Academic literature on the topic 'Relevance politické strany'
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Journal articles on the topic "Relevance politické strany"
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Özekin, Muhammed Kürşad. "On the Contemporary Relevance of Dependency Perspective: a Critical Appraisal." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 19, no. 4 (November 17, 2020): 418–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691497-12341564.
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Abstract Is dependency theory dead as an explanation of underdevelopment today? Today, a broad consensus answers this question in the affirmative. In contrast to this commonly-held contention, this study counter-argues that despite the need of refinement to account for the recent changes that have taken place in global economy, a certain strand of dependency analyses still maintains validity, and offers inspirations for those wanting to address limits and prospects of capitalist development. The study first critically surveys the barrage of criticisms levied against the dependency school, since any revisiting of this archaic line of thought might be quite easily subjected to an outright dismissal beforehand. Then, the study reveals that the conceptualization of dependency as elaborated by historical-structural dependency analyses still maintains validity, and when wisely applied to the new conditions, offers a basilar IPE framework to address the limits, prospects, and divergent patterns of development in today’s Global South.
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RAO, VELCHERU NARAYANA, and SANJAY SUBRAHMANYAM. "Notes on Political Thought in Medieval and Early Modern South India." Modern Asian Studies 43, no. 1 (January 2009): 175–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x07003368.
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AbstractThis essays deals with a neglected and significant strand of Indian political thought by describing and analysing the corpus known as nīti in the context of medieval and early modern South India (in particular with reference to the Telugu-speaking region). Works of nīti are presented here within a larger context, as they evolve from the medieval Andhra of the Kakatiyas into the Vijayanagara period, the Nayakas, and beyond. They are also opposed and contrasted to other texts written within the broad category of dharmashāstra, which seem to deal with a far more conservative project for the management of society and politics within a caste-based framework. Authors and compilers dealt with include Baddena and Madiki Singana, but also the celebrated emperor-poet Krishnadevaraya (r. 1509–29). An argument is made for the continued relevance of these texts for the conduct of politics in South Asia, into and beyond the colonial period.
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van Munster, Rens, and Casper Sylvest. "The thermonuclear revolution and the politics of imagination: realist radicalism in political theory and IR." International Relations 32, no. 3 (August 7, 2018): 255–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0047117818789746.
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Both within political theory and International Relations (IR), recent scholarship has reflected on the nature and limits of political realism. In this article, we return to the thermonuclear revolution and the debates it spurred about what was real and possible in global politics. We argue that a strand of oppositional and countercultural thinking during this period, which we refer to as realist radicalism, has significant theoretical and practical relevance for current scholarship on political realism. Indeed, debates during the thermonuclear revolution speak to questions about the nature of realism and whether it is possible to develop a realism that is attuned to progressive or emancipatory ambitions. By focusing mainly on two radical American intellectuals – C. Wright Mills and Lewis Mumford – we show how their responses to the thermonuclear, superpower standoff challenged conventional understanding of realism and utopianism. By harnessing the concept of the imagination, they called into question pre-existing conceptions about politics and reality. The contribution of the article is twofold. First, we argue that realist political theory and IR should pay more attention to thinkers that are not conventionally regarded as canonical but whose writings and politics interrogated the limits and potential of political realism. Second, we demonstrate that the work of such public intellectuals and their calls for cultivating the imagination connect directly to current debates about political realism, including its statist bend and its (purported) conservatism.
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Wallace, Helen. "Negotiations and Coalition Formation in the European Community." Government and Opposition 20, no. 4 (October 1, 1985): 453–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1985.tb01098.x.
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INSTITUTIONAL REFORM IS ON THE AGENDA OF THE EUROPEAN Communities again, perhaps more seriously than for a decade. The European Parliament's Draft Treaty on European Union and the Dooge Report provided a focus for assessing possible changes to the institutional ground rules and constitutional framework of EC negotiations. A central strand in the debate has been the concern of many practitioners to make the negotiating process more productive and effective, particularly given the prospect that enlargement to twelve wil make the EC more heterogeneous and less manageable. Aside from the constitutionalists, whose arguments for reform are essentially political, the pragmatists can be divided between proponents of better practice and the advocates of some Treaty amendments as necessary means to their end. This article seeks to shed some light on the character of the EC negotiating process in the hope of aiding judgments about the relevance of institutional rules to negotiating outputs.
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Perrotta, Carlo. "Underdetermination, Assemblage Studies and Educational Technology: Rethinking Causality and Re-Energising Politics." Journal of New Approaches in Educational Research 10, no. 1 (January 15, 2021): 43. http://dx.doi.org/10.7821/naer.2021.1.638.
