Relevant bibliographies by topics / Religion and politics Australia

Academic literature on the topic 'Religion and politics Australia'

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Published: 10 December 2022
Last updated: 29 January 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Religion and politics Australia"

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Bean, Clive. "The Forgotten Cleavage? Religion and Politics in Australia." Canadian Journal of Political Science 32, no. 3 (September 1999): 551–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900013962.

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AbstractIn Australia, religion historically has been seen as a secondary but nonetheless significant sociopolitical cleavage, in part cutting across the class divide. In recent times, Australian scholars, like those elsewhere, have been inclined to argue that the political significance of religion is a legacy of the past and that religion no longer plays an important role in shaping mass political behaviour. Although class is also said to have declined in political significance, it is still treated as being of some importance as a cornerstone of the party system. However, many scholars seem more willing to dismiss the relevance of religion altogether. Using sample survey data collected over more than 25 years, this article examines the role of religion in modern Australian electoral politics and assesses the adequacy of such arguments.
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Melleuish, Gregory. "Religion and Politics in Australia." Political Theology 11, no. 6 (December 15, 2010): 909–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/poth.v11i6.909.

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Barker, Renae. "Pluralism versus Separation: Tension in the Australian Church-State Relationship." Religion & Human Rights 16, no. 1 (March 23, 2021): 1–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18710328-bja10015.

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Abstract The relationship between the state and religion in Australia exists in a state of tension. On the one hand the “non-establishment” clause in section 116 of the Australian Constitution points to the separation of religion and state. On the other hand there is a high level of cooperation between the state and religion in the public sphere, most visible in the funding of religious schools by the federal government. These two visions of the Australian state-religion relationship are in tension. One requiring the removal of religion from the public sphere while the other calls for a plurality of religions to be accommodated in public spaces. This article seeks to resolve this tension by proposing a new way to understand the Australian state-religion relationship as non-establishment pluralism. Non-establishment in the sense that the Australian Constitution prohibits the establishment of any religion—be that a single state church, multiple state religions, or religion generally. Pluralism in that the state via ordinary legislation, public policy, and government action cooperates with religion in numerous areas of state and religious interest in the public sphere.
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Crabb, Anna. "Invoking Religion in Australian Politics." Australian Journal of Political Science 44, no. 2 (June 2009): 259–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10361140902862784.

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Smith, Marcus, and Peter Marden. "POLITICS, POLICY AND FAITH: THE CHRISTIAN RIGHT IN AUSTRALIA." POLITICS AND RELIGION JOURNAL 6, no. 2 (December 1, 2012): 303–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.54561/prj0602303s.

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In this paper we offer a critical assessment of the politics of the Christian Right and question the degree to which the religious values of the Christian Right are compatible with a democratic political culture. If religious values are equally political values making the separation of religious belief and political action a fraught exercise, then a number of issues arise. Political action inspired by religious faith should not prevent critical scrutiny of the underlying values, or more importantly, their influence in shaping public debate and public policy. If religious values are indeed political values, then do protections of freedom of religious expression privilege forms of faith-based politics over secular forms? And if so, to what end? We argue that a more nuanced analysis of the intersection of religion and politics is required to ensure that public politics is not threatened by particular forms of religious political activism that exhibit totalitarian tendencies. At the very least, close attention needs to be focused on particular policy advocates and the agenda they seek to advance with little accountability or transparency despite claims to represent the public interest. It is to these ends that this paper makes a contribution
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Hancock, Rosemary. "Religion in Coalition: Balancing Moderate and Progressive Politics in the Sydney Alliance." Religions 10, no. 11 (November 4, 2019): 610. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel10110610.

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This article examines how the engagement of diverse religious organisations and individuals in grassroots politics impacts the nature of politics and coalition building through a case study of an urban grassroots political coalition in Australia: the Sydney Alliance. Based on eight-months of exploratory ethnographic fieldwork in one campaign team, this article argues that whilst religious organisations bring significant symbolic and institutional resources to political coalitions, and can be flexible coalition partners, they tend to moderate both conservative and progressive political tendencies within a coalition and demand focused attention from organisers and leaders to manage the coalition dynamics. This article examines the way many religious activists understand their political action to be an inherent and necessary part of their religious practice: problematizing the characterisation common in much social science literature that religious engagement in more progressive politics primarily serves political, and not religious, ends. In doing so, it shows how political action can be directed both outward towards the work, and inward towards the ‘church’.
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Humphrey, Michael. "Islam, immigrants and the state: Religion and cultural politics in Australia." Islam and Christian–Muslim Relations 1, no. 2 (December 1990): 208–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09596419008720935.

