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1
Rothstein, Bo. 1. The Relevance of Comparative Politics. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198737421.003.0003.
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This chapter explains what comparative politics could be relevant for, such as informing the public debate and giving policy advice. It argues that comparative politics has a huge but sometimes underdeveloped potential for being relevant for the various aspects of human well-being, economic prosperity, and social justice that most people care deeply about. Empirical research shows that the manner in which a country's political institutions are designed and the quality of the operations of these institutions have a strong impact on measures of population health as well as subjective well-being and general social trust. One result is that democratization without increased state capacity and control of corruption is not likely to deliver increased human well-being. The chapter also considers whether democracy generates political legitimacy and concludes by suggesting that comparative political science has so far paid relatively little attention to issues about state capacity, control of corruption, and institutional quality.
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Listhaug, Ola, and Tor Georg Jakobsen. Foundations of Political Trust. Edited by Eric M. Uslaner. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190274801.013.14.
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Research on political trust has been through a period of strong growth and now constitutes an important field within political behavior. The research growth is driven at least partly by access to new sources of data, which are relevant for testing many of the explanations of political trust discussed in the research literature. Research has moved in several directions. Overall, we observe that research on political trust is strongly integrated into mainstream research on political behavior with an emphasis of attitudes and other political psychology constructs. Complementing the micro-level approach, there is also a movement toward macro-level studies, with strong links to institutions. The institutional approach is primarily linked to electoral institutions and serves to test main hypotheses about differences between electoral systems.
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Sørensen, Eva. Interactive Political Leadership. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198777953.001.0001.
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In what this book boldly defines as the age of governance, citizens and other relevant and affected stakeholders are active partakers in governing Western liberal societies. This reality is out of tune with traditional sovereign perceptions of political leadership. Drawing on recent theories of interactive governance and political leadership, Eva Sørensen develops a concept of interactive political leadership that aims to capture what political leadership looks like in a society of active, anti-authoritarian, and politically competent citizens. The key message is that although interactive political leadership is no panacea, it is a step forward in developing a mature perception of what political leadership means in a democratic society with a strong participatory political culture. Hence, interactive political leadership stands out as a promising way of promoting the legitimacy and effectiveness of democratic governance by establishing a bridge between representative democracy and emergent forms of political participation, promoting political learning and accountability, strengthening the political entrepreneurship of elected politicians, and mobilizing relevant resources in society. The book develops twenty propositions that sets the agenda for a new and much-needed field of empirical research into political leadership in the age of governance.
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West, John. Enthusiasm and Political Crisis. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198816409.003.0003.
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This chapter examines how the Exclusion crisis of 1678–82 affected Dryden’s theorization of the role of enthusiasm in literature and drama. Dryden’s essays of the late 1670s seem to move back towards the rule of judgement, but his work from this period also tries to preserve some semblance of enthusiasm’s literary relevance. The chapter argues that this adjustment was informed by the partisan politics of the late ’70s and early ’80s. Initially, the chapter explores this through Dryden’s engagement with Shakespeare, before analysing his major political and religious poems of the period, Absalom and Achitophel (1681), The Medall (1682), and Religio Laici (1682), as well as the Whig responses to them that brandished Dryden a mere enthusiast. Dryden was working out how to preserve a version of enthusiasm denoting the strong passions amid a political culture where personal feeling seemed to be elevated as the sole guide of public judgement.
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Tesler, Michael, and John Zaller. The Power of Political Communication. Edited by Kate Kenski and Kathleen Hall Jamieson. Oxford University Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199793471.013.003.