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This article examines underdetermination as a key theoretical assumption in an emerging body of educational research. Underdetermination is described as a broad philosophical position that assumes that social, scientific and technological phenomena cannot be reduced to linear relationships between antecedents and consequences, for instance through the canonical progression from scientific hypotheses to experimentation and then empirical truths. Rather, phenomena are underdetermined by constellations of social and material influences that make the choice of univocal explanations problematic. The principle of underdetermination is implicit in a recent strand of educational research that critiques orthodox interpretations of scientific practices, innovation processes and policy dynamics, recasting them as social, material and political “assemblages”. In the article, I analyse the philosophical and epistemological tenets of underdetermination, in order to clarify its nature as a “first principle” in this emerging body of research. By doing so, the article brings into view a broader theoretical debate that has great bearing on future research efforts. The article critically considers the continued theoretical relevance of underdetermination, whilst acknowledging critical arguments mounted against it, namely ontological relativism and political weakness. Some supplementing theoretical ideas are explored in the conclusion.
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van Munster, Rens, and Casper Sylvest. "Appetite for destruction: Günther Anders and the metabolism of nuclear techno-politics." Journal of International Political Theory 15, no. 3 (September 7, 2018): 332–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1755088218796536.
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It is well recognized how the modern social sciences, particularly in the United States, fed off and contributed to a nuclear state associated with the military-industrial complex. But it is less known that the thermonuclear revolution also constituted a productive moment for critical theories of (nuclear) techno-politics. In this article, we recover a strand of the latter by focusing on Günther Anders (1902–1992), a German philosopher of technology for whom thermonuclear weapons symbolized the self-destructive capacity embedded in a disenchanted modernity. We stress the techno-political dimensions of Anders’ philosophy by approaching it through his concept and metaphor of metabolism. Anders sought to update Marxist thinking to the age of technology to reawaken his readers to the realities and power dynamics of the nuclear condition and the ways in which these were consistently obscured. He pondered the grotesque human ability to live with a monstrous and suicidal weapon, while highlighting the dynamics of extraction and consumption that characterized both modern ‘mass’ society and nuclear techno-politics. Anders’ quest for emancipation focused on a nurturing of the imagination of modern human beings. We stress the critical, global and activist orientation of his analysis and discuss its merits and contemporary relevance.
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Gehlawat, Monika. "Strangers in the Village." James Baldwin Review 5, no. 1 (September 2019): 48–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/jbr.5.4.
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This essay uses Edward Said’s theory of affiliation to consider the relationship between James Baldwin and contemporary artists Teju Cole and Glenn Ligon, both of whom explicitly engage with their predecessor’s writing in their own work. Specifically, Baldwin’s essay “Stranger in the Village” (1953) serves a through-line for this discussion, as it is invoked in Cole’s essay “Black Body” and Ligon’s visual series, also titled Stranger in the Village. In juxtaposing these three artists, I argue that they express the dialectical energy of affiliation by articulating ongoing concerns of race relations in America while distinguishing themselves from Baldwin in terms of periodization, medium-specificity, and their broader relationship to Western art practice. In their adoption of Baldwin, Cole and Ligon also imagine a way beyond his historical anxieties and writing-based practice, even as they continue to reinscribe their own work with his arguments about the African-American experience. This essay is an intermedial study that reads fiction, nonfiction, language-based conceptual art and mixed media, as well as contemporary politics and social media in order consider the nuances of the African-American experience from the postwar period to our contemporary moment. Concerns about visuality/visibility in the public sphere, narrative voice, and self-representation, as well as access to cultural artifacts and aesthetic engagement, all emerge in my discussion of this constellation of artists. As a result, this essay identifies an emblematic, though not exclusive, strand of African-American intellectual thinking that has never before been brought together. It also demonstrates the ongoing relevance of Baldwin’s thinking for the contemporary political scene in this country.
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GREENBERG, UDI. "ERNST CASSIRER'S MOMENT: PHILOSOPHY AND POLITICS." Modern Intellectual History 10, no. 1 (April 2013): 221–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244312000431.
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The emergence of the German Jewish philosopher Ernst Cassirer (1874–1945) as the object of scholarly attention has been both surprising and rapid. In the decades since his early death while in exile in the United States, Cassirer never fell into complete oblivion. His works remained known to specialists in German intellectual history; his participation in a famous 1929 debate with Martin Heidegger in Davos, Switzerland, one of the most iconic moments in modern Continental thought, made his name familiar to most students of modern philosophy. Yet Cassirer lacked the widespread recognition given to contemporaries such as Heidegger or Walter Benjamin, and his work never became the center of historical or philosophical study. This neglect stemmed, in part, from dismissal by his peers; as Edward Skidelsky explains in his new study, Rudolf Carnap found him “rather pastoral,” Isaiah Berlin dismissed him as “serenely innocent,” and Theodor Adorno thought he was “totally gaga” (125). The last few years, however, have seen the rise of a remarkable new interest in Cassirer in both Germany and the English-speaking world. Among this recent literature, Edward Skidelsky's and Peter Gordon's works lead the small “Cassirer renaissance” and offer the best English-language introduction to his thought. Both Gordon and Skidelsky ambitiously seek to relocate Cassirer at the forefront of modern German and European thought. Gordon goes as far as to call him “one of the greatest philosophers and intellectual historians to emerge from the cultural ferment of modern Germany” and one of the most important thinkers of the twentieth century (11). In making such bold statements, Gordon and Skidelsky clearly set their sights beyond the person himself; they aspire to highlight a central strand of thought that enjoyed a powerful presence in early twentieth-century Germany but fell into neglect in the postwar era. In doing so, they seek to reevaluate the nature and legacy of Weimar thought, its complex relationship with the period's unstable politics, and its relevance today.
