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Journal articles on the topic 'Relativization and topicalization in chinese'
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CHEN, HSIN-HSI, I.-PENG LIN, and CHIEN-PING WU. "A LOGICAL APPROACH TO MOVEMENT TRANSFORMATIONS IN MANDARIN CHINESE." International Journal of Pattern Recognition and Artificial Intelligence 02, no. 01 (March 1988): 71–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s0218001488000078.
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The movement of constituents in natural language is a very common linguistic phenomenon— topicalization and relativization in Mandarin Chinese, for example. Any successful natural language processing system must be able to deal with these movements and, at the same time, justify them. However, it is difficult to achieve these goals due to the gaps in between the constituents. In this paper, a logic programming approach with Chomsky’s Government-Binding Theory (GB) attempts to solve this type of problems in Chinese language processing. According to GB, the rule of “move-α” moves anything anywhere, and the universal principles operate interactively to rule the illegal movements out. With this point of view, no specific movement constraints are specified in our logic programming approach. The universal principles are embedded in the logic grammars implicitly, and generated by a translator. The specific features of this approach enable grammar-writing to capture extrapositions in Chinese much easier than the other approaches.
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EGASHIRA, HIROKI. "TOPICALIZATION AND RELATIVIZATION IN MINIMALIST SYNTAX." ENGLISH LINGUISTICS 14 (1997): 28–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.9793/elsj1984.14.28.
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Shimojo, Mitsuaki. "Functional theories of island phenomena." Studies in Language 26, no. 1 (June 21, 2002): 67–123. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/sl.26.1.04shi.
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This paper examines island effects in Japanese in four extraction types — relativization, topicalization, postposing, and wh-question formation — in terms of the “aboutness” condition claimed by Haig (1996). The condition is supported for relativization and topicalization; however, further specification is necessary for postposing and wh-question formation. It is also demonstrated that the proposed construction-specific conditions are all related to the same cognitive theory of island phenomena (Deane 1991), which reflects the mechanism of attention and short-term memory. The cognitive description thus provides insights as to why there are island effects in a putative “island-free” language.
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Saleem, Burhan Qadir. "Island Constraints in English and Kurdish." Journal of University of Raparin 7, no. 4 (December 25, 2020): 620–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.26750/vol(7).no(4).paper28.
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In transformational grammar, there are rules such as relativization, questioning and topicalization, in which elements abandon their position and move to the front of the sentence. The present study focusses on certain islands in English and Kurdish and examines whether these islands constrain the extraction of elements in Kurdish or not. It is hypothesized that islandhood is not only bout the restrictions on the extraction of an element and putting it in front of the sentence. In Kurdish, even if the question word remains in-situ, there are islands that impose restrictions on forming structures such as interrogatives.
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Dugarova, Esuna. "Syntactic effects of feature-driven movement in Russian speakers’ L2 Chinese grammars." Linguistic Approaches to Bilingualism 3, no. 4 (October 11, 2013): 389–414. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/lab.3.4.01dug.
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Availability of wh-topicalization in Chinese raises a question as to whether a whtopic in L2 Chinese is derived by feature-driven movement and, if it is, whether such movement is subject to syntactic constraints. The current study tests the sensitivity of very advanced Russian speakers’ L2 Chinese wh-topicalization to a complex NP island and reconstruction, which are taken as a diagnostic of movement. The results of an acceptability judgement test and a multiple choice interpretation test show that L2 Chinese grammars are constrained by a complex NP island and reconstruction, which provides empirical evidence that L2 Chinese wh-topicalization involves movement driven by an uninterpretable [+Top] feature.
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Yuan, Boping, and Esuna Dugarova. "WH-TOPICALIZATION AT THE SYNTAX-DISCOURSE INTERFACE IN ENGLISH SPEAKERS’ L2 CHINESE GRAMMARS." Studies in Second Language Acquisition 34, no. 4 (November 16, 2012): 533–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0272263112000332.