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Most scholars agree that the effects of mass communication are more than minimal. We find, however, that most communication effects are short-lived, involve mainly weakly held attitudes, and produce no political consequences. Party cues conveyed in mass communication can change attitudes, but usually weakly held ones; when individuals hold strong views, they often change parties rather than change attitudes. Non-partisan communication may not durably change any attitudes, even weakly held ones. These conclusions, derived from field studies rather than laboratory experiments, raise the old minimal effects question in a new form: How politically important are the effects of mass communication? Our answer is that it depends on context. Short-term communication effects can be quite consequential if they occur close to a relevant political decision, such as an election or congressional vote. Communication that continues over a long period of time, such as messages carrying the value of racial equality, may also be important. Short-term or episodic communication that aims to produce a generally informed citizenry, independent of any political decision, may have little importance.
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Urrieta, Luis. Cultural Identity Theory and Education. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190676087.003.0001.
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This chapter presents a selective overview of the study of identity. Identity is defined broadly as self-understandings, especially those with strong emotional resonances, and often marked with socially constructed raced, gendered, classed, and sexual identity labels. The definition of identity is based on two assumptions: (a) the study of identity is the study of subject formation and (b) identity is about power. The chapter then proceeds to address two aspects of cultural identity as a concept: first, the power that cultural identity has for identity politics, followed by the political dimensions of cultural identity as used by oppressed and minoritized groups in social movements and activism, especially those related to education. The chapter then focuses on the relevance of identity to address difference in education and concludes with asserting the importance of qualitative research in the study of identity.
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Drezner, Daniel W. Mercantilist and Realist Perspectives on the Global Political Economy. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780190846626.013.260.
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Mercantilism and realism would appear to go hand in glove with each other. If realism represents both a systemic worldview and explanatory model for world politics, then mercantilism would appear to be the paradigm’s default foreign economic policy doctrine. And, to be sure, there are obvious and strong areas of overlap. Both paradigms stress the autonomous role of the state—and warn against capture by particularistic interests. Both also stress the conditioning effects of the distribution of power in defining national economic interests. Despite these constants, however, over time, the two approaches diverged more and more. Most modern-day writers who sympathize with mercantilism do so from perspectives ranging from left-leaning social democracy to more radical Gramscian critiques. Realists, on the other hand, have tended to gravitate towards the conservative, Burkean side of the political spectrum. While realists and mercantilists might agree on the role that power plays in the global economy, they do not necessarily agree on the normative implications of that insight. Paradoxically, as realism has acquired a more “scientific” cast, it has become less influential in international political economy (IPE) scholarship. For realism to maintain its relevancy in IPE, it must reacquire its deftness in incorporating nonstructural variables into its explanatory framework. The paradigm retains some useful predictive power for how systemic political variables affect global economic outcomes, but it is of little use in discussing the reverse causal effects.
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Lawson, Stephanie. 16. Critical Approaches to Global Politics. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198704386.003.0017.
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This chapter examines seven critical approaches to global politics: Marxism, Critical Theory, constructivism, feminism, postmodernism, postcolonial theory, and green theory. In their book The Manifesto of the Communist Party, Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels address the implications for global order of the rise of capitalism and the role of the bourgeoisie as controllers of capital. Their ideas have had a major influence on critical approaches to virtually all aspects of both domestic and global politics. The chapter considers some major strands of Marxist-influenced theory of direct relevance to global politics, including dependency theory, world-system theory, Gramscian theory, and Frankfurt School theory. It also discusses gender theory and compares postmodern/poststructural approaches to global politics with Critical Theory and constructivism in International Relations.
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Doyle, David M., and Liam O'Callaghan. Capital Punishment in Independent Ireland. Liverpool University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781789620276.001.0001.
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This is a comprehensive and nuanced historical survey of the death penalty in Ireland from the immediate post-Civil War period through to its complete abolition. Using original archival material, this book sheds light on the various social, legal and political contexts in which the death penalty operated and was discussed. In Ireland the death penalty served a dual function: as an instrument of punishment in the civilian criminal justice system, and as a weapon to combat periodic threats to the security of the state posed by the IRA. In closely examining cases dealt with in the ordinary criminal courts, this book elucidates ideas of class, gender, community and sanity and how these factors had an impact the administration of justice. The application of the death penalty also had a strong political dimension, most evident in the enactment of emergency legislation and the setting up of military courts specifically targeted at the IRA. As this book demonstrates, the civilian and the political strands converged in the story of the abolition of the death penalty in Ireland. Long after decision-makers accepted that the death penalty was no longer an acceptable punishment for ‘ordinary’ cases of murder, lingering anxieties about the threat of subversives dictated the pace of abolition and the scope of the relevant legislation.