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"American Realism and the real world." Review of International Studies 29, no. 3 (June 26, 2003): 401–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210503004017.
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Realism remains the dominant approach in America to international relations. Modern American realism has developed into a neorealist strand focused on the structure and outcomes of the international system, and a neoclassical strand concerned with the behaviour of individual states. Within each of these are hard-core offensive realists who see a world full of opportunities for aggressive ‘power maximisers’, and defensive realists who see more possibilities for cautious cooperation between ‘security seekers’. At its heart, however, realism remains a world-view where states and power rule. Realism's great claim to fame is that it explains those aspects of world politics that matter most to policymakers. However, three developments in this past decade give reason to question the relevance of the realist world-view.
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Kassoti, Eva. "The Constitutionalization of International Law and the Challenge of Non-State Actors." ICL Journal 11, no. 2 (January 1, 2017). http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/icl-2017-0013.
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AbstractThe article examines how international constitutionalism has come to grips with the phenomenon of informal law-making by non-State actors. The article identifies two opposing trends within the constitutionalist camp in relation to the question of actor informality. The first strand argues that all normative utterances should be presumed to give rise to law, irrespective of authorship (‘presumptive law thesis’). The presumptive law thesis is discussed and rejected on the ground that it rests on a model of participation in decision-making that dramatically departs from the existing one. The article continues by exploring the second strand of constitutionalism, which advocates in favour of retaining the distinction between direct and indirect participation in international decision-making (’the formal/informal participation model’). It is argued that, while this strand of constitutionalism is convincing at the descriptive level, it does not really add much to our existing knowledge. The last part of the article addresses the meta-question of the added value of analysing the phenomenon of actor informality through the lens of constitutionalism. It is argued that, despite its shortcomings, the constitutionalist project bravely attempts to frame the inherently political debate on global governance in legal terms, thereby attesting to the continuing relevance of international law as a regulatory mechanism in modern international relations.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Relevance politické strany"
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Zítek, Michal. "Vnitrostranické debaty o dalším směřování KSČ(M) v letech 1989 - 1993." Master's thesis, 2012. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-308034.
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Michal Zitek: The internal debates about the future direction of the KSČ(M) from 1989 to 1993 The aim of this thesis is to offer a comprehensive look at the debates that took place within the Communist Party and aimed to transform into a modern left- wing party. Work will familiarize you with some debates and opinion- platforms that arose in these discussions.
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Chlupáč, Zdeněk. "Regionální strany v politickém systému ČR." Master's thesis, 2015. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-336991.
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Czech party system can be described as relatively young compared to other, especially western European party systems. However in these days we can identify a number of regional parties inside it. This work answers the question how we can accurately identify which political entities belong to the group of regional parties in the context of the Czech Republic and which not. Likewise, it brings analysis of the position of these kinds of formations in the Czech political system. The theoretical part deals with the definition of "regional party". It brings several different theoretical approaches, which deal with the definition of that term, and then examines the application of the definition of regional parties to the case of the Czech Republic. In the analytical part, which is a case study, there is defined circuit of Czech regional parties. After that it is presented comprehensive analysis of these subjects on base of official documents of these parties, such as their articles of association, political program etc., as well as statistical data kept in the databases of central government authorities of the Czech Republic and interviews with members of selected regional formations. Particular attention is paid to these phenomena: the circumstances of creation of selected regional parties, as well as...
Books on the topic "Relevance politické strany"
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Rothstein, Bo. 1. The Relevance of Comparative Politics. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198737421.003.0003.
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This chapter explains what comparative politics could be relevant for, such as informing the public debate and giving policy advice. It argues that comparative politics has a huge but sometimes underdeveloped potential for being relevant for the various aspects of human well-being, economic prosperity, and social justice that most people care deeply about. Empirical research shows that the manner in which a country's political institutions are designed and the quality of the operations of these institutions have a strong impact on measures of population health as well as subjective well-being and general social trust. One result is that democratization without increased state capacity and control of corruption is not likely to deliver increased human well-being. The chapter also considers whether democracy generates political legitimacy and concludes by suggesting that comparative political science has so far paid relatively little attention to issues about state capacity, control of corruption, and institutional quality.
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Listhaug, Ola, and Tor Georg Jakobsen. Foundations of Political Trust. Edited by Eric M. Uslaner. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190274801.013.14.
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Research on political trust has been through a period of strong growth and now constitutes an important field within political behavior. The research growth is driven at least partly by access to new sources of data, which are relevant for testing many of the explanations of political trust discussed in the research literature. Research has moved in several directions. Overall, we observe that research on political trust is strongly integrated into mainstream research on political behavior with an emphasis of attitudes and other political psychology constructs. Complementing the micro-level approach, there is also a movement toward macro-level studies, with strong links to institutions. The institutional approach is primarily linked to electoral institutions and serves to test main hypotheses about differences between electoral systems.