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Simpson, Brian. "New Labor, new censorship? Politics, religion and internet filtering in Australia." Information & Communications Technology Law 17, no. 3 (October 2008): 167–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13600830802472982.

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Tjandra, Jonathan. "Rationalising religion: The role of religion and conscience in Australian politics." ANU Undergraduate Research Journal 8 (August 1, 2017): 93–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.22459/aurj.08.2016.08.

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Kumari, Pariksha. "Reconstructing Aboriginal History and Cultural Identity through Self Narrative: A Study of Ruby Langford’s Autobiography Don‘t Take Your Love to Town." SMART MOVES JOURNAL IJELLH 8, no. 12 (December 28, 2020): 128–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.24113/ijellh.v8i12.10866.

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The last decades of previous century has witnessed the burgeoning of life narratives lending voice to the oppressed, dispossessed, and the colonized marginalities of race, class or gender across the world. A large number of autobiographical and biographical narratives that have appeared on the literary scene have started articulating their ordeals and their struggle for survival. The Aboriginals in Australia have started candidly articulating their side of story, exposing the harassment and oppression of their people in Australia. These oppressed communities find themselves sandwiched and strangled under the mainstream politics of multiculturalism, assimilation and secularism. The present paper seeks to analyze how life writing serves the purpose of history in celebrated Australian novelist, Aboriginal historian and social activist Ruby Langford’s autobiographical narrative, Don’t Take Your Love to Town. The Colonial historiography of Australian settlement has never accepted the fact of displacement and eviction of the Aboriginals from their land and culture. The whites systematically transplanted Anglo-Celtic culture and identity in the land of Australia which was belonged to the indigenous for centuries. Don’t Take Your Love to Town reconstructs the debate on history of the colonial settlement and status of Aboriginals under subsequent government policies like reconciliation, assimilation and multiculturalism. The paper is an attempt to gaze the assimilation policy adopted by the state to bring the Aboriginals into the mainstream politics and society on the one hand, and the regular torture, exploitation and cultural degradation of the Aboriginals recorded in the text on the other. In this respect the paper sees how Langford encounters British history of Australian settlement and the perspectives of Australian state towards the Aboriginals. The politics of mainstream culture, religion, race and ethnicity, which is directly or indirectly responsible for the condition of the Aboriginals, is also the part of discussion in the paper.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Religion and politics Australia"

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Lake, Meredith. "'Such spiritual acres' Protestantism, the land and the colonisation of Australia, 1788-1850 /." Connect to full text, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/3983.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Sydney, 2008.
Title from title screen (viewed Apr. 22, 2009) Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy to the Dept. of History, Faculty of Arts. Includes bibliographical references. Also available in print form.
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Sunderland, Sophie Monica May. "Representations of the secular : neutrality, spirituality and mourning in Australia and Canadian cultural politics." University of Western Australia. English and Cultural Studies Discipline Group, 2009. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2009.0177.

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[Truncated abstract] This thesis explores the ways in which 'the secular' is represented in contemporary Australian participatory art, screen, and print cultures. Secularisms are currently the subject of analysis in a broad range of disciplines within the humanities, and this thesis intervenes upon the field by focusing on the cultural politics of representations of embodied, spatialized secularisms. The secular is commonly defined in opposition to the 'religious,' and can also be extrapolated to the division of public and private spaces. Thus, by considering the occlusions and violences inherent in the ways bodies negotiate and are constructed through space, this thesis argues for the fluidity and porosity of these oppositions. By drawing from Janet Jakobsen and Ann Pellegrini's notion of secularisms, understood as specific, situated narratives of the secular, as well as Talal Asad's and William E. Connolly's conceptions of the secular, this thesis identifies 'neutrality' and 'spirituality' as two key narratives of the secular around which questions of language, embodiment, affect, and subjectivity are set in motion. Here, a regime of representation that constructs 'religious' subjects as outsiders to an imagined Australian national identity is critiqued and reconsidered in terms of anxieties about remembering and living with difference and loss. Rather than defining 'the secular,' this thesis seeks to maintain focus on the context and contingencies of enunciation. Thus, firstly the conflation of secularism with 'neutrality' and 'objectivity' is explored through a discussion of 'defining' secularisms, alongside critique of representations of the Oxford English Dictionary (OED). By identifying the ways in which this 'everyday' text signals exclusions through the privileging of British Protestant Christianity in its contents, colonial history and usage, I consider how 'neutrality' is made contextually and contingently. ... . Here, secular mourning is a suggestive concept that foregrounds 'affective economies' of loss, grief, and mourning alongside openness to the ways in which identity is made and lived relationally, and differently. Given that the representations of Australian secularisms I identify are made by locating 'the religious' elsewhere, this thesis reflects upon this process by including a contingent comparative study of representations of Canadian secularisms. Participatory art including the Secular Confession Booth (2007) in Toronto and The Booth (2008) in Perth, news media debates about secularism in Ontario and
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Douglas, Steven Murray, and u4093670@alumni anu edu au. "Is 'green' religion the solution to the ecological crisis? A case study of mainstream religion in Australia." The Australian National University. Fenner School of Environment and Society, 2008. http://thesis.anu.edu.au./public/adt-ANU20091111.144835.

