Relevant bibliographies by topics / Relations (general) with Cambodia

Academic literature on the topic 'Relations (general) with Cambodia'

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Published: 26 July 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Relations (general) with Cambodia"

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Burova, E. S., and V. M. Mazyrin. "Trade and Investment Cooperation Between Cambodia and Vietnam: Visible Progress and Hidden Issues." Mezhdunarodnaja jekonomika (The World Economics), no. 11 (November 30, 2023): 776–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/vne-04-2311-02.

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For a long time, geographically close countries were economically isolated from each other due to political factors, neglecting the obvious advantages of mutual cooperation. However, over the past two decades, the economic component has become the cornerstone of bilateral relations. Cooperation between Cambodia and Vietnam is developing dynamically and has a positive impact on the development of the economies of both countries. An increase in bilateral trade helps not only to meet the needs of the population and expand the sales market for products, but also to strengthen the export potential of Cambodia and Vietnam on the world market, what is more the latter at the expense of the former. There has also been an increase in intra-industry trade in recent years, indicating the beginning of vertical integration, taking into account identified comparative advantages. An important role is also played by Vietnam’s implementation of investment projects that fill empty niches, create the necessary infrastructure, make a significant contribution to socio-economic development, social security, stimulate the growth of budget revenues, and also create jobs in Cambodia. Vietnam has emerged as one of Cambodia’s most important trade and investment partners, increasing its presence in the neighboring market and playing an important role in the country’s development. Cambodia’s economy is booming, thanks in large part to developments in Vietnam’s (and, of course, China’s) sphere of influence. This confirms the theory of the benefits of flying “with a flock of geese.” Vietnam is historically and mentally inclined to help Cambodia through this influence, and apparently does not represent another model of relations. At the same time, there are also negative aspects of cooperation, such as inequality of trade and investment flows, Cambodia’s growing economic dependence on its neighbor, and weak integration. The study of the main aspects of Vietnam’s economic influence on Cambodia has become increasingly relevant in recent years. At the same time, the issue of Cambodian-Vietnamese trade and investment interaction has been poorly studied.
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Williams, Sarah. "Public International Law." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 53, no. 1 (January 2004): 227–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/iclq/53.1.227.

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In May 2003 the United Nations General Assembly approved an agreement between the United Nations and the Cambodian government (UN Agreement) providing for United Nations assistance in the establishment and operation of ‘Extraordinary Chambers’ within the domestic court structure of Cambodia.1The UN Agreement is the result of a lengthy process of negotiation between the United Nations and the Cambodian government, with the intervention of several interested states.2The final agreement reflects a compromise between the need to address impunity and the need to preserve Cambodian sovereignty.
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Marston, John. "Em Sokha and Cambodian Satirical Cartoons." Asian Journal of Social Science 25, no. 1 (1997): 59–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/030382497x00040.

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AbstractThe article examines the work of one Cambodian satirical cartoonist, Em Sokha, in the context of the historical background of cartooning in Cambodia and the developments in Cambodian print media since 1979. In particular, it looks at how Em Sokha's work has evolved in relation to alternating periods of freedom and control over the press during times of dramatic political change. It explores the implications of Em Sokha's use of distortion and the grotesque to express the violence of relations of power.
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Intan, Marshanda Fitria. "Urgensi Kerja Sama Sektor Pariwisata untuk Meningkatkan Hubungan Thailand-Kamboja Pasca Sengketa Kuil Preah Vihear." SINDANG: Jurnal Pendidikan Sejarah dan Kajian Sejarah 4, no. 1 (January 13, 2022): 18–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.31540/sindang.v4i1.1086.

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The Urgency of Tourism Sector Cooperation to Improve Thailand Cambodia Relations After the Dispute on the Preah Vihear Temple. This study aims to determine the urgency of cooperation in the tourism sector to improve relations between Thailand and Cambodia after the conflict dispute. Tracing data was carried out using literature study. The results show that the disputed conflict between Thailand and Cambodia which has made relations between the two countries worse has been resolved through the ASEAN mechanism in a peaceful manner. After the dispute was resolved, the two parties sought cooperation in the tourism sector to improve relations between the two, such as the implementation of a single visa and D3 tourism student exchange. So that cooperation in the tourism sector has an important role in restoring the relationship between the two.
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SIMONIYA, Aida A. "NEW APPOINTMENTS TO ASEAN AND THE UN HAVE NOT YET LED TO A BREAKTHROUGH IN RELATIONS WITH MYANMAR." Southeast Asia: Actual Problems of Development, no. 1 (54) (2022): 139–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2022-1-1-54-139-159.

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The crisis in Myanmar has also affected the beginning of the activities of high-ranking officials who recently took office. Cambodia, represented by Prime Minister Hun Sen, took over the baton as ASEAN Chairman, Singaporean diplomat Noelene Heizer was appointed Special Envoy of the UN Secretary-General to Myanmar. Cambodia's Foreign Minister Prak Sokhonn replaced Erivan Yusof as ASEAN's Special Envoy for Myanmar. The Prime Minister of Cambodia caused dissatisfaction of his ASEAN colleagues and outrage of the world community due to his visit to Myanmar a week after officially taking office. The first visit of the head of State to Myanmar after the military coup was perceived as ensuring the legitimacy of the military administration. At the same time, due to a misunderstanding between the guest and the host party on the issue of the release of an Australian citizen, the leader of Cambodia "lost face". Noelene Heizer underestimated the power of public opinion. She was fiercely attacked by opponents of the military regime because of the use of an unsuccessful thesis about the "division of power". The Office of the Special Envoy tried to "save face" by insisting that Heizer had never suggested power sharing as an option, and the interview with N. Heizer was misinterpreted. The mission of the new ASEAN Special Envoy, Prak Sokhonn, was not crowned with great success either. During his visit to Myanmar, he met only with representatives of the regime and did not meet with all interested parties, which