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Sørensen, Eva. Interactive Political Leadership. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198777953.001.0001.
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In what this book boldly defines as the age of governance, citizens and other relevant and affected stakeholders are active partakers in governing Western liberal societies. This reality is out of tune with traditional sovereign perceptions of political leadership. Drawing on recent theories of interactive governance and political leadership, Eva Sørensen develops a concept of interactive political leadership that aims to capture what political leadership looks like in a society of active, anti-authoritarian, and politically competent citizens. The key message is that although interactive political leadership is no panacea, it is a step forward in developing a mature perception of what political leadership means in a democratic society with a strong participatory political culture. Hence, interactive political leadership stands out as a promising way of promoting the legitimacy and effectiveness of democratic governance by establishing a bridge between representative democracy and emergent forms of political participation, promoting political learning and accountability, strengthening the political entrepreneurship of elected politicians, and mobilizing relevant resources in society. The book develops twenty propositions that sets the agenda for a new and much-needed field of empirical research into political leadership in the age of governance.
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West, John. Enthusiasm and Political Crisis. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198816409.003.0003.
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This chapter examines how the Exclusion crisis of 1678–82 affected Dryden’s theorization of the role of enthusiasm in literature and drama. Dryden’s essays of the late 1670s seem to move back towards the rule of judgement, but his work from this period also tries to preserve some semblance of enthusiasm’s literary relevance. The chapter argues that this adjustment was informed by the partisan politics of the late ’70s and early ’80s. Initially, the chapter explores this through Dryden’s engagement with Shakespeare, before analysing his major political and religious poems of the period, Absalom and Achitophel (1681), The Medall (1682), and Religio Laici (1682), as well as the Whig responses to them that brandished Dryden a mere enthusiast. Dryden was working out how to preserve a version of enthusiasm denoting the strong passions amid a political culture where personal feeling seemed to be elevated as the sole guide of public judgement.
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Tesler, Michael, and John Zaller. The Power of Political Communication. Edited by Kate Kenski and Kathleen Hall Jamieson. Oxford University Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199793471.013.003.
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Most scholars agree that the effects of mass communication are more than minimal. We find, however, that most communication effects are short-lived, involve mainly weakly held attitudes, and produce no political consequences. Party cues conveyed in mass communication can change attitudes, but usually weakly held ones; when individuals hold strong views, they often change parties rather than change attitudes. Non-partisan communication may not durably change any attitudes, even weakly held ones. These conclusions, derived from field studies rather than laboratory experiments, raise the old minimal effects question in a new form: How politically important are the effects of mass communication? Our answer is that it depends on context. Short-term communication effects can be quite consequential if they occur close to a relevant political decision, such as an election or congressional vote. Communication that continues over a long period of time, such as messages carrying the value of racial equality, may also be important. Short-term or episodic communication that aims to produce a generally informed citizenry, independent of any political decision, may have little importance.
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Urrieta, Luis. Cultural Identity Theory and Education. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190676087.003.0001.
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This chapter presents a selective overview of the study of identity. Identity is defined broadly as self-understandings, especially those with strong emotional resonances, and often marked with socially constructed raced, gendered, classed, and sexual identity labels. The definition of identity is based on two assumptions: (a) the study of identity is the study of subject formation and (b) identity is about power. The chapter then proceeds to address two aspects of cultural identity as a concept: first, the power that cultural identity has for identity politics, followed by the political dimensions of cultural identity as used by oppressed and minoritized groups in social movements and activism, especially those related to education. The chapter then focuses on the relevance of identity to address difference in education and concludes with asserting the importance of qualitative research in the study of identity.
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Drezner, Daniel W. Mercantilist and Realist Perspectives on the Global Political Economy. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780190846626.013.260.
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Mercantilism and realism would appear to go hand in glove with each other. If realism represents both a systemic worldview and explanatory model for world politics, then mercantilism would appear to be the paradigm’s default foreign economic policy doctrine. And, to be sure, there are obvious and strong areas of overlap. Both paradigms stress the autonomous role of the state—and warn against capture by particularistic interests. Both also stress the conditioning effects of the distribution of power in defining national economic interests. Despite these constants, however, over time, the two approaches diverged more and more. Most modern-day writers who sympathize with mercantilism do so from perspectives ranging from left-leaning social democracy to more radical Gramscian critiques. Realists, on the other hand, have tended to gravitate towards the conservative, Burkean side of the political spectrum. While realists and mercantilists might agree on the role that power plays in the global economy, they do not necessarily agree on the normative implications of that insight. Paradoxically, as realism has acquired a more “scientific” cast, it has become less influential in international political economy (IPE) scholarship. For realism to maintain its relevancy in IPE, it must reacquire its deftness in incorporating nonstructural variables into its explanatory framework. The paradigm retains some useful predictive power for how systemic political variables affect global economic outcomes, but it is of little use in discussing the reverse causal effects.