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Although wh-words generally stay in situ in Chinese wh-questions, they can be topicalized. However, the wh-topicalization is determined at the syntax-discourse interface and has to be governed by discourse conditions; only discourse-linked (D-linked) wh-words can be topicalized, but non-D-linked ones cannot. This article reports on an empirical study that investigated English speakers’ second language (L2) acquisition of Chinese wh-topicalization. The results of an acceptability judgment test indicate that advanced English speakers are sensitive to the discourse condition that governs the syntactic derivation of wh-topicalization in Chinese, as they were found to be able to make the distinction in their L2 Chinese by allowing D-linked, but not non-D-linked, wh-elements to topicalize. However, these results also indicate that wh-determiner phrases (DPs) and wh-noun phrases (NPs) differ in their sensitivity to presupposition background information in L2 Chinese wh-topicalization, and it is argued that the availability of the deictic feature in the wh-element involved is a variable affecting the D-linking properties of wh-elements in the development of L2 Chinese wh-topicalization, and this seems more likely to be a representational deficit than a processing problem.
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De Guzman, Videa P. "Indirect objects in Siswati." Studies in African Linguistics 18, no. 3 (December 1, 1987): 309–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.32473/sal.v18i3.107470.
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Contrary to the view that in Bantu languages the two unmarked nominals following the verb in ditransitive constructions need not be distinguished because both possess the same object properties, this paper shows the necessity of making a distinction between the direct object and the indirect object relations. Evidence comes from SiSwati, the language of Swaziland, and the analysis of the data is cast in the Relational Grammar framework. The arguments presented refer to word order, object concord (or pronominal copy) and the interaction between object concord and some syntactic phenomena such as passivization, topicalization, relativization, and clefting. By distinguishing the direct object from the indirect object in Siswati, the grammar is able to provide a more natural account for a number of related double object constructions.
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Wu, Heng. "The Cognitive Study of Chinese Possessive Topicalization." Korea Journal of Chinese Linguistics 89 (August 31, 2020): 325–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.38068/kjcl.89.13.
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Tsai, Wei-Tien Dylan. "A Case of V2 in Chinese." Studies in Chinese Linguistics 36, no. 2 (December 1, 2015): 81–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/scl-2015-0006.
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Abstract As far as the left periphery is concerned, there is a conspiracy between syntax, semantics, and pragmatics to ensure the success of sentence formation. We would like to put forth the claim that peripheral features play an important role in this endeavor, which can be checked by either Merge or Move according to the parameter-settings of individual languages. Along this line, topic prominence can be regarded as the result of peripheral feature checking, and the null topic hypothesis à la Huang (1984) is reinvented as a null operator merger to fulfill interface economy in the left periphery. In this regard, Chinese provides substantial evidence from obligatory topicalization in outer affectives, evaluatives, and refutory wh-constructions, which applies only when the licensing from a D(efiniteness)-operator is blocked. The idea also extends naturally to the issues concerning pro-drop and bare nominals in general. In this light, we may well compare Chinese obligatory topicalization to those residual cases of verb-second (V2) in English, all being manifestation of the strong uniformity.
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Aldridge, Edith. "Object relative clauses in Archaic Chinese." Canadian Journal of Linguistics/Revue canadienne de linguistique 58, no. 2 (July 2013): 239–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008413100003029.
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AbstractThis article proposes that Late Archaic Chinese object relative clauses were reduced relative clauses consisting of a TP dominated by DP. They contained a functional morpheme suo, which attracted an operator to the edge of the vP before moving to T in order to provide T with an [N] feature that could be selected by D. The embedded subject moved to the specifier of the nominalized T, where it valued genitive case with D under Agree. The reduced nature of SUO relative clauses accounts for the fact that a unique strategy was required for relativization on VP-internal positions, as opposed to subject position, since the lack of a CP layer denied the clause a uniform landing site for operators originating internal and external to vP. This analysis also accounts for the loss of the relativization asymmetry by correlating it with the loss of nominalizing morphology such as genitive case.
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Dugarova, Esuna. "Russian speakers’ L2 Chinese acquisition of wh-topicalization at the syntax–discourse interface." Second Language Research 30, no. 4 (September 23, 2014): 411–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0267658313516974.
