.

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46

Lunn, Sandra. "The politics of and the effects of compulsory superannuation in Australia /." Title page, abstract and contents only, 1996. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09arl9632.pdf.

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47

Mould, Catherine. "Childbirth, choice and culture : the politics of birth in South Australia /." Title page, abstract and contents only, 2000. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09arm9259.pdf.

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48

McKenzie, Michael John. "Rethinking International Cooperation: Crime, Policy and Politics in Australia-Indonesia Relations." Phd thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/110022.

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Scholars have long puzzled over the conditions that promote cooperation between nation-states. This thesis develops a new approach to the puzzle by examining the practice of international cooperation through a socio-legal lens. It is grounded in a qualitative case study of the criminal justice relationship between Australia and Indonesia, focusing on three areas: police cooperation, extradition arrangements, and cooperation relating to detained nationals. The thesis asks: what are the conditions that promote crime cooperation between Australia and Indonesia? Beneath this overarching question, it poses the following sub-questions: What drives the cooperation? How do different actors influence the cooperation? What determines the scope for cooperation? The thesis frames these questions socio-legally by situating the cooperative relationship within transnational legal orders (TLOs) that regulate terrorism and other transnational crimes. The TLO framework has several advantages over existing approaches to studying international cooperation. First, rather than privileging the state as an actor, the framework attends to the multiplicity of actors above and below the state who shape cooperative initiatives. Second, rather than focusing on political dynamics, it also highlights the significance of law and policy in the practice of international cooperation. Third, it embraces the inherent complexity of this practice by integrating various empirical and theoretical perspectives into its analysis. To provide a rich empirical picture of the criminal justice relationship between Australia and Indonesia, the thesis relies on interviews with over 100 current and former participants in the relationship, and extensive archival material, including media reporting and government records. To make sense of this data within the TLO framework, the thesis draws on theories relating to the construction of transnational problems (securitisation), the interplay of domestic and international politics (two-level games), the operation of international police networks (bureaucratic autonomy and culture), and the scope for international cooperation (reciprocity). It also incorporates insights from regulatory studies. Based on this analysis, the thesis argues that there is a structural tension between political and policy interests at the heart of the cooperative relationship. It further argues that cooperation is more likely to occur when these interests are in balance, and that law is a critical institution in enabling this balance to be struck. To conclude, the thesis brings the key findings of the study together to propose a model of the cooperative relationship. It also considers whether the findings could be generalised and their practical implications.

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Henderson, Anthony R. "The politics of nurse education in education in Australia 1961-1984." Thesis, Henderson, Anthony R. (1988) The politics of nurse education in education in Australia 1961-1984. Masters by Coursework thesis, Murdoch University, 1988. https://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/id/eprint/46067/.

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This paper examines the political activities of nurses in Australia, within the context of interest group theory and, in particular, the work of Gamson (1968) and Zeigler and Peak (1972). It spans 1961 to 1984 and takes into consideration the dynamics of both the nursing profession and the political systems during that time. The specific issue dealt with is the transfer of nurse education, from traditional hospital based schools of nursing to tertiary institutions. This transition involved the co-ordination of a national campaign by nurses in an attempt to influence policy makers at both state and federal level. The dissertation is an historical and political analysis which required this writer to study the documents of professional nursing organisations, parliamentary debates and the print media. Interviews were also conducted with some of the key people involved in the transfer. In order to validate the information, and ensure its reliability, multiple methods of triangulation were used. From 1961 to 1984, nursing organisations progressed through a number of stages before finally emerging in 1977 as a fully-fledged pressure group. Until 1983, they were viewed by those in authority as 'alienated' and consequently were unable to achieve any of their goals satisfactorily. However, nurses correctly perceived the political system generally, as being ambivalent to their demands. Gamson terms such ambivalence "neutrality", and hypothesises that when a pressure group identifies neutrality in a political system, it is highly likely to take action. This proved to be the case with nurses. Although their campaign lasted seven long years, it proved ultimately to be fairly successful. However, as will be demonstrated, an 'authority' will only concede to the demands of a particular pressure group to the extent that a counter group is not disadvantaged.

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50

Mansfield, Stephen Lee. "Government in a "post-Christian age" religion in American public life /." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 1988. http://www.tren.com.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Religion and politics Australia'

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