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A significant and growing number of authors and commentators have proposed that ecologically enlightened (‘greened’) religion is the solution or at least a major part of the solution to the global ecological crisis. These include Birch, 1965 p90; Brindle, 2000; Callicott, 1994; Gardner, 2002, 2003, 2006; Gore Jr., 1992; Gottlieb, 2006, 2007; Hallman, 2000; Hamilton, 2006b, a, 2007b; Hessel & Ruether, 2000b; Hitchcock, 1999; King, 2002; Lerner, 2006a; McDonagh, 1987; McFague, 2001; McKenzie, 2005; Nasr, 1996; Oelschlaeger, 1994; Palmer, 1992; Randers, 1972; Tucker & Grim, 2000; and White Jr., 1967. Proponents offer a variety of reasons for this view, including that the majority of the world’s and many nations’ people identify themselves as religious, and that there is a large amount of land and infrastructure controlled by religious organisations worldwide. However, the most important reason is that ‘religion’ is said to have one or more exceptional qualities that can drive and sustain dramatic personal and societal change. The underlying or sometimes overt suggestion is that as the ecological crisis is ultimately a moral crisis, religion is best placed to address the problem at its root. ¶ Proponents of the above views are often religious, though there are many who are not. Many proponents are from the USA and write in the context of the powerful role of religion in that country. Others write in a global context. Very few write from or about the Australian context where the role of religion in society is variously argued to be virtually non-existent, soon to be non-existent, or conversely, profound but covert. ¶ This thesis tests the proposition that religion is the solution to the ecological crisis. It does this using a case study of mainstream religion in Australia, represented by the Catholic, Anglican, and Uniting Churches. The Churches’ ecological policies and practices are analysed to determine the extent to which these denominations are fulfilling, or might be able to fulfil, the proposition. The primary research method is an Internet-based search for policy and praxis material. The methodology is Critical Human Ecology. ¶ The research finds that: the ‘greening’ of these denominations is evident; it is a recent phenomenon in the older Churches; there is a growing wealth of environmentalist sentiment and ecological policy being produced; but little institutional praxis has occurred. Despite the often-strong rhetoric, there is no evidence to suggest that ecological concerns, even linked to broader social concerns (termed ‘ecojustice’) are ‘core business’ for the Churches as institutions. Conventional institutional and anthropocentric welfare concerns remain dominant. ¶ Overall, the three Churches struggle with organisational, demographic, and cultural problems that impede their ability to convert their official ecological concerns into institutional praxis. Despite these problems, there are some outstanding examples of ecological policy and praxis in institutional and non-institutional forms that at least match those seen in mainstream secular society. ¶ I conclude that in Australia, mainstream religion is a limited part of the solution to the ecological crisis. It is not the solution to the crisis, at least not in its present institutional form. Institutional Christianity is in decline in Australia and is being replaced by non-institutional Christianity, other religions and non-religious spiritualities (Tacey, 2000, 2003; Bouma, 2006; Tacey, 2007). The ecological crisis is a moral crisis, but in Australia, morality is increasingly outside the domain of institutional religion. The growth of the non-institutional religious and the ‘spiritual but not religious’ demographic may, if ecologically informed, offer more of a contribution to addressing the ecological crisis in future. This may occur in combination with some of the more progressive movements seen at the periphery of institutional Christianity such as the ‘eco-ministry’ of Rev. Dr. Jason John in Adelaide, and the ‘Creation Spirituality’ taught, advocated and practiced by the Mercy Sisters’ Earth Link project in Queensland.
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Lawson, David Edward. "Indigenous Australians and Islam : spiritual, cultural, and political alliances." Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 2010. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/41738/1/David_Lawson_Thesis.pdf.