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Gulati, Mitu, Christoph Trebesch, and Jeromin Zettelmeyer. International Finance and Sovereign Debt. Edited by Francesco Parisi. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199684250.013.035.
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Sovereign borrowers differ from private borrowers. Among other differences, creditors lack strong legal enforcement rights against sovereigns, and there is also no bankruptcy to ensure a collectively-binding debt adjustment. Because of these differences, the academic literature on sovereign debt tends to downplay the relevance of law and legal techniques. In particular, the literature does not pay much attention to the terms of sovereign loan contracts. The assumption seems to be that contract terms do not matter without strong legal enforcement rights. Yet this assumption is at odds with the evidence from practice. For hundreds of years, sovereign borrowers and their lenders have negotiated detailed loan contracts as if the terms matter. Drafters have also revised loan contracts to account for changes in the political, economic, and legal climate. This chapter explores the role that contracts play in the market for sovereign debt, focusing on clauses found in sovereign bonds.
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Jones, Chris. Conclusion and Coda. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198824527.003.0008.
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In the Conclusion arguments are drawn together and the relevance of Anglo-Saxon reception studies to contemporary political events in 2017 is emphasized. It is argued that ‘Anglo-Saxon poetry’ is as much a category of discourse as it is a body of literature, and one which is continually in motion. The career of fossilist Mary Anning and her posthumous reception is invoked as analogous to the evolving construction of the past. Thomas Hardy’s knowledge of philology and Anglo-Saxon is briefly considered before Fossil Poetry concludes by critiquing Jones’s earlier book Strange Likeness and the way it figured Old English within modern poetic tradition.
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Liu, Jun. Shifting Dynamics of Contention in the Digital Age. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190887261.001.0001.
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Over the past decades, waves of political contention involving the use of information and communication technologies have swept across the globe. The phenomenon stimulates the scholarship on digital communication technologies and contentious collective action to thrive as an exciting, relevant, but highly fragmentary and contested field with disciplinary boundaries. To advance the interdisciplinary understanding, Shifting Dynamics of Contention in the Digital Age outlines a communication-centered framework that articulates the intricate relationship between technology, communication, and contention. It further prods us to engage more critically with existing theories from communication, sociology, and political science on digital technologies and political movements. Given the theoretical endeavor, Shifting Dynamics of Contention in the Digital Age systematically explores, for the first time, the influence of mobile technology on political contention in China, the country with the world’s largest number of mobile and Internet users. Using first-hand in-depth interview and fieldwork data, it tracks the strategic choice of mobile phones as repertoires of contention, illustrates the effective mobilization of mobile communication on the basis of its strong and reciprocal social ties, and identifies the communicative practice of forwarding officially alleged “rumors” as a form of everyday resistance. Through this ground-breaking study, Shifting Dynamics of Contention in the Digital Age presents a nuanced portrayal of an emerging dynamics of contention—both its strengths and limitations—through the embedding of mobile communication into Chinese society and politics.
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de Mesquita, Bruce Bueno. Foreign Policy Analysis and Rational Choice Models. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780190846626.013.395.