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Lawson, Stephanie. 16. Critical Approaches to Global Politics. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198704386.003.0017.
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This chapter examines seven critical approaches to global politics: Marxism, Critical Theory, constructivism, feminism, postmodernism, postcolonial theory, and green theory. In their book The Manifesto of the Communist Party, Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels address the implications for global order of the rise of capitalism and the role of the bourgeoisie as controllers of capital. Their ideas have had a major influence on critical approaches to virtually all aspects of both domestic and global politics. The chapter considers some major strands of Marxist-influenced theory of direct relevance to global politics, including dependency theory, world-system theory, Gramscian theory, and Frankfurt School theory. It also discusses gender theory and compares postmodern/poststructural approaches to global politics with Critical Theory and constructivism in International Relations.
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Doyle, David M., and Liam O'Callaghan. Capital Punishment in Independent Ireland. Liverpool University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781789620276.001.0001.
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This is a comprehensive and nuanced historical survey of the death penalty in Ireland from the immediate post-Civil War period through to its complete abolition. Using original archival material, this book sheds light on the various social, legal and political contexts in which the death penalty operated and was discussed. In Ireland the death penalty served a dual function: as an instrument of punishment in the civilian criminal justice system, and as a weapon to combat periodic threats to the security of the state posed by the IRA. In closely examining cases dealt with in the ordinary criminal courts, this book elucidates ideas of class, gender, community and sanity and how these factors had an impact the administration of justice. The application of the death penalty also had a strong political dimension, most evident in the enactment of emergency legislation and the setting up of military courts specifically targeted at the IRA. As this book demonstrates, the civilian and the political strands converged in the story of the abolition of the death penalty in Ireland. Long after decision-makers accepted that the death penalty was no longer an acceptable punishment for ‘ordinary’ cases of murder, lingering anxieties about the threat of subversives dictated the pace of abolition and the scope of the relevant legislation.
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Gulati, Mitu, Christoph Trebesch, and Jeromin Zettelmeyer. International Finance and Sovereign Debt. Edited by Francesco Parisi. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199684250.013.035.
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Sovereign borrowers differ from private borrowers. Among other differences, creditors lack strong legal enforcement rights against sovereigns, and there is also no bankruptcy to ensure a collectively-binding debt adjustment. Because of these differences, the academic literature on sovereign debt tends to downplay the relevance of law and legal techniques. In particular, the literature does not pay much attention to the terms of sovereign loan contracts. The assumption seems to be that contract terms do not matter without strong legal enforcement rights. Yet this assumption is at odds with the evidence from practice. For hundreds of years, sovereign borrowers and their lenders have negotiated detailed loan contracts as if the terms matter. Drafters have also revised loan contracts to account for changes in the political, economic, and legal climate. This chapter explores the role that contracts play in the market for sovereign debt, focusing on clauses found in sovereign bonds.
Book chapters on the topic "Relevance politické strany"
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Lagos, Ema. "Chile: The Challenge of Providing Relevant Information from ILSA Studies for the Improvement of Educational Quality." In Improving a Country’s Education, 49–82. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-59031-4_3.
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AbstractChile has a consolidated culture of evaluation in its educational system because, for more than three decades, first the Ministry of Education and currently the National Agency for Educational Quality have implemented national census tests every year to monitor the established curricula’ learning. International Large-scale Students Assessment (ILSA) studies have substantially contributed to this monitoring since the late 1990s. Both, the definition of the disciplines and domains evaluated and the results obtained, have motivated curricular reforms to adapt what is taught to children and young people to prepare them for a globalized world, with a strong presence of information and communication technology. The Chilean students’ results have impacted the system, especially by highlighting its weaknesses, related to little improvement over decades, differences in learning achieved by different groups of students, and performance below than expected in the most economically and culturally advantaged sectors. To accomplish these challenges, the system has changed its organization and developed diverse strategies. Data provided by ILSA studies have been used to promote policies and programs for the improvement and strengthening of the most vulnerable groups and a general approach that promotes gender equality in education, politics, and labor. ILSA studies have also been a reference for innovation in educational assessments, allowing the country to evaluate and explore innovative learning areas such as digital and financial competences.
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Rothstein, Bo. "1. The Relevance of Comparative Politics." In Comparative Politics, 21–34. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198820604.003.0001.
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This chapter explains what comparative politics could be relevant for, such as informing the public debate and giving policy advice. It argues that comparative politics has a huge but sometimes underdeveloped potential for being relevant for the various aspects of human well-being, economic prosperity, and social justice that most people care deeply about. Empirical research shows that the manner in which a country’s political institutions are designed and the quality of the operations of these institutions have a strong impact on measures of population health, as well as subjective well-being and general social trust. One result is that democratization without increased state capacity and control of corruption is not likely to deliver increased human well-being. The chapter also considers whether democracy generates political legitimacy, and concludes by suggesting that comparative political science has so far paid relatively little attention to issues of state capacity, control of corruption, and institutional quality.