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In recent second language (L2) research it has been proposed that unlike linguistic phenomena pertaining to internal interfaces, those at external interfaces pose greater difficulty to adult L2 learners and may not be fully acquired. It has further been pointed out that such problematic acquisition at the interface level should not be attributed to the entire interface and requires a more nuanced examination, and this is what the current article aims to provide. An empirical study reported here investigates whether Russian-speaking learners are able to acquire Chinese wh-topicalization that lies at the syntax–discourse interface, an instance of the external interface. The results indicate that although very advanced Russian speakers can acquire wh-topicalization in their L2 Chinese, the ability of wh-elements to topicalize in Russian–Chinese interlanguage grammars seems to be determined by an internal structure underlying Chinese wh-elements, and this is likely to be a variable that affects the linguistic behaviour at the interface level in the L2.
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Chen, Ping. "Pragmatic interpretations of structural topics and relativization in Chinese." Journal of Pragmatics 26, no. 3 (September 1996): 389–406. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0378-2166(95)00042-9.
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Iskandar, Denni, Mulyadi Mulyadi, Khairina Nasution, and Ridwan Hanafiah. "A Study of types and core constituents of Acehnese relative clauses." Studies in English Language and Education 8, no. 1 (January 3, 2021): 397–410. http://dx.doi.org/10.24815/siele.v8i1.18164.
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This research aims to determine and explain the types and the core constituents of Acehnese relative clauses which so far have not been thoroughly discussed. To collect data for this study, a direct elicitation technique is used, and the data is then analyzed through a qualitative descriptive technique. The results showed that the relative clauses in Acehnese were clauses embedded as modifiers of noun phrases. Similar to the relative clauses’ theory proposed by experts in the Acehnese, there are five types of relative clauses: relativization of subject, relativization of predicate, relativization of object, relativization of possessive, and relativization of noun. Relative clauses in Acehnese are formed by connecting core nouns and relative clauses through the connecting word ‘nyang’, except for the relative clause of the predicate element through the ellipsis of the predicate element. The basic structure of the Acehnese relative clauses is the arrangement of the main constituents preceding (postnominal) the relative clauses. The constituents that described the relative clauses could form words or phrases depending on the reference to the meaning of the relative clauses. In the Acehnese, the following elements do not exist: (1) relative clauses that can be reduced by adverbials such as in English, (2) relative pronouns as in German and relative particles such as in Chinese Mandarin; and (3) the attachment of relative suffixes to verbs as in Korean.
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Hu, Shenai, Maria Teresa Guasti, and Anna Gavarró. "Chinese Children’s Knowledge of Topicalization: Experimental Evidence from a Comprehension Study." Journal of Psycholinguistic Research 47, no. 6 (March 30, 2018): 1279–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10936-018-9575-6.
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Su’e, Lin. "Types of Lexicalization in Motion Events in Early Ningpo Dialect." Bulletin of Chinese Linguistics 10, no. 2 (March 9, 2019): 177–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2405478x-01002003.
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Our statistical work on data in early Ningpo dialect shows us that Ningpo dialect is a kind of typical satellite-framed language in motion events. Non-agentive motion events and agentive motion events are more likely to encode the information of motion events as satellite-framed languages than self-agentive motion events. Although self-agentive motion events can encode it according as verb-framed and satellite-framed languages, compared to early Shanghai dialect and Mandarin, self-agentive motion events are less likely to encode it in the way of verb-framed languages. There is a strong correlation between the type of lexicalization in motion events in early Ningpo dialect and its topicalization, which prove that topicalization plays a critical role in evolution of motion events in Chinese from a verb-framed language and an equipollently-framed language to a satellite-framed language.
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Kuo, Pei-Jung. "The idiosyncratic preposition zai in Mandarin Chinese and differential argument marking." International Journal of Chinese Linguistics 9, no. 2 (December 6, 2022): 232–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ijchl.21003.kuo.