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Since the end of World War II, foreign policy thinking has been dominated by a realist (or neorealist) perspective in which states are taken as the relevant unit of analysis. The focus on states as the central actors in international politics leads to the view that what happens within states is of little consequence for understanding what happens between states. However, state-centric, unitary rational actor theories fail to explain perhaps the most significant empirical discovery in international relations over the past several decades. That is the widely accepted observation that democracies tend not to fight wars with one another even though they are not especially reluctant to fight with autocratic regimes. By looking within states at their domestic politics and institutionally induced behavior, the political economy perspective provides explanations of the democratic peace and associated empirical regularities while offering a cautionary tale for those who leap too easily to the inference that since pairs of democracies tend to interact peacefully; therefore it follows that they have strong normative incentives to promote democratic reform around the world. Rational choices approaches have also helped elucidate new insights that contribute to our understanding of foreign policy. Some of these new insights and the tools of analysis from which they are derived have significantly contributed to the actual decision making process.
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Kramer, Matthew H. Self-Respect in Rawls’s Liberalism. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198777960.003.0007.
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Though the affirmative argumentation in this book will really have begun in Chapter 6, it emerges fully in the volume’s concluding three chapters. Chapter 7 explores in detail the nature of self-respect, with close attention to Rawls’s medley of remarks on the topic. Though his remarks are quite tangled—with numerous apparent inconsistencies among them—they along with some of his other observations can be worked up into an account of self-respect that is highly serviceable for aspirational perfectionism. When the scattered relevant strands of A Theory of Justice and Political Liberalism are brought together and amplified, they underscore the connections between a society’s achievements and the warrantedness of each individual’s self-respect.
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Lockenour, Jay. Dragonslayer. Cornell University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501754593.001.0001.
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In this biography of the infamous ideologue Erich Ludendorff, the author complicates the classic depiction of this German World War I hero. Erich Ludendorff created for himself a persona that secured his place as one of the most prominent (and despicable) Germans of the twentieth century. With boundless energy and an obsession with detail, Ludendorff ascended to power and solidified a stable, public position among Germany’s most influential. Between 1914 and his death in 1937, he was a war hero, a dictator, a right-wing activist, a failed putschist, a presidential candidate, a publisher, and a would-be prophet. He guided Germany’s effort in the Great War between 1916 and 1918 and, importantly, set the tone for a politics of victimhood and revenge in the postwar era. This book explores Ludendorff’s life after 1918, arguing that the strange or unhinged personal traits most historians attribute to mental collapse were, in fact, integral to Ludendorff’s political strategy. The book asserts that Ludendorff patterned himself, sometimes consciously and sometimes unconsciously, on the dragonslayer of Germanic mythology, Siegfried — hero of the epic poem The Nibelungenlied and much admired by German nationalists. The symbolic power of this myth allowed Ludendorff to embody many Germans’ fantasies of revenge after their defeat in 1918, keeping him relevant to political discourse despite his failure to hold high office or cultivate a mass following after World War I. The book reveals the influence that Ludendorff’s postwar career had on Germany’s political culture and radical right during this tumultuous era.
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Spies, Dennis C. The New Progressive Dilemma through the Lens of Comparative Welfare State and Party Research. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198812906.003.0002.
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The chapter summarizes the New Progressive Dilemma (NPD) debate, identifying three arguments from comparative welfare state and party research likely to be relevant to the relationship between immigration and welfare state retrenchment: public opinion, welfare institutions, and political parties. Alignment of anti-immigrant sentiments and welfare support varies considerably between countries, especially between the US and Europe, leading to different party incentives vis-à-vis welfare state retrenchment. The chapter introduces insights from comparative welfare state and party research to the debate, discussing inter alia, political parties in terms of welfare retrenchment, immigrants as a voter group, and cross-national variation of existing welfare institutions. It addresses the complex debates around attitudinal change caused by immigration, levels of welfare support, voting behavior, and social expenditures. Combining these strands of literature, a common theoretical framework is developed that is subsequently applied to both the US and Western European context.
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Basu, Soumita. UN, Gender, and Women. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780190846626.013.356.
