Relevant bibliographies by topics / Relativization and topicalization in chinese

Academic literature on the topic 'Relativization and topicalization in chinese'

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Published: 9 March 2023
Last updated: 10 March 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Relativization and topicalization in chinese"

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CHEN, HSIN-HSI, I.-PENG LIN, and CHIEN-PING WU. "A LOGICAL APPROACH TO MOVEMENT TRANSFORMATIONS IN MANDARIN CHINESE." International Journal of Pattern Recognition and Artificial Intelligence 02, no. 01 (March 1988): 71–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s0218001488000078.

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The movement of constituents in natural language is a very common linguistic phenomenon— topicalization and relativization in Mandarin Chinese, for example. Any successful natural language processing system must be able to deal with these movements and, at the same time, justify them. However, it is difficult to achieve these goals due to the gaps in between the constituents. In this paper, a logic programming approach with Chomsky’s Government-Binding Theory (GB) attempts to solve this type of problems in Chinese language processing. According to GB, the rule of “move-α” moves anything anywhere, and the universal principles operate interactively to rule the illegal movements out. With this point of view, no specific movement constraints are specified in our logic programming approach. The universal principles are embedded in the logic grammars implicitly, and generated by a translator. The specific features of this approach enable grammar-writing to capture extrapositions in Chinese much easier than the other approaches.
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EGASHIRA, HIROKI. "TOPICALIZATION AND RELATIVIZATION IN MINIMALIST SYNTAX." ENGLISH LINGUISTICS 14 (1997): 28–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.9793/elsj1984.14.28.

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Shimojo, Mitsuaki. "Functional theories of island phenomena." Studies in Language 26, no. 1 (June 21, 2002): 67–123. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/sl.26.1.04shi.

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This paper examines island effects in Japanese in four extraction types — relativization, topicalization, postposing, and wh-question formation — in terms of the “aboutness” condition claimed by Haig (1996). The condition is supported for relativization and topicalization; however, further specification is necessary for postposing and wh-question formation. It is also demonstrated that the proposed construction-specific conditions are all related to the same cognitive theory of island phenomena (Deane 1991), which reflects the mechanism of attention and short-term memory. The cognitive description thus provides insights as to why there are island effects in a putative “island-free” language.
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Saleem, Burhan Qadir. "Island Constraints in English and Kurdish." Journal of University of Raparin 7, no. 4 (December 25, 2020): 620–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.26750/vol(7).no(4).paper28.

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In transformational grammar, there are rules such as relativization, questioning and topicalization, in which elements abandon their position and move to the front of the sentence. The present study focusses on certain islands in English and Kurdish and examines whether these islands constrain the extraction of elements in Kurdish or not. It is hypothesized that islandhood is not only bout the restrictions on the extraction of an element and putting it in front of the sentence. In Kurdish, even if the question word remains in-situ, there are islands that impose restrictions on forming structures such as interrogatives.
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Dugarova, Esuna. "Syntactic effects of feature-driven movement in Russian speakers’ L2 Chinese grammars." Linguistic Approaches to Bilingualism 3, no. 4 (October 11, 2013): 389–414. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/lab.3.4.01dug.

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Availability of wh-topicalization in Chinese raises a question as to whether a whtopic in L2 Chinese is derived by feature-driven movement and, if it is, whether such movement is subject to syntactic constraints. The current study tests the sensitivity of very advanced Russian speakers’ L2 Chinese wh-topicalization to a complex NP island and reconstruction, which are taken as a diagnostic of movement. The results of an acceptability judgement test and a multiple choice interpretation test show that L2 Chinese grammars are constrained by a complex NP island and reconstruction, which provides empirical evidence that L2 Chinese wh-topicalization involves movement driven by an uninterpretable [+Top] feature.
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Yuan, Boping, and Esuna Dugarova. "WH-TOPICALIZATION AT THE SYNTAX-DISCOURSE INTERFACE IN ENGLISH SPEAKERS’ L2 CHINESE GRAMMARS." Studies in Second Language Acquisition 34, no. 4 (November 16, 2012): 533–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0272263112000332.