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Abstract In this paper, I focus on the Mandarin spatial preposition zai (‘at’), which can appear in the VP domain, like other spatial prepositions, but which can also appear in the TP domain, where it’s presence or absence is sensitive to the animacy and definiteness properties of its object. I argue that zai’s distribution and behavior in the TP domain is expected if it functions as a differential argument marker triggered by internal topicalization of its object. Implications of the current analysis for the internal structure of spatial PPs are also considered.
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Kuo, Pei-Jung. "The Components of Sideward Movement in the Verb Copying Construction in Mandarin Chinese." Studies in Chinese Linguistics 36, no. 1 (May 1, 2015): 35–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/scl-2015-0003.
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Abstract In this paper, I explore the components of the sideward movement involved in the verb copying construction proposed by Cheng (2007). I first present some facts of the resultative de-clause of the verb copying construction which seems to be puzzling under Cheng’s analysis. An extended analysis is then proposed. Under the extended analysis, I propose that the sideward movement mechanism involved in the resultative de-clause can be further analyzed as internal topicalization plus differential object marking. This analysis of sideward movement is also attested in the manner de-clause of the verb copying construction. The proposed components relate the sideward movement in the verb copying construction to the syntactic mechanisms which are also observed widely in Mandarin Chinese and other languages.
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Hu, Bo, and Hong Chen. "Subject Raising in Chinese Modal Auxiliary Verb Constructions: A-movement or A′-movement?" Studies in Chinese Linguistics 43, no. 1 (June 1, 2022): 39–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/scl-2022-0003.
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Abstract Subject raising in Chinese modal auxiliary verb constructions can be either A-movement or A′-movement. Modal auxiliary verbs such as hui and yao can take a nonfinite TP complement which cannot value the abstract case of the embedded subject. Hence the embedded subject must get its case valued by the matrix T and is raised to the Spec-TP of the matrix clause. This kind of raising is A-movement and is obligatory. Modal auxiliary verbs such as keneng and yinggai take a finite CP complement that can be assigned tense value by the broader context. The embedded subject can get its case valued and stay in situ. It can also be raised to the sentence-initial position by topicalization. This kind of raising is A′-movement. The A-movement and A′-movement contrast accounts for the minimal link condition in object raising, weak and strong quantificational NPs, topic stacking, and resumptive pronouns in Chinese modal auxiliary verb constructions.
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HIRAIWA, KEN. "The mechanism of inverted relativization in Japanese: A silent linker and inversion." Journal of Linguistics 48, no. 2 (May 3, 2012): 345–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022226712000126.
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Japanese has two peculiar types of relative clause (RC), No-RCs and De-RCs. In these types of relative clause, what looks like a (pivot) head noun appears at the left edge of the clause and is accompanied by no and de, respectively. This sharply contrasts with regular prenominal relative clauses in Japanese, which conform to the head-final word order pattern. The aim of this article is to investigate the syntax and semantics of these two types of relative clause in detail and reveal differences between them. Specifically, I will propose that (i) no in No-RCs is an appositive genitive particle licensed by a silent linker head, and (ii) de in De-RCs is a continuative/participial form of the copula da. Drawing a parallel with NP-no NP constructions and building on an idea from S.-Y. Kuroda's dissertation, it will be argued that No-RCs are derived by DP-internal inversion mediated by the linker. On the other hand, De-RCs will be shown to be relatives conjoined with the copula de. It will be further suggested that the fact that Korean and Mandarin Chinese lack equivalents of De-RCs is due to the absence of the appositive genitive particle and hence of DP-internal inversion.
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Ai, Haiyang. "A Concept-based Approach to the Instruction of the Chinese ba-construction." Language and Sociocultural Theory 7, no. 1 (February 24, 2021): 1–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/lst.38768.