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This thesis examines why and how Indigenous Australians convert to Islam in the New South Wales suburbs of Redfern and Lakemba. It is argued that conventional religious conversion theories inadequately account for religious change in the circumstances outlined in this study. The aim of the thesis is to apply a sociological-historical methodology to document and analyse both Indigenous and Islamic pathways eventuating in Indigenous Islamic alliances. All of the Indigenous men interviewed for this research have had contact with Islam either while incarcerated or involved with the criminal justice system. The consequences of these alliances for the Indigenous men constitute the contribution the study makes to new knowledge. The study employs a socio-historical and sociological focus to account for the underlying issues by a literature review followed by an ethnographic participant observation methodology. In-depth open-ended interviews with key informants provided the rich qualitative data to compliment literature review findings. For the Indigenous people involved in this study, Islamic religious identity combined with resistance politics formed a significant empowering framework. For them it is a symbolic representation of anti-colonialism and the enduring scourge of social dysfunction in some Indigenous communities.
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Saad-Ghorayeb, Amal. "Hizbu'llah : politics and religion /." Londres : Pluto Press, 2002. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb38942056z.

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Johnston, Philippa. "The politics of poverty in Australia /." Title page and contents only, 1990. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09arj73.pdf.

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Armstrong, John Malcolm. "Religious attendance and affiliation patterns in Australia 1966 to 1996 : the dichotomy of religious identity and practice." View thesis entry in Australian Digital Theses Program, 2001. http://thesis.anu.edu.au/public/adt-ANU20020729.140410/index.html.

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Spash, Clive L. "The Politics of Researching Carbon Trading in Australia." WU Vienna University of Economics and Business, 2014. http://epub.wu.ac.at/4277/1/sre%2Ddisc%2D2014_03.pdf.

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This paper explores the conflicts of interest present in science policy and how claims being made for evidence based science can be used to suppress critical social science research. The specific case presented concerns the attempts to ban and censor my work criticising the economics of carbon emissions trading while I was working for the Commonwealth Scientific Industrial Research Organisation (CSIRO) in Australia. The role of management and the Science Minister are documented through their own public statements. The case raises general issues about the role of epistemic communities in the production of knowledge, the potential for manipulation of information under the guise of quality control and the problems created by claiming a fact-value dichotomy in the science-policy interface. The implications go well beyond just climate change research and challenge how public policy is being formulated in modern industrial societies where scientific knowledge and corporate interests are closely intertwined. (author's abstract)
Series: SRE - Discussion Papers
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Thorogood, Carol. "Politics and the professions: Homebirth in Western Australia." Thesis, Thorogood, Carol (2000) Politics and the professions: Homebirth in Western Australia. PhD thesis, Murdoch University, 2000. https://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/id/eprint/52312/.

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This thesis explores the historical, social, political and economic influences on the politics of Australian homebirth, specifically the processes whereby the state enables or restricts independent midwifery practice. By using documentary sources of letters, official correspondence, literature reviews, interviews with key stakeholders and case studies the thesis provides an historical overview and interpretative critique of the cultural, political and bureaucratic processes surrounding the provision of midwife-managed homebirth services. It shows how authoritative knowledge about birthing is created, promulgated and challenged, highlighting the nexus between authoritative knowledge and the distribution of medical power. The Commonwealth’s Alternative Birthing Services Program is used as a case study to illustrate how the medical discourses of 'risk' and 'safety' legitimate medical power and practice as well as the relative lack of power of midwives. Just as importantly, the thesis demonstrates how birth activists overcame the obstacles placed in their paths and in doing so used the Alternative Birthing Services Program to create new models of woman-centred birthing. This thesis argues that an important objective for both bureaucrats and the midwifery profession is to continue to challenge and indeed change entrenched patriarchal, state-supported medical practices. Only then will homebirths be regarded not as an alternative but one of a range of core, mainstream birthing options.
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Boodoo, Gerald Uzukwu Elochukwu Eugene. "GLOBALIZATION, POLITICS AND RELIGION IN POSTCOLONIAL AFRICA." Bulletin of Ecumenical Theology, 2013. http://digital.library.duq.edu/u?/bet,1233.

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Books on the topic "Religion and politics Australia"

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Thompson, Roger C. Religion in Australia: A history. Melbourne: New York, 1994.

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editor, Brennan L. (Lance), Weigold Auriol editor, and Asian Studies Association of Australia, eds. Re-thinking India: Perceptions from Australia. New Delhi: Readworthy Publications, 2014.

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Culture crisis: Anthropology and politics in Aboriginal Australia. Sydney: University of New South Wales Press, 2010.

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Maddox, Marion. God under Howard: The rise of the religious right in Australian politics. Crows Nest, NSW: Allen & Unwin, 2005.