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After the end of World War II, women’s rights advocates at the United Nations vigorously campaigned for equality between the sexes. At the UN Charter Conference held in San Francisco in 1945, women delegates fought for the recognition of sex-based discrimination as a violation of human rights in Article 1 of the Charter. At the UN, issues relating to women were primarily placed under the purview of the Commission on the Status of Women (CSW), established in June 1946 with the mandate to “prepare recommendations and report to the Economic and Social Council on promoting women’s rights in political, economic, civil, social and educational fields.” Three main perspectives underpin feminist International Relations (IR) literature on the UN, gender and women: promoting women’s participation and inclusion of women’s issues at the UN; gender critique of the UN, geared towards institutional transformation; and challenging the universality of the UN. Despite some fundamental differences between these three strands of thinking, their political significance is widely acknowledged in the literature. The co-existence of these contentious viewpoints resonates with the vibrant feminist politics at the UN, and offers a fruitful avenue for envisioning a better intergovernmental organization. This is particularly relevant in light of feminist scholars’ engagement with activism and policymaking at the UN from the very beginning. Nevertheless, there are issues that deserve further consideration, such as the workings of the UN, as reflected in its unique diplomatic characteristics and bureaucratic practices.
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Linos, Katerina. Methodological Guidance. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190697570.003.0002.
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To develop arguments about international law we often must study how different countries act. International courts, casebook and textbook authors, and other scholars often reference the practices of foreign states. International lawyers are well aware of the need of comparison. What we lack is the toolkit to select and develop these comparative analyses. As a result, comparisons often focus on countries that share strong linguistic, cultural, legal, and political ties, which is not always analytically ideal. This chapter synthesizes key findings to the following questions, and applies them to fundamental questions in international law: How can we know whether we are cherry-picking examples that favor our preferred conclusions? When is it best to develop examples from countries that are very different from one’s own, and when should one focus on similar ones? How should one define similarity? And finally, which aspects of foreign systems are most relevant for particular inquiries?
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Budolfson, Mark. Market Failure, the Tragedy of the Commons, and Default Libertarianism in Contemporary Economics and Policy. Edited by David Schmidtz and Carmen E. Pavel. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199989423.013.22.
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Many political theorists take the phenomenon of market failure to show that arguments for libertarianism fail in a straightforward way. This chapter explains why the most common form of this objection depends on invalid reasoning, and why a more sophisticated examination of the relevant economics has led most contemporary economists and policy experts to a view that might be called Default Libertarianism, according to which the strong default for public policy—even in response to market failures—should be toward decentralized, pro-individual freedom policies that involve minimal government intervention in markets. Some experts (but by no means all) similarly believe that even in the face of substantial market failures, libertarian policies are generally best all things considered. This shift toward more libertarian policy represents an important change from the middle of the twentieth century. This chapter explains the structure of the arguments that have led to this shift.
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Miano, Daniele. To Each His Own. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198786566.003.0006.
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This chapter studies Fortuna connected with age and gender groups or with individuals in the late Republican period. The first part focuses on Fortuna associated with age and gender groups through epithets including Muliebris, Virgo, Virilis, Barbata. The worship of these deities was not reserved to the relevant age or gender groups, and the complexity of rituals and representations implies that they were used for the social, political, and cultural construction of these age and gender categories. The second part studies the evidence pointing at a connection between late Republican dynasts and Fortuna, from Sulla to Caesar. Sulla and Caesar show a strong interest in Fortuna but a reluctance to directly claim a relationship with the goddess. Pompey was probably more open to making such claims. There is no trace in this period of a Roman adoption of the Hellenistic practice of the worship of the fortune of the ruler.
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Gilbert, Jérémie. Natural Resources and Human Rights. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198795667.001.0001.
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The management of natural resources is linked to broad issues of economic development, as well as to political stability, peace, and security, but it is also intimately connected to the political, economic, social, and cultural rights of individuals and communities relying on these resources. Bad management of natural resources often leads to ill-planned development, misappropriation of land, corruption, bad governance, misaligned budget priorities, lack of strong institutional reforms, and weak policies coupled with a continued denial of human rights of local communities. This book analyses in details the connections that exist between the management of natural resources and human rights, offering a new innovative human rights-based approach to natural resources management. To do it offers a comprehensive analysis of the different norms, procedures, and approaches developed under human rights law that are relevant to the management of natural resources. Advocating for a less market and corporate approach to the control, ownership, and management of natural resources, this book supports the development of holistic and coherent integration of human rights law in the overall international legal framework governing the management of natural resources.