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This study explores a concept-based instruction approach to promoting second languagedevelopment of the ba-construction, a known difficult area, by six collegelevelEnglish learners of Chinese in a two-month enrichment program. We developedSCOBAs to explain the syntactic, semantic, and pragmatic constraints of the baconstruction,as well as its similarities and differences from the canonical Subject-Verb-Object (SVO) and topicalization Object-Subject-Verb (OSV) word orders. Theparticipants’ productive use of the construction was assessed with two translations(one on paper and one on the computer) and a cartoon description task followinga pretest, posttest, and delayed posttest format. Semi-structured interviews and theparticipants’ verbalization data were also collected. By comparing the participants’gain scores in relation to maximum possible scores, we found that the participants had made large gains throughout the study and retained much of the gain two weeks after the posttest. The microgenetic analyses of the participants’ production data showed improvement in the use of resultative verb compound, perfective marker–le, and the placement of directional particles. Finally, the verbalizations data indicated improvement in conceptual understanding of the ba-construction in terms of its scope, i.e., not just the physical placement of objects, but the accentuation of the results of the verbal action.
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Sato, Yosuke. "Wh-Questions in Colloquial Singapore English." Journal of Pidgin and Creole Languages 28, no. 2 (August 16, 2013): 299–322. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jpcl.28.2.02sat.
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This paper discusses supplementary roles played by Bazaar Malay and Baba Malay in the genesis of wh-questions in Colloquial Singapore English (CSE). CSE has three options for wh-questions: (a) full wh-movement, (b) partial wh-movement, and (c) wh-in-situ, just like Bazaar Malay and Baba Malay. Whereas options (a) and (c) arose under pressure from English and Chinese, option (b) apparently challenges the Sinitic substrate hypothesis on CSE for two reasons. Firstly, neither Cantonese nor Hokkien possesses partial wh-movement. Secondly, it is mysterious how the apparent Malayic pattern could have entered the pool of CSE features within the predominantly Sinitic contact environment. This paper proposes that partial wh-movement was added onto the CSE grammar as an evolutionary ‘adaptive’ trait from Malay which survived selective Sinitic pressures due to congruence between Malay and Chinese. Both Cantonese and Hokkien possess a wh-topicalization structure, which is sufficiently similar to the partial structure in Malay. As a result, the former served as the template for Chinese speakers to analyze the latter as a congruence structure in the emerging variety. This result supports the recent view that typological congruence between Sinitic and Malay must be taken into account in any discussion of the origin/development of CSE grammar.
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Fan, Ying. "Excessive serial verb construction." Language and Linguistics / 語言暨語言學 18, no. 2 (April 7, 2017): 201–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/lali.18.2.02fan.
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Abstract This paper identifies a distinct serial verb construction in Mandarin Chinese: the Excessive serial verb construction. This construction exhibits formal similarity to the Resultative serial verb construction, since both of them involve adjacent unmarked verbs. Despite the similarity, the former construction differs from the latter most evidently in that it conveys an excessive meaning rather than a resultative meaning. This paper proposes that there is a syntactic difference between the two constructions. In contrast to the tight structure in the Resultative serial verb construction, which can be represented as S[vp V1 V2] le. The Excessive serial verb construction has a looser structure, which is structurally S[[vpV1] [vp V2-le]]. With respect to diagnostics of constituency, the two constructions behave in different ways. This paper further argues that correlating with a distinct structure, the Excessive serial verb construction requires obligatory topicalization of its undergoer argument, a phenomenon that is not observed in the Resultative serial verb construction. This study thus contributes to representing the interaction between the semantic properties – in particular, the function of le in the two constructions – and the syntactic properties.
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Xiong, Jiajuan, and Feng-fan Hsieh. "Same Degree of Intensification with Different Degrees of Sentential Projections." Lingua sinica 7, no. 1 (January 1, 2021): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/linguasinica-2021-0001.
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Abstract In Chengdu Chinese, degree intensifiers for APs/VPs are attested to pair with three different types of sentence-final particles (SFPs), i.e., the FinP-level, the FocP-level and the ExclP-level SFPs, which function to complete a sentence, encode a focus and express exclamation. In our analysis, a degree intensifier projects a DegP, which pairs with one of the three sentential projections, viz., FinP, FocP and ExclP. This pairing is motivated by feature checking, as intensifiers contain the uninterpretable semantic features of [+Fin], [+Foc] or [+Excl], which need to be checked by sentential projections. Due to the inalienable sentential functions, intensifiers are barred from occurring in any kind of non-finite contexts. Furthermore, FinP and FocP are within the vP-domain, whereas ExclP is in the CP domain. Thus, ExclP-type intensifiers, unlike FinP-type and FocP-type intensifiers, defy relativization. This study of associating degree intensification with sentential functions not only explains the syntactic behaviors of Chengdu intensifiers but also sheds new light on the well-known Mandarin hen puzzle.