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Christiansen, Thomas. "7. Governance in the European Union." In European Union Politics, 102–14. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198806530.003.0007.
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This chapter provides an overview of the ‘governance turn’ in the study of European integration. Opening with a discussion of the reasons why governance as a concept and as a practice has become so prevalent in Europe, the chapter goes on to discuss the various ways in which the governance approach has evolved. Two strands of this literature—‘multilevel governance’ and the ‘regulatory state’—are examined in greater detail here. The chapter then introduces some of the important normative debates to which the ‘governance turn’ has given rise, before concluding with some observations about the relevance of the governance approach in the current phase of European integration.
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Lawson, Stephanie. "18. Critical Approaches to Global Politics." In Introduction to Politics, 408–36. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198820611.003.0018.
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This chapter examines seven critical approaches to global politics: Marxism, Critical Theory, constructivism, feminism, postmodernism, postcolonial theory, and green theory. In their book The Manifesto of the Communist Party, Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels address the implications for global order of the rise of capitalism and the role of the bourgeoisie as controllers of capital. Their ideas have had a major influence on critical approaches to virtually all aspects of both domestic and global politics. The chapter considers some major strands of Marxist-influenced theory of direct relevance to global politics, including dependency theory, world-system theory, Gramscian theory, and Frankfurt School theory. It also discusses gender theory and compares postmodern/poststructural approaches to global politics with Critical Theory and constructivism in International Relations.
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George, Cherian. "Hate Spin as Politics by Other Means." In Hate Spin. The MIT Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.7551/mitpress/9780262035309.003.0001.
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This chapter introduces the original concept of “hate spin,” defined as manufactured vilification or indignation, used as a political strategy that exploits group identities to mobilize supporters and coerce opponents. It explains why the more familiar phenomenon of hate speech should not be conflated with offense-taking. It summarizes the book’s main arguments and provides an overview of relevant literature from communication studies, legal studies, and political science. The concept of hate spin draws mainly from political sociology’s studies of contentious politics. Gamson’s concept of “injustice frames,” for example, has strong resonance with the hate spin strategy of politicizing indignation.
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Müller, Henriette. "Introduction." In Political Leadership and the European Commission Presidency, 1–14. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198842002.003.0001.
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The introduction lays out the relevance of the research topic—the political leadership of the president of the EU Commission. Explicating the empirical puzzle—the office’s peculiar combination of strong political demands, weak institutional powers, and potential for strong political leadership—it poses the operational research question: What makes political leadership in supranational governance successful and to what extent (and why) do Commission presidents differ in their leadership performance? A brief review of the literature on the European Commission presidency accompanies a survey of core themes in the study of political leadership, in particular beyond national constituencies. Finally, the introduction presents the research design and data set as well as the study’s main findings, and outlines how the rest of the book is structured.
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Micalizzi, Alessandra, and Alessandra Nieli. "#M5S (Five Star Movement) and the National Political Campaign." In Handbook of Research on Politics in the Computer Age, 217–34. IGI Global, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-7998-0377-5.ch013.
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In 2009, a new political movement was born in Italy. It is called “Five Star Movement” (M5S) and it was positioned as a new voice of Italian people: alternative, populist, against élites, and against the traditional “way of doing” politic in the First and Second Republic Age. The power of this new political subject is linked with the use of social media platforms to communicate and share information, opinions, and positions with its “base” in a participative democracy perspective. In the last national political campaign, the M5S obtained 32% of the votes with a peak in the South of Italy. The chapter aims at presenting the main results of an empirical research focused on Sicilian voters of the East coast, in order to verify if and how digital communication helped in obtaining this success. Data show evidence about the relevance recognized to social media as first direct sources for collecting political information. The respondents express a large consent for traditional media that maintain in the public opinion a strong reputation in construction and share the public-sphere.
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Sperduti, Alessandra, Luca Bondioli, Oliver E. Craig, Tracy Prowse, and Peter Garnsey. "Bones, Teeth, and History." In The Science of Roman History, 123–73. Princeton University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691195988.003.0005.
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This chapter discusses human bones and teeth, which are the primary databank for biological anthropologists. The topic has aroused little interest among historians of antiquity. The beginnings of an explanation of this disparity are to be sought in the fact that human skeletal remains have no obvious relevance as a source of information for politics, political institutions, political thought, government, law, religion, warfare: in brief, for the traditional concerns of ancient historians. A second consideration is that biological anthropology is rooted in prehistory; its practitioners are characteristically involved in the exploration of the origins of humanity. Fortunately, some anthropologists have allowed themselves to stray into historical periods, including the classical world of Greece and Rome. In the meantime, historians of antiquity are showing increased interest in social, economic, and cultural history, and are displaying a new willingness to expose themselves to other disciplines, including the natural and social sciences. Thus, the time seems ripe for fruitful communication between historians and anthropologists. Specifically, health and demography (mortality, fertility, and mobility) hold promise as fields for constructive dialogue and collaborative research.
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Vieira-Silva, Juan Guillermo. "Media, evidence and policy analysis in Colombia." In Policy Analysis in Colombia, 271–86. Policy Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781447347712.003.0017.