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Although wh-words generally stay in situ in Chinese wh-questions, they can be topicalized. However, the wh-topicalization is determined at the syntax-discourse interface and has to be governed by discourse conditions; only discourse-linked (D-linked) wh-words can be topicalized, but non-D-linked ones cannot. This article reports on an empirical study that investigated English speakers’ second language (L2) acquisition of Chinese wh-topicalization. The results of an acceptability judgment test indicate that advanced English speakers are sensitive to the discourse condition that governs the syntactic derivation of wh-topicalization in Chinese, as they were found to be able to make the distinction in their L2 Chinese by allowing D-linked, but not non-D-linked, wh-elements to topicalize. However, these results also indicate that wh-determiner phrases (DPs) and wh-noun phrases (NPs) differ in their sensitivity to presupposition background information in L2 Chinese wh-topicalization, and it is argued that the availability of the deictic feature in the wh-element involved is a variable affecting the D-linking properties of wh-elements in the development of L2 Chinese wh-topicalization, and this seems more likely to be a representational deficit than a processing problem.
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De Guzman, Videa P. "Indirect objects in Siswati." Studies in African Linguistics 18, no. 3 (December 1, 1987): 309–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.32473/sal.v18i3.107470.

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Contrary to the view that in Bantu languages the two unmarked nominals following the verb in ditransitive constructions need not be distinguished because both possess the same object properties, this paper shows the necessity of making a distinction between the direct object and the indirect object relations. Evidence comes from SiSwati, the language of Swaziland, and the analysis of the data is cast in the Relational Grammar framework. The arguments presented refer to word order, object concord (or pronominal copy) and the interaction between object concord and some syntactic phenomena such as passivization, topicalization, relativization, and clefting. By distinguishing the direct object from the indirect object in Siswati, the grammar is able to provide a more natural account for a number of related double object constructions.
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Wu, Heng. "The Cognitive Study of Chinese Possessive Topicalization." Korea Journal of Chinese Linguistics 89 (August 31, 2020): 325–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.38068/kjcl.89.13.

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Tsai, Wei-Tien Dylan. "A Case of V2 in Chinese." Studies in Chinese Linguistics 36, no. 2 (December 1, 2015): 81–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/scl-2015-0006.

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Abstract As far as the left periphery is concerned, there is a conspiracy between syntax, semantics, and pragmatics to ensure the success of sentence formation. We would like to put forth the claim that peripheral features play an important role in this endeavor, which can be checked by either Merge or Move according to the parameter-settings of individual languages. Along this line, topic prominence can be regarded as the result of peripheral feature checking, and the null topic hypothesis à la Huang (1984) is reinvented as a null operator merger to fulfill interface economy in the left periphery. In this regard, Chinese provides substantial evidence from obligatory topicalization in outer affectives, evaluatives, and refutory wh-constructions, which applies only when the licensing from a D(efiniteness)-operator is blocked. The idea also extends naturally to the issues concerning pro-drop and bare nominals in general. In this light, we may well compare Chinese obligatory topicalization to those residual cases of verb-second (V2) in English, all being manifestation of the strong uniformity.
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Aldridge, Edith. "Object relative clauses in Archaic Chinese." Canadian Journal of Linguistics/Revue canadienne de linguistique 58, no. 2 (July 2013): 239–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008413100003029.

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AbstractThis article proposes that Late Archaic Chinese object relative clauses were reduced relative clauses consisting of a TP dominated by DP. They contained a functional morpheme suo, which attracted an operator to the edge of the vP before moving to T in order to provide T with an [N] feature that could be selected by D. The embedded subject moved to the specifier of the nominalized T, where it valued genitive case with D under Agree. The reduced nature of SUO relative clauses accounts for the fact that a unique strategy was required for relativization on VP-internal positions, as opposed to subject position, since the lack of a CP layer denied the clause a uniform landing site for operators originating internal and external to vP. This analysis also accounts for the loss of the relativization asymmetry by correlating it with the loss of nominalizing morphology such as genitive case.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Relativization and topicalization in chinese"

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Hu, Shenai. "Intervention effects and the acquisition of relativization and topicalization in Chinese." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/283652.