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Chao, Heng. "Relativizing State Space: Deciphering China’s New Dynamics of Urban Transformation Engineered through the Creation of National New Areas." Land 11, no. 6 (June 8, 2022): 869. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/land11060869.
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Abandonment of the taken-for-granted attitude of territoriality in the studies of state space has been followed by diverse concerns and competing interpretations with different focuses notably on state–market relations, spatiality of social life, and relativization of scale. Inspired by Lefebvre’s spatial triad, applied textual analysis, and in-depth interview, this study critically evaluates the Chinese practices of setting up National New Areas to reshape the trajectory of urban and regional development using the Liangjiang National New Area (LNNA). Our research foregrounds the relativizing dimensions of state space in which the creation of the LNNA was conceived, perceived, and lived by key stakeholders holding different positions and vested interests. The LNNA is the spatial manifestation of the special vision and mission of China’s national developmental agenda and the adjustment of power relations within an authoritarian Party-state. However, it is a controversial project which requires negotiation, contestation, and reconciliation among grassroots people. This study shows that even in China, there existed pervasive negotiation and resistance from diverse stakeholders from the bottom up. Our research suggests an alternative perspective that goes beyond the popular dichotomy of state–market or society–space relations in the studies of state space and takes seriously the dialectical relations among the forces at work in the (re)production of state space.
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Schneider, Axel. "Reconciling history with the nation? Historicity, national particularity, and the question of universals." Historiography East and West 1, no. 1 (2003): 117–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157018603763585267.
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Abstract This article interprets the historiography of two modern Chinese historians, Fu Sinian and Chen Yinke, who both have been labeled the Chinese Ranke. Both historians have in recent years attracted a lot of attention in China, due to their prominent and very different concepts of national history. In this article Axel Schneider brings out the characteristics of their approaches to history by, first, situating modern historiography within the context of the philosophical crisis of modernity. By "modernity" he refers to the process of historicization and, hence, relativization of norms and values once conceived as timeless and universal. In Europe, this process has been characterized by a decline of metaphysical and theological assumptions on the structure of the world and a concomitant decline of traditional assertions of ontological and epistemological coherence. In China, this process challenged the inherited, very prominent status of traditional historiography as a core field for political and philosophical debates. Second, he interprets Chen Yinke's and Fu Sinian's writings against the background of an understanding of Ranke's historiography that acknowledges the dual nature of Ranke's approach as consisting of both, the widely known text-critical, objectivist methodology and a less known, hermeneutic methodology of empathetic understanding that is based on Ranke's belief in divine providence underlying the particular manifestations of history. Axel Schneider comes to the conclusion that neither Fu nor Chen can be labeled the Chinese Ranke. Fu was mainly oriented towards the positivist sciences. He advocated a view of history as determined by factors comparable to laws in the sciences. He envisions history as characterized by universal progress towards a rational, scientific mode of thought. He argues against any kind of interpretation, and formulates the task of the historian as consisting of the verification and organization of the material, allowing the bare facts contained in the material to speak for themselves. He thus subordinates China's history to universal laws and tries to establish a Chinese identity by fitting China into world history as determined by characteristics that are universal, but in fact are of Western origin. Given this methodology, it is not unlikely that in spite of the fact that Fu only referred once to Ranke, he equated his approach with that of Ranke. However, his Ranke clearly was the empiricist Ranke. Chen Yinke, in contrast to Fu, stressed cultural particularity assuming that all cultures are of equal status, thus implying a universalist perspective. His research was based on the assumption that Chinese history is characterized by the gradual development of its particular "national spirit". What guarded him against relativism was the notion of "the universality of abstract ideals". He recovers the lost universal by assuming the formal universality of human attachment to "abstract ideals" that do vary from culture to culture, but have to be protected in order to safeguard the identity of the respective cultures. The ideals and their corresponding cultures can not be integrated into world history by general schemes of evolution or by means of universal norms. It is Chinese history that speaks to Chen who thereby wants to establish an identity that can only be integrated into the larger world through respect for each culture's commitment to its specific ideals. Accordingly, the historian has to adopt a historicist, hermeneutic methodology. His research should aim at the "empathetic understanding" of the historical manifestations of the national spirit. Although Chen never referred to Ranke, later historians claimed to know of such an influence. Chen's position surely was closer to the hermeneutic Ranke who struggled with the problem of the relationship between the individual and the universal and who opposed any notion of teleological progress. However, while Ranke had lived in a Christian world still comparatively at peace with its theological assumption of a divine providence, Chen could not fall back on a Christian God for solace. He was - far more than Ranke - confronted with far-reaching changes, bringing about the rapid decline of his Confucian world.