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This chapter focuses on the media as another critical actor in Colombian society and explores the power of the media in shaping policy agendas and discourse. It stresses how the media is a relevant topic of exploration in Colombia given the history of major media outlets being owned by elite political families or having other strong connections with political parties. It also examines the extent to which journalists rely on both technical and political sources. The chapter illustrates how policy-relevant information is processed by the media. It argues that public policy journalism in Colombia is in its fledgling stage and that it is more complex than traditional political journalism mainly based on testimonies and media archives.
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Marshall, Tim. "Ideology and politics in professions, lobbying, consultancies and pressure groups." In The Politics and Ideology of Planning, 131–58. Policy Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781447337201.003.0007.
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Planning takes place not only within governmental processes but also in a myriad of political activities affected by pressure groups and lobbies. The planning profession is itself part of this world of pressure politics as are other related professions. The range of pressure groups is surveyed, including the world of think tanks relevant to planning. It is argued that there is also a “dark side” of pressure politics which seeks to influence the planning system, like all public policy areas. Study of this murky and hardly regulated field of commercial lobbying firms is presented. The chapter then considers how far this problematic lobbying system may be impacting on planning at central and local levels. It is concluded that there is nothing like a pluralist level playing field in planning in England, with moneyed interests likely to have a strong influence on policy making and local decision making.
Conference papers on the topic "Relevance politické strany"
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Radulovic, Ana. "FINANCIAL CRISES AND STRUCTURAL CHARACTERISTICS OF THE ECONOMY." In 6th International Scientific Conference ERAZ - Knowledge Based Sustainable Development. Association of Economists and Managers of the Balkans, Belgrade, Serbia, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.31410/eraz.2020.99.
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Economic structures are a major cause of long-term growth or stagnation. Different economic structures have different ranges of structural learning, innovation, and different effects on income distribution, which are key determinants of economic performance. Through theory about economic structures it is explained why institutions work differently in space and time. This paper shows using a case study in the United States, that the source of recent financial crises rests on the structural characteristics of the economy. Constant deindustrialization is increasing inequality, and a debt-intensive credit boom has emerged to offset the deflationary effects of this structural change. The strong application of the austerity system in Europe and other parts of the world, even after the evidence points to less frugal policies, illustrates the theory of power it has over public policy. The economic structure should be put at the center of analysis, to better understand the economic changes, income disparities and differences in the dynamics of political economy through time and space. This paper provides a critical overview of the rapidly developing comparative studies of institutions and economic performance, with an emphasis on its analytical and political implications. The paper tries to identify some conceptual gaps in the literature on economic growth policy. Emphasis is placed on the contrasting experiences of East Asia and Latin America. This paper argues that the future investments in this field should be based on rigorous conceptual difference between the rules of the game and the game, and between the political and institutional, embedded in the concept of management. It also emphasizes the importance of a serious understanding of the endogenous and distributive nature of institutions and steps beyond the narrow approach of property law relations in management and development. By providing insights from the political channels through which institutions affect economic performance, this paper aims to contribute to the consolidation of theoretically based, empirically based and relevant to policy research on political and institutional foundations of growth and prosperity.
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Taher, Muath Muhammad Basher, and Jorge Correia. "Reading Nablus’ urban print: towards an understanding of its morphology." In 24th ISUF 2017 - City and Territory in the Globalization Age. Valencia: Universitat Politècnica València, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/isuf2017.2017.6123.
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Nablus old center stands as a typical Arab city with a relevant geographical location. Successive historical periods distinguish its history - from Canaanite to Roman, Byzantine, Islamic, Crusader or Ottoman - till nowadays. This cultural diversity has layered chronological strata on its urban fabric. Therefore, diverse historical characteristics reflected in the city’s urban morphology have undergone continued physical and functional transformations, not only gradually by time and various socio-cultural, economic or political factors, but also radically by earthquakes and war destructions. Present-day Nablus’ physical image echoes a palimpsest of urban/social identities and an asset for a very sensitive collective memory. This paper examines the formation, evolution and constitution of the old city of Nablus by a retrospective analysis that searches the morphological momentum for each phase in articulation with a reflection around its historical meaning for the city. Methodologically, this study is conducted on both urban and architectural levels, surveying street hierarchy and plot distribution. This understanding will be extremely important for an accurate perception of this tissue in order to advocate for a concerned idea of the city’s reconstruction, following recent urban annihilations. At a time when urban rehabilitation pushes plans for quick and immediate results, reading Nablus’ urban morphology can work as the lacking tool for an instructed and operative regeneration.
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Glushkova, Svetlana. "Liberal Ideas of B.N. Chicherin: The Past and The Present." In The Public/Private in Modern Civilization, the 22nd Russian Scientific-Practical Conference (with international participation) (Yekaterinburg, April 16-17, 2020). Liberal Arts University – University for Humanities, Yekaterinburg, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.35853/ufh-public/private-2020-25.