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May, Adrian. From Bataille to Badiou. Liverpool University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781786940438.001.0001.
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This book provides an exhaustive reading of the significant yet understudied intellectual review Lignes, from 1987 to 2017, to demonstrate how it has managed to preserve and develop the legacy of French radical thought often referred to as ‘French Theory’ or ‘la pensée 68’. Whilst many studies on intellectual reviews from the 1930s to the 1980s exist, this book crucially illuminates the shifting intellectual and political culture of France since the 1980s, filling a major gap in contemporary debates on the continued relevance of French intellectuals. This book provides a strong counter-narrative to the received account that, after the anti-totalitarian ‘liberal moment’ of the late 1970s, Marxism and structuralism were completely banished from the French intellectual sphere. It provides the historical context behind the rise of such internationally renowned thinkers such as Alain Badiou, Jacques Rancière Jean-Luc Nancy, whilst placing them within an intellectual genealogy stretching back to Georges Bataille and Maurice Blanchot in the 1930s. The book also introduces the reader to lesser known but nonetheless significant thinkers, including Lignes editor Michel Surya, Dionys Mascolo, Daniel Bensaïd, Fethi Benslama, Anselm Jappe and Robert Kurz. Through the review’s pages, a novel cultural history of France emerges as intellectuals respond to pressing contemporary issues, such as the fall of Communism, the European migrant crisis and rising nationalist tensions, the globalisation of financial capitalism and the 2008 economic crisis, scandals surrounding paedophilia and the return of religious thought to France, as well as debates on literature and the political value of art.
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Chan, Steve. Progress in the Democratic Peace Research Agenda. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780190846626.013.280.
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According to the democratic peace theory, democracies are hesitant to engage in armed conflict with other identified democracies. Contrary to theories explaining war engagement, it is a “theory of peace” outlining motives that dissuade state-sponsored violence. The proposition that democracies are more peaceful than autocracies has spawned a huge literature. Much of the relevant quantitative research has shown that democracies indeed rarely, if ever, fight each other, although they are not necessarily less aggressive than autocracies in general. Although, statistically, the probability of war between any two states is considerably low, the absence of war among liberal democracies across a wide range of different historical, economic, and political factors suggests that there is a strong predisposition against the use of military violence between democratic states. According to scholars, the democratic peace theory can elaborate on the empirical phenomena previously explained by the earlier dominant research program, realism in international relations; in addition, the initial statement that democracies do not, or rarely, wage war on one another, has been followed by a rapidly growing literature on novel empirical regularities. This democratic peace proposition not only challenges the validity of other political systems, but also the prevailing realist account of international relations, which emphasizes balance-of-power calculations and common strategic interests.
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Pelgrom, Jeremia, and Arthur Weststeijn, eds. The Renaissance of Roman Colonization. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198850960.001.0001.
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The colonization policies of Ancient Rome followed a range of legal arrangements concerning property distribution and state formation, documented in fragmented textual and epigraphic sources. Once antiquarian scholars rediscovered and scrutinized these sources in the Renaissance, their analysis of the Roman colonial model formed the intellectual background for modern visions of empire. What does it mean to exercise power at and over distance? This book foregrounds the pioneering contribution to this debate of the great Italian Renaissance scholar Carlo Sigonio (1522/3–84). His comprehensive legal interpretation of Roman society and Roman colonization, which for more than two centuries remained the leading account of Roman history, has been of immense (but long disregarded) significance for the modern understanding of Roman colonial practices and of the legal organization and implications of empire. Bringing together experts on Roman history, the history of classical scholarship, and the history of international law, this book analyses the context, making, and impact of Sigonio’s reconstruction of the Roman colonial model. It shows how his legal interpretation of Roman colonization originated and how it informed the development of legal colonial discourse, from visions of imperial reform and colonial independence in the nascent United States of America, to Enlightenment accounts of property distribution, culminating in a specific juridical strand in twentieth-century Roman historiography. Through a detailed analysis of scholarly and political visions of Roman colonization from the Renaissance until today, this book shows the enduring relevance of legal interpretations of the Roman colonial model for modern experiences of empire.