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Kapitzke, Cushla. Literacy and religion: The textual politics and practice of Seventh-Day Adventism. Philadelphia: John Benjamins Pub. Co., 1995.

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Dreamtime politics: Religion, world view, and utopian thought in Australian aboriginal society. Berlin: Dietrich Reimer Verlag, 1989.

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1915-, Santamaria Bartholomew Augustine, ed. Santamaria: A memoir. Melbourne: Oxford University Press, 1997.

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Law and religion in public life: The contemporary debate. New York: Routledge, 2011.

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Kildea, Jeff. Tearing the fabric: Sectarianism in Australia, 1910 to 1925. Sydney: Citadel Books, 2002.

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Wasps, tykes and ecumaniacs: Aspects of Australian sectarianism 1945-1981. Brunswick East, Vic: Acorn Press, 2008.

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Book chapters on the topic "Religion and politics Australia"

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Possamai, Adam, and David Tittensor. "Politics and religion." In Religion and Change in Australia, 173–94. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003255338-11.

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Chavura, Stephen A., and Ian Tregenza. "A Political History of the Secular in Australia, 1788–1945." In Religion after Secularization in Australia, 3–31. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137551382_1.

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Halafoff, Anna. "Governance and religious diversity in Australia." In The Politics and Practice of Religious Diversity, 101–17. New York : Routledge, 2016. | Series: Routledge advances in sociology ; 178: Routledge, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315762555-8.

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Tehan, Mary C. "Church, Politics, Faceless Men and the Face of God in Early Twenty-First Century Australia." In The Changing World Religion Map, 83–96. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-017-9376-6_3.

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O’Keeffe, Frank, and Kevin McGovern. "The Political Debate on Embryo Research in Australia and the Role of Religious Actors and Arguments." In Religion and Biopolitics, 161–88. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-14580-4_8.

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Byrne, Cathy. "Christians First. The Politics of Inclusion, Interreligious Literacy, and Christian Privilege: Comparing Australian and English Education." In Boundaries of Religious Freedom: Regulating Religion in Diverse Societies, 181–203. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-32289-6_12.

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McAllister, Ian, Malcolm Mackerras, and Carolyn Brown Boldiston. "Religion." In Australian Political facts, 349–76. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-15196-7_7.

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O’Halloran, Kerry. "Australia." In Human Rights, Religion and International Law, 215–49. Abingdon, Oxon; New York, NY: Routledge, 2019. | Series: Human rights and international law: Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781351188357-7.

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Tonkinson, Robert. "Australia." In The Wiley-Blackwell Companion to Religion and Social Justice, 361–72. Chichester, UK: John Wiley & Sons, Ltd, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9781444355390.ch24.

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Chavura, Stephen A., John Gascoigne, and Ian Tregenza. "Christian Australia." In Reason, Religion and the Australian Polity, 207–29. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2019. | Series: Routledge studies in modern history ; Volume 49: Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429467059-10.

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Conference papers on the topic "Religion and politics Australia"

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Syarifah, Zahra Amalia. "Courting Violence: Opportunistic Parties and the Politics of Religion." In Airlangga Conference on International Relations. SCITEPRESS - Science and Technology Publications, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5220/0010274801760185.

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Wardhani, Tara Kukuh, and Baiq Wardhani. "Domestic Politics Analysis on Australia Turning Back Boat Policy." In Airlangga Conference on International Relations. SCITEPRESS - Science and Technology Publications, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5220/0010280705880594.

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Jackson, S. E. "The cultural politics of environmental water management in Australia." In WATER AND SOCIETY 2015. Southampton, UK: WIT Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.2495/ws150031.

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Fauzi, Wildan Insan, Murdiyah Winarti, and Ayi Budi Santosa. "Islamic Tourism: A Form of Harmonization of Religion, Politics, Social, Culture and Economy." In Proceedings of the 3rd International Seminar on Tourism (ISOT 2018). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/isot-18.2019.79.

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Petkova, Tatyana V., and Daniel Galily. "When you are named Ruth." In 8th International e-Conference on Studies in Humanities and Social Sciences. Center for Open Access in Science, Belgrade, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.32591/coas.e-conf.08.06085p.