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Aquesta tesi tracta l’adquisició de la relativització i la topicalització en xinès. Mitjançant un sèrie d'experiments, obtinc els resultats següents. En primer lloc, les frases de relatiu d'objecte són més mal compreses i produïdes que les de subjecte en els nens de tres a set anys d’edat. En segon lloc, les relatives de subjecte també presenten unes certes dificultats de comprensió i donen lloc a diversos errors en els nens fins als sis anys. En tercer lloc, l’experiment d'elicitació va donar com a resultat molts SNs resumptius en tots els grups d'edat (inclosos els adults); per a molts parlants natius del xinès, les frases de relatiu amb SNs resumptius són acceptables en xinès parlat. En quart lloc, els nens de tres a sis anys entenen les frases amb topicalització d’objecte tan bé com entenen les frases amb topicalització de subjecte; en els dues estructures els nens assoleixen nivells adults als cinc anys. La dificultat assenyalada amb les frases de relatiu d’objecte pot explicar-se mitjançant una anàlisi en termes de Minimitat Relativitzada. Proposo que la intervenció estructural del subjecte entre el nucli del relatiu i la seva còpia són la font de la dificultat. Pel que fa a la topicalització, els resultats indiquen que la topicalització en xinès no involucra el moviment A’, sinó una relació anafòrica entre la categoria buida pro i un tòpic generat a la base.
In questa tesi, viene trattata l’acquisizione delle frasi relative e delle frasi con topicalizzazione nel Cinese. Dai vari esperimenti condotti, è emerso (i) che le frasi relative sul soggetto sono più facili da comprendere e produrre delle frasi relative oggetto per bambini che hanno dai 3 ai 7 anni; (ii) le relative soggetto in cinese presentano alcune difficoltà per i bambini fino a 6 anni; (iii) si osserva un uso consistente di NP di ripresa in produzione in tutti i gruppi di partecipanti, inclusi gli adulti; inoltre, per molti adulti le frasi relative con NP di ripresa sono accettabili nella lingua orale; (iv) i bambini comprendono a partire dai 3 anni tanto le frasi in cui l’oggetto è topicalizzato quanto quelle in cui il soggetto è topicalizzato; inoltre, a 5 anni la loro prestazione è a soffitto. La difficoltà che i bambini hanno con le frasi relative è spiegata in termini di minimalità relativizzata. Propongo che l’intervento strutturale del soggetto tra la testa della relativa oggetto e la sua copia è ciò che causa le difficoltà di comprensione. I risultati sulla comprensione della frasi con topicalizzazione suggeriscono che la topicalizzazione in cinese mandarino non mette in gioco il movimento, ma una relazione anaforica tra il topic che è generato in posizione iniziale della frase e una categoria vuota, pro.
This thesis is about the acquisition of relativization and topicalization in Chinese. Through a series of experimental studies, I obtain the following results. First, a disadvantage of object relatives holds in comprehension and in production for children from three to seven years of age. Second, subject relatives are also difficult to comprehend and elicit a variety of errors from children up to six years of age. Third, a large use of resumptive NPs is observed in production across age groups (including adults); for many adult native speakers of Mandarin Chinese, relative clauses with resumptive NPs are acceptable in spoken Chinese. Fourth, children from three to six years of age understand sentences featuring object topicalization as well as those featuring subject topicalization; on both structures children perform at ceiling at five years of age. The noted difficulty of object relatives is captured by the Relativized Minimality approach. I propose that structural intervention of the subject within the chain connecting the relative head and its copy is the source of the difficulty. With respect to topicalization, the results are interpreted by assuming that topicalization in Chinese does not involve A’-movement, but an anaphoric relation between the empty category pro and the base-generated topic.
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HU, SHENAI. "Intervention effects and the acquisition of relativization and topicalization in chinese." Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano-Bicocca, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10281/53875.

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This thesis is about the acquisition of relativization and topicalization in Chinese. Through a series of experimental studies, I obtain the following results. First, a disadvantage of object relatives holds in comprehension and in production for children from three to seven years of age. Second, subject relatives are also difficult to comprehend and elicit a variety of errors from children up to six years of age. Third, a large use of resumptive NPs is observed in production across age groups (including adults); for many adult native speakers of Mandarin Chinese, relative clauses with resumptive NPs are acceptable in spoken Chinese. Fourth, children from three to six years of age understand sentences featuring object topicalization as well as those featuring subject topicalization; on both structures children perform at ceiling at five years of age. The noted difficulty of object relatives is captured by the Relativized Minimality approach. I propose that structural intervention of the subject within the chain connecting the relative head and its copy is the source of the difficulty. With respect to topicalization, the results are interpreted by assuming that topicalization in Chinese does not involve A‟ movement, but an anaphoric relation between the empty category proand the base generated topic.
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Wong, Yin Yee. "Topicalization in English writing of form four students." HKBU Institutional Repository, 1998. http://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/406.

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ZHEN, YUAN-PEI, and 陳菀蓓. "Functional uncertainty and topicalization in mandarin Chinese." Thesis, 1989. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/95573137372406995768.

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Chen, Ying-hua, and 陳瑩樺. "The Effect of Chinese Topicalization on the Acquisition of English Syntactic Structure by Chinese EFL Learners." Thesis, 2007. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/53215319443004963473.