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Yu, Haopeng. "The Syntax of Topicalization of NP/DP after ‘DE’ in Chinese." Theory and Practice in Language Studies 4, no. 12 (December 1, 2014). http://dx.doi.org/10.4304/tpls.4.12.2594-2598.
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Tamaoka, Katsuo, and Jingyi Zhang. "The Effect of Chinese Proficiency on Determining Temporal Adverb Position by Native Japanese Speakers Learning Chinese." Frontiers in Psychology 12 (January 5, 2022). http://dx.doi.org/10.3389/fpsyg.2021.783366.
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The present study aimed to investigate how native Japanese speakers learning Chinese choose preferred positions for temporal adverbs depending on their level of Chinese proficiency. A naturalness judgment task conducted on native Chinese speakers showed that the most natural position for Chinese temporal adverbs was before the subject and that placement after the locative prepositional phrase was incorrect. The same task applied to native Japanese speakers found the most natural position for Japanese temporal adverbs was also before the subject. Further, when they appear at the beginning of a sentence, they provide the time for the entire sentence. Accordingly, temporal topicalization appears to influence naturalness decisions by both native Chinese and Japanese speakers. A point of difference was that in Japanese, a temporal adverb placed after a locative prepositional phrase was judged to be acceptable. When the same task was given to native Japanese speakers learning Chinese divided into three Chinese proficiency level groups, placement before the subject was the most preferred by the higher Chinese proficiency group. In addition, placement after the locative prepositional phrase was unfavored by them while the same position was frequently selected by the lower level group. As Chinese proficiency increases it appears that the preferred temporal adverb position is before the subject and the placement after the locative prepositional is judged to be unnatural. Thus, a sense of suitable temporal adverb positions in Chinese is influenced by the level of Chinese proficiency of native Japanese speakers.
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"Forthcoming articles." Journal of Linguistics 37, no. 3 (November 2001): 651. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022226701009872.
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Theodora Alexopoulou & Dimitra Kolliakou: On linkhood, topicalization and clitic left dislocationFrancis Cornish: ‘Downstream’ effects on the predicate in a Functional Grammar clause derivationAndrew Spencer: Gender as an inflectional categoryIda Toivonen: A directed motion construction in SwedishZ. Bao: Review article on MATTHEW Y. CHEN, Tone sandhi: patterns across Chinese dialectsR. Freidin: Remarks on basic syntax. Review article on P. CULICOVER, Principles and parameters: an introduction to syntactic theory; J. MCCAWLEY, The syntactic phenomena of English; A. RADFORD, Syntactic theory and the structure of English: a Minimalist approach; and I. ROBERTS, Comparative syntaxT. Langendoen: Review article on M. ARONOFF & J. REES-MILLER, The handbook of linguisticsS. S. Mufwene: Colonization, globalization and the plight of ‘weak’ languages: a rejoinder to Nettle & Romaine’s Vanishing voices. Review article on D. NETTLE & S. ROMAINE, Vanishing voices : the extinction of the world’s languages
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"Forthcoming articles." Journal of Linguistics 38, no. 1 (March 2002): 191. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022226701009902.
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