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This study aims to recall the ideas and activities in the field of law, politics, philosophy, the struggle for democracy and respect for human rights of two bright and exceptional personalities who left this world last year: Ruth Gavison (her areas of study include ethnic conflicts, protection of minorities, human rights, political theory, the judiciary, religion and politics, and Israel as a Jewish and democratic state. She was a member of the Israeli Academy of Sciences and Humanities. Nominated as a Judge at the Supreme Court of Israel in 2005.) and Ruth Bader Ginsburg (Judge at the Supreme Court of the United States. She upholds and defends the rights of women and people of color, gender equality.).
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Nahusona, Ferry. "Hybrid Religiosity and the Politics of Piety as a Survival Strategy: a case of the ritual of "Cuci Negeri" in Soya, Ambon." In Proceedings of the International Conference on Religion and Public Civilization (ICRPC 2018). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icrpc-18.2019.33.

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Suwarno, Peter. "Science, Religion, and Politics: Issues and Challenges in Dealing with the COVID-19 Pandemic in the US and Indonesia." In Proceedings of the First International Conference on Democracy and Social Transformation, ICON-DEMOST 2021, September 15, 2021, Semarang, Indonesia. EAI, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4108/eai.15-9-2021.2315593.

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Kurtoğlu, Ramazan. "Economy and National Security." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c04.00644.

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After the Great Depression in 1929, “economic security” which was in litterateur after World War II developed and in Cold War period it gained a meaning with neoliberalism which was put into effect with 1978 Washington Consensus. During this period, Soviet Bloc collapsed in early 1990s and a new term emerged in New World Order which is “economic security” equals “national security” or vice versa. Now, these two terms interwined and with a religion – politics philosophy – finance / economics formatted transformation international political economy – mapping and security terms filled.
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Martin, MCH. "G325 Mapping child development through historical sources in britain and the usa, 1900–1950: Clinic and hospital, politics and religion." In Royal College of Paediatrics and Child Health, Abstracts of the Annual Conference, 24–26 May 2017, ICC, Birmingham. BMJ Publishing Group Ltd and Royal College of Paediatrics and Child Health, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/archdischild-2017-313087.318.

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Kurtoğlu, Ramazan. "Financial-Economic Crisis and Hollywood’s Social Transformation Operations by Horror Movies." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c05.01055.

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The fastest change and transition in the human history is neoliberal capitalism’s 30 year global free market politics project which affects every part of the world with 1978 Washington Consensus. According to John Gray who is a well known academician and an intellectual of the new right-wing, neoliberalism is an apocalyptic secular religion which is based on pagan and Christian values and its ultimate goal is post-apocalyptic heaven in the real world. The best marketing expert of this heaven is, Hollywood based American cinema industry in crisis as well as in regular times. In this study, the effects of the horror movies to the subconscious under economical crises period will be analyzed.
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Reports on the topic "Religion and politics Australia"

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Dillon, Michele, and Megan Henly. Religion, politics, and the environment in rural America. University of New Hampshire Libraries, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.34051/p/2020.47.

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Mitralexis, Sotiris. Deepening Greece’s Divisions: Religion, COVID, Politics, and Science. Mέta | Centre for Postcapitalist Civilisation, February 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55405/mwp11en.

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Instead of being a time of unity and solidarity, the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic has proven to be a time of disunity, a time for deepening Greece’s divisions after a decade of crisis — on a spectrum ranging from politics to religion, and more im-portantly on the public discourse on religion. The present article offers a perspective on recent developments — by (a) looking into how the Greek government weapon-ized science in the public square, by (b) examining the stance of the Orthodox Church of Greece, by (c) indicatively surveying ‘COVID-19 and religion’ develop-ments that would not be covered by the latter, and last but not least by (d) discuss-ing the discrepancy between these two areas of inquiry in an attempt to explain it.
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Ardery, Julie. Changing church in the south: religion and politics in Elba, Alabama. University of New Hampshire Libraries, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.34051/p/2020.5.

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Marshall, Katherine. Towards Enriching Understandings and Assessments of Freedom of Religion or Belief: Politics, Debates, Methodologies, and Practices. Institute of Development Studies, January 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/creid.2021.001.