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Dufallo, Basil, ed. Roman Error. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198803034.001.0001.
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In the eyes of posterity, ancient Rome is deeply flawed, whether because of political corruption or imperial domination, the practice of slavery or religious intolerance, sexual immorality or other “decadence”—the list could extend considerably. Without denying the good reasons why certain aspects of Roman behavior are unacceptable within our present worldview, this volume reveals how, for centuries, the Romans’ “errors” have not only provoked opprobrium but also inspired wayward, novel, errant forms of thought and representation, for whose historical importance and continued relevance the contributors argue. Treating examples from history, philosophy, literature, psychoanalysis, and art history, extending chronologically from antiquity to the present, Roman Error examines ways in which the Romans’ faults have become the basis for creative experimentation, rejections of prevailing ideology, revolutionary departures from received opinion, even comedy and delight. Thus “Roman error,” as used here, comes to signify both something that the Romans did and something that their heirs (including ourselves) do, when receptions of Rome attract charges of “error” or at least make us especially aware of reception as “error” of a kind. The reception of Rome’s missteps and mistakes has been far more complex than simply denouncing or condemning them, simply labeling them as an exemplum malum to be shunned and avoided. This volume, its play on words joining the moral, cognitive, and physical senses of the Latin verb errare (“to stray from the path of virtue,” “to be mistaken,” “to wander about,” etc.), examines a particular, recurring manner in which this is so.
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Havrelock, Rachel. The Joshua Generation. Princeton University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691198934.001.0001.
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No biblical text has been more central to the politics of modern Israel than the Book of Joshua. Named after a military leader who became the successor to Moses, it depicts the march of the ancient Israelites into Canaan, describing how they subjugated and massacred the indigenous peoples. This book examines the book's centrality to the Israeli occupation today, revealing why nationalist longing and social reality are tragically out of sync in the Promised Land. Though the Book of Joshua was largely ignored and reviled by diaspora Jews, the leaders of modern Israel have invoked it to promote national cohesion. Critics of occupation, meanwhile, have denounced it as a book that celebrates genocide. This book looks at the composition of Joshua, showing how it reflected the fractious nature of ancient Israelite society and a desire to unify the populace under a strong monarchy. The book describes how David Ben-Gurion, Israel's first prime minister, convened a study group at his home in the late 1950s, where generals, politicians, and professors reformulated the story of Israel's founding in the language of Joshua. The book traces how Ben-Gurion used a brutal tale of conquest to unite an immigrant population of Jews of different ethnicities and backgrounds, casting modern Israelis and Palestinians as latter-day Israelites and Canaanites. Providing an alternative reading of Joshua, the book finds evidence of a decentralized society composed of tribes, clans, and woman-run households, one with relevance to today when diverse peoples share the dwindling resources of a scarred land.
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Billioud, Sébastien. Reclaiming the Wilderness. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197529133.001.0001.