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Russian liberal heritage, first of all, the scientific works of the famous Russian legal expert Boris Chicherin, is the fundamental basis for the developing science of human rights in modern Russia; it is from this position that this article examines Chicherin’s work. The main purpose of the study is to identify Chicherin’s priorities in shaping new progressive ideas for Russia and to examine the transformation of his views. In examining and analysing Chicherin’s liberal ideas, historical, logical and comparative methods were applied. It has been concluded that Chicherin set the foundation of the liberal theory of human rights, elaborated a set of progressive ideas and a blueprint of reforms, which determined the formation of several generations of liberals in autocratic Russia and are still relevant today. Defending the priority of private law over public law, Chicherin argued: a civil order based on private law must always be free from state absorption. He was among the first in Russia to develop the idea of a constitutional state in relation with the creation of free institutions and the formation of a high intellectual and moral level of society. By developing the new policy of ‘liberal measures and strong state authority’ as an optimal model for Russian state and society, Chicherin gave rise to the formation of political science in Russia. The author believes that the analysis and discussion of Chicherin’s academic writings in university classrooms and at academic conferences contribute to the formation of a culture of human rights, a liberal worldview, a new generation of reformers, and the advancement of the emerging science of human rights.
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Duwig, Christophe, Björn Nyberg, and Marcus Thern. "Efficient Operation of a Gas Turbine on Methanol Using Chemical Recuperation." In ASME Turbo Expo 2012: Turbine Technical Conference and Exposition. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/gt2012-69032.
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Environmental and political concerns, together with new legislations, are pushing for a fuel shift in the power industry and more generally for many thermal applications. Adding to the coming decrease of oil and natural availability (or price increase), it opens avenues for new fuels. Among those, alcohols are strong candidates. In fact, short alcohols are easily produced and stored and require only moderate modifications of existing combustion systems. For example, operating an existing gas turbine (GT) on methanol requires moderate modifications (mainly in the combustion system). However, methanol can be used more efficiently. Unlike methane or other hydrocarbons that decompose at high temperature (1000K), methanol undergoes an endothermic decomposition at low temperatures (400K to 600K) to give CO and H2. It therefore opens avenue for coupling the GT with a chemical recuperation system. In other words, the methanol will be cracked using the waste heat of the flue gases with a gain in fuel heating value hence the original fuel is thermally upgraded. The present study will investigate the upgraded fuel combustion properties. The laminar flame speed of the upgraded fuel/air mixtures will be presented and compared to methane and methanol under conditions relevant to GT combustion. Several upgraded fuel compositions will be considered depending on the water content in the feed methanol. Further, we consider a recuperated micro GT (Turbec T100) based cycle fueled with methanol. The numerical study focuses on different thermodynamic cycles. Firstly, a reference case is considered assuming a direct fueled GT. Further, cycles including the cracker are studied keeping the power constant. The fuel efficiency gain due to the cracker will be investigated as function of the water content in the feed methanol. Finally, a case including CO2-removal will be presented and it will be shown that the cracker enables an efficient carbon capture and sequestration scheme.
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ÁVILA CERÓN, Carlos Alberto, Ignacio DE LOS RÍOS-CARMENADO, Maria RIVERA, and Susana MARTÍN. "RURAL DEVELOPMENT PLANNING IN COLOMBIA’S CONFLICT ZONES: A PROPOSAL FROM THE WWP MODEL." In Rural Development 2015. Aleksandras Stulginskis University, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.15544/rd.2015.085.
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During the past fifty years, Colombia has endured an internal armed conflict. It has left as a result massive forced displacements, destruction of the social capital and indiscriminate logging of forests in regions affected by illicit crops and a strong presence of illegal armed groups supported by drug trafficking. In spite of a number of national policies and programs against illicit crops, the issue still persists, along with all the social implications it carries with. This paper presents a model for planning rural development projects in regions with illicit crops. The methodology applied is based on the model "Working With People (WWP)" and integrates the knowledge and experience gathered throughout the implementation of various projects in the region of La Macarena, Colombia. It takes into account eight years of continuous work with the communities, in one of the areas of greatest social unrest in Colombia, due to illicit crops, on-going criminal activity and violence by illegal armed groups and a weak presence of State institutions. Some of the factors hindering successful advancement of rural development policies include the breakdown of the social fabric, deterioration of moral values, family disintegration and lack of confidence. The conceptual framework applied integrates elements from policy analysis and social learning (Friedmann, 1991; Cazorla et al., 2015), proposed as a reaction from traditional and ineffective social reform models (Friedmann, 1991) developed in this type of scenarios. Following a thorough review of rural development planning theories regarding illicit crops areas, we carried out an analysis of the experience in the Macarena region under the WWP model. The results show the effects of the WWP model and the necessity to develop a strategy for the eradication of illicit crops in a post-conflict scenario, taking into account various social variables. Findings denote a greater relevance of the ethical-social and political-contextual dimensions in terms of sustainable rural development. Trust building, the enhancement of social relationships and direct interaction with target communities are the basic factors to the reconstruction of the social fabric and value systems, fostering sustainable rural development and stabilization.