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Promoting the right to freedom of religion or belief (FoRB) is a foreign policy priority for several countries, their concerns accentuated by considerable evidence of rising levels of violations of this right worldwide. This puts a premium on solid evidence and on clear assessment criteria to serve as objective guides for policy. This paper reviews the complex landscape of approaches to assessing and measuring both the status of FoRB and the degree to which this human right is being violated or protected. It introduces and describes various transnational methodologies, both qualitative and quantitative, which focus, in differing ways, on violations. Several are widely cited and have express policy applications, while others have more indirect application to FoRB. The analysis highlights the diversity of approaches, which both reflect and contribute to a tendency to politicise FoRB issues. Challenges include differing understandings of the nature and relative significance of violations and their comparability. Country analysis is crucial because the specific context has vital importance for a granular appreciation for causes and impact of FoRB violations. This granularity, however, is poorly reflected in broader quantitative transnational and time series indices that highlight trends and comparative impact. The review highlights the limited degree to which FoRB issues, specifically violations and religiously related discrimination, are integrated in the policies and practice of development approaches (including social change and progress towards wellbeing) internationally and nationally. Effective approaches to addressing violations are few and far between, especially at the international level. The review notes strengths and weaknesses of specific approaches to assessment and reflects on possible improvements focused on development challenges and better integration among aspects of human rights.
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Thurston, Alexander. Campuses and Conflict in the Lake Chad Basin: Violent Extremism and the Politics of Religion in Higher Education. RESOLVE Network, May 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.37805/lcb2018.1.

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Ferguson, Thomas, Paul Jorgensen, and Jie Chen. The Knife Edge Election of 2020: American Politics Between Washington, Kabul, and Weimar. Institute for New Economic Thinking Working Paper Series, November 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.36687/inetwp169.

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This paper analyzes the 2020 election, focusing on voters, not political money, and emphasizing the importance of economic geography. Drawing extensively on county election returns, it analyzes how spatial factors combined with industrial structures to shape the outcome. It treats COVID 19’s role at length. The paper reviews studies suggesting that COVID 19 did not matter much, but then sets out a new approach indicating it mattered a great deal. The study analyzes the impact on the vote not only of unemployment but differences in income and industry structures, along with demographic factors, including religion, ethnicity, and race. It also studies how the waves of wildcat strikes and social protests that punctuated 2020 affected the vote in specific areas. Trump’s very controversial trade policies and his little discussed farm policies receive detailed attention. The paper concludes with a look at how political money helped make the results of the Congressional election different from the Presidential race. It also highlights the continuing importance of private equity and energy sectors opposed to government action to reverse climate change as conservative forces in (especially) the Republican Party, together with agricultural interests.
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Tyson, Paul. Australia: Pioneering the New Post-Political Normal in the Bio-Security State. Mέta | Centre for Postcapitalist Civilisation, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.55405/mwp10en.

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This paper argues that liberal democratic politics in Australia is in a life-threatening crisis. Australia is on the verge of slipping into a techno-feudal (post-capitalist) and post-political (new Centrist) state of perpetual emergency. Citizens in Australia, be they of the Left or Right, must make an urgent attempt to wrest power from an increasingly non-political Centrism. Within this Centrism, government is deeply captured by the international corporate interests of Big Tech, Big Natural Resources, Big Media, and Big Pharma, as beholden to the economic necessities of the neoliberal world order (Big Finance). Australia now illustrates what the post-political ‘new normal’ of a high-tech enabled bio-security state actually looks like. It may even be that the liberal democratic state is now little more than a legal fiction in Australia. This did not happen over-night, but Australia has been sliding in this direction for the past three decades. The paper outlines that slide and shows how the final bump down (covid) has now positioned Australia as a world leader among post-political bio-security states.
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Yilmaz, Ihsan, and Kainat Shakil. Religious Populism and Vigilantism: The Case of the Tehreek-e-Labbaik Pakistan. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), January 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/pp0001.

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Religious populism and radicalism are hardly new to Pakistan. Since its birth in 1947, the country has suffered through an ongoing identity crisis. Under turbulent political conditions, religion has served as a surrogate identity for Pakistan, masking the country’s evident plurality, and over the years has come to dominate politics. Tehreek-e-Labbaik Pakistan (TLP) is the latest face of religious extremism merged with populist politics. Nevertheless, its sporadic rise from a national movement defending Pakistan’s notorious blasphemy laws to a “pious” party is little understood. This paper draws on a collection of primary and secondary sources to piece together an account of the party’s evolution that sheds light on its appeal to “the people” and its marginalization and targeting of the “other.” The analysis reveals that the TLP has evolved from a proxy backed by the establishment against the mainstream parties to a full-fledged political force in its own right. Its ability to relate to voters via its pious narrative hinges on exploiting the emotional insecurities of the largely disenfranchised masses. With violence legitimized under the guise of religion, “the people” are afforded a new sense of empowerment. Moreover, the party’s rhetoric has given rise to a vigilante-style mob culture so much so that individuals inspired by this narrative have killed in plain sight without remorse. To make matters worse, the incumbent government of Imran Khan — itself a champion of Islamist rhetoric — has made repeated concessions and efforts to appease the TLP that have only emboldened the party. Today, the TLP poses serious challenges to Pakistan’s long-standing, if fragile, pluralistic social norms and risks tipping the country into an even deadlier cycle of political radicalization.
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Willis, Craig, Will Hughes, and Sergiusz Bober. ECMI Minorities Blog. National and Linguistic Minorities in the Context of Professional Football across Europe: Five Examples from Non-kin State Situations. European Centre for Minority Issues, December 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.53779/bvkl7633.