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碩士
國立彰化師範大學
英語學系
95
Topicalization constructions are commonly used in Chinese but they rarely occur in English. This causes big differences between the two languages. Therefore, this study aimed to determine whether Universal Grammar is still available for second language learners when involving a potential parameter resetting condition. It aimed to find out whether language transfer occurs when Chinese L1 learners of English acquire the English value of the Topicalization Parameter (TP). In the TP, Chinese, the learners’ L1, is the superset and English, the learners’ L2, is the subset. The Chinese property clusters of the TP contain several topicalized constructions, such as topicalization, absence of subjects, absence of objects, absence of dummy subjects, dislocation, and lack of subject-verb agreement. A total of 480 Chinese students participated in the cross-sectional survey. There were three groups of the participants: the junior high school student group, the senior high school student group, and the college student group. Each group represented an English proficiency level. Three self-designed tests, including translation, multiple-choice questions, and contextualized multiple-choice questions, were used to investigate the participants’ performance of the topicalized constructions in English. Two major findings were found in the study. First, language transfer occurs in the very beginning of the participants’ learning of the English constructions involving TP. However, the learners gradually reset the parameter value into that of the target language. This shows that Universal Grammar is still available for these learners in their acquisition of English. Second, among the six topicalization constructions of the TP examined, topicalization value is the most difficult to reset, while dislocation value is the easiest to reset. The participants may have reset dislocation value around the second year of English learning or probably even earlier. They seemed to reset most of the English values of the other topicalization constructions, such as absence of subjects, absence of objects, absence of dummy subjects, and lack of subject-verb agreement, around senior high school years. However, the value of the topicalization construction was the last to be reset, i.e., during their college years or later.
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Books on the topic "Relativization and topicalization in chinese"

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DiGirolamo, Cara M. Word order and information structure in the Würzburg Glosses. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198747307.003.0008.

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This chapter deals with the interface between Syntax and Pragmatics by examining argument fronting in Old Irish non-poetic Glosses. Relying on lexical and contextual indicators of discourse function, three Information Structure patterns can be identified: aboutness topic; contrastive topic; and focus. Aboutness and contrastive topic are often resumed and do not mark relativization on the verb, suggesting that they are left dislocation structures. Focus is most commonly expressed through clefts, although clefts in Old Irish can be morphologically opaque. Modern Irish has all these structures besides a non-clefted focus structure, which is likely derived from interpreting morphologically opaque clefts as topicalization. In sum, this paper argues that Old Irish has a set of productive argument fronting positions with distinct and conventional information structural properties that can be analysed in terms of an articulated left periphery, and that these fronting positions are the direct ancestors of fronting positions in Modern Irish.
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Zhiming, Bao. The Systemic Nature of Substratum Transfer. Edited by Markku Filppula, Juhani Klemola, and Devyani Sharma. Oxford University Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199777716.013.024.

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This chapter discusses four grammatical systems in Singapore English that are transferred from Chinese: aspect, pragmatic particles, topicalization, and quantification. Proper analysis of the relevant substrate features reveals extensive clustering: features which form a grammatical system transfer together. Substratum transfer targets the grammatical system, and the transferred system is then exponenced with suitable morphosyntactic materials from the lexifier, filtering out those component features for which the lexifier has no well-formed morphosyntactic exponent. The analysis of the four systems shows that post-transfer stabilization is subject to the normative effect of English. It is argued that data obtained through introspection and corpora are complementary, and substrate-induced grammatical change is best accounted for in a usage-based model that uses the two types of data.
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Book chapters on the topic "Relativization and topicalization in chinese"

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Zeng, Jinghan, and Yulin Yuan. "The Motivated Topicalization and Referentiality of the Compound Noun in Chinese." In Lecture Notes in Computer Science, 40–50. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-49508-8_4.

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Tsai, Wei-Tien Dylan. "Topicalization Defined by Syntax." In The Cambridge Handbook of Chinese Linguistics, 616–34. Cambridge University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/9781108329019.032.

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Li, XuPing. "Complex pronouns in Wu Chinese: Focalization and topicalization." In Diversity in Sinitic Languages, 226–47. Oxford University Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198723790.003.0009.

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Conference papers on the topic "Relativization and topicalization in chinese"

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Wei, Liu. "Dynamic Parsing of Chinese Topicalization Structures." In 2010 International Conference on Artificial Intelligence and Computational Intelligence (AICI). IEEE, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/aici.2010.90.

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Liao, Wei-wen Roger. "The Asymmetry of Topicalization: a View from Mandarin Chinese." In 2018 5th NAFOSTED Conference on Information and Computer Science (NICS). IEEE, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/nics.2018.8606838.

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