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The Yiguandao (Way of Pervading Unity) was one of the major redemptive societies of Republican China. It is nowadays one of the largest and most influential religious movements of the Chinese world and at the same time one of the least known and understood. From its powerful base in Taiwan, it develops worldwide, including in Mainland China, where it nevertheless remains officially forbidden. Based on extensive ethnographic work carried out over nearly a decade, Reclaiming the Wilderness explores the expansionary dynamics of this group and its regional circulations such as they can be primarily observed from a Hong Kong perspective. It analyzes the proselytizing impetus of the adepts, the transmission of charisma and forms of leadership, the specific role of Confucianism that makes it possible for the group to defuse tension with Chinese authorities and, even sometimes, to cooperate with them. It also delves into Yiguandao’s well-structured expansionary strategies and in its quasi-diplomatic efforts to navigate the troubled waters of cross-strait politics. To readers primarily interested in Chinese studies, this work offers new perspectives on state–religion relationships in China, the Taiwan issue seen through the lenses of religion, or one of the modern and contemporary fates of Confucianism—that is, its appropriation by redemptive societies and religious organizations. But it also addresses theoretical questions that are relevant to completely different contexts and thus contributes to the fields of sociology, anthropology, and psychology of religion.
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Taking Stock of Regional Democratic Trends in Asia and the Pacific Before and During the COVID-19 Pandemic. International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.31752/idea.2020.70.
Full textAbstract:
This GSoD In Focus Special Brief provides an overview of the state of democracy in Asia and the Pacific at the end of 2019, prior to the outbreak of the pandemic, and assesses some of the preliminary impacts that the pandemic has had on democracy in the region in 2020. Key fact and findings include: • Prior to the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic, countries across Asia and the Pacific faced a range of democratic challenges. Chief among these were continuing political fragility, violent conflict, recurrent military interference in the political sphere, enduring hybridity, deepening autocratization, creeping ethnonationalism, advancing populist leadership, democratic backsliding, shrinking civic space, the spread of disinformation, and weakened checks and balances. The crisis conditions engendered by the pandemic risk further entrenching and/or intensifying the negative democratic trends observable in the region prior to the COVID-19 outbreak. • Across the region, governments have been using the conditions created by the pandemic to expand executive power and restrict individual rights. Aspects of democratic practice that have been significantly impacted by anti-pandemic measures include the exercise of fundamental rights (notably freedom of assembly and free speech). Some countries have also seen deepened religious polarization and discrimination. Women, vulnerable groups, and ethnic and religious minorities have been disproportionately affected by the pandemic and discriminated against in the enforcement of lockdowns. There have been disruptions of electoral processes, increased state surveillance in some countries, and increased influence of the military. This is particularly concerning in new, fragile or backsliding democracies, which risk further eroding their already fragile democratic bases. • As in other regions, however, the pandemic has also led to a range of innovations and changes in the way democratic actors, such as parliaments, political parties, electoral commissions, civil society organizations and courts, conduct their work. In a number of countries, for example, government ministries, electoral commissions, legislators, health officials and civil society have developed innovative new online tools for keeping the public informed about national efforts to combat the pandemic. And some legislatures are figuring out new ways to hold government to account in the absence of real-time parliamentary meetings. • The consideration of political regime type in debates around ways of containing the pandemic also assumes particular relevance in Asia and the Pacific, a region that houses high-performing democracies, such as New Zealand and the Republic of Korea (South Korea), a mid-range performer (Taiwan), and also non-democratic regimes, such as China, Singapore and Viet Nam—all of which have, as of December 2020, among the lowest per capita deaths from COVID-19 in the world. While these countries have all so far managed to contain the virus with fewer fatalities than in the rest of the world, the authoritarian regimes have done so at a high human rights cost, whereas the democracies have done so while adhering to democratic principles, proving that the pandemic can effectively be fought through democratic means and does not necessarily require a trade off between public health and democracy. • The massive disruption induced by the pandemic can be an unparalleled opportunity for democratic learning, change and renovation in the region. Strengthening democratic institutions and processes across the region needs to go hand in hand with curbing the pandemic. Rebuilding societies and economic structures in its aftermath will likewise require strong, sustainable and healthy democracies, capable of tackling the gargantuan challenges ahead. The review of the state of democracy during the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020 uses qualitative analysis and data of events and trends in the region collected through International IDEA’s Global Monitor of COVID-19’s Impact on Democracy and Human Rights, an initiative co-funded by the European Union.