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Football clubs are often analysed by scholars as ‘imagined communities’, for no fan of any team will ever meet, or even be aware of most of their fellow supporters on an individual level. They are also simultaneously one of the most tribal phenomena of the twenty-first century, comparable to religion in terms of the complexity of rituals, their rhythm and overall organizational intricacies, yet equally inseparable from economics and politics. Whilst, superficially, the events of sporting fixtures carry little political significance, for many of Europe’s national and linguistic minorities football fandom takes on an extra dimension of identity – on an individual and collective scale, acting as a defining differentiation from the majority society. This blogpost analyses five clubs from non-kin state settings, with the intention to assess how different aspects of minority identities affect their fan bases, communication policies and other practices.
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Yilmaz, Ihsan, Raja M. Ali Saleem, Mahmoud Pargoo, Syaza Shukri, Idznursham Ismail, and Kainat Shakil. Religious Populism, Cyberspace and Digital Authoritarianism in Asia: India, Indonesia, Malaysia, Pakistan, and Turkey. European Center for Populism Studies, January 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/5jchdy.

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Turkey, Pakistan, India, Malaysia, and Indonesia span one of the longest continuously inhabited regions of the world. Centuries of cultural infusion have ensured these societies are highly heterogeneous. As plural polities, they are ripe for the kind of freedoms that liberal democracy can guarantee. However, despite having multi-party electoral systems, these countries have recently moved toward populist authoritarianism. Populism —once considered a distinctively Latin American problem that only seldom reared its head in other parts of the world— has now found a home in almost every corner of the planet. Moreover, it has latched on to religion, which, as history reminds us, has an unparalleled power to mobilize crowds. This report explores the unique nexus between faith and populism in our era and offers an insight into how cyberspace and offline politics have become highly intertwined to create a hyper-reality in which socio-political events are taking place. The report focuses, in particular, on the role of religious populism in digital space as a catalyst for undemocratic politics in the five Asian countries we have selected as our case studies. The focus on the West Asian and South Asian cases is an opportunity to examine authoritarian religious populists in power, whereas the East Asian countries showcase powerful authoritarian religious populist forces outside parliament. This report compares internet governance in each of these countries under three categories: obstacles to access, limits on content, and violations of user rights. These are the digital toolkits that authorities use to govern digital space. Our case selection and research focus have allowed us to undertake a comparative analysis of different types of online restrictions in these countries that constrain space foropposition and democratic voices while simultaneously making room for authoritarian religious populist narratives to arise and flourish. The report finds that surveillance, censorship, disinformation campaigns, internet shutdowns, and cyber-attacks—along with targeted arrests and violence spreading from digital space—are common features of digital authoritarianism. In each case, it is also found that religious populist forces co-opt political actors in their control of cyberspace. The situational analysis from five countries indicates that religion’s role in digital authoritarianism is quite evident, adding to the layer of nationalism. Most of the leaders in power use religious justifications for curbs on the internet. Religious leaders support these laws as a means to restrict “moral ills” such as blasphemy, pornography, and the like. This evident “religious populism” seems to be a major driver of policy changes that are limiting civil liberties in the name of “the people.” In the end, the reasons for restricting digital space are not purely religious but draw on religious themes with populist language in a mixed and hybrid fashion. Some common themes found in all the case studies shed light on the role of digital space in shaping politics and society offline and vice versa. The key findings of our survey are as follows: The future of (especially) fragile democracies is highly intertwined with digital space. There is an undeniable nexus between faith and populism which offers an insight into how cyberspace and politics offline have become highly intertwined. Religion and politics have merged in these five countries to shape cyber governance. The cyber governance policies of populist rulers mirror their undemocratic, repressive, populist, and authoritarian policies offline. As a result, populist authoritarianism in the non-digital world has increasingly come to colonize cyberspace, and events online are more and more playing a role in shaping politics offline. “Morality” is a common theme used to justify the need for increasingly draconian digital laws and the active monopolization of cyberspace by government actors. Islamist and Hindutva trolls feel an unprecedented sense of cyber empowerment, hurling abuse without physically seeing the consequences or experiencing the emotional and psychological damage inflicted on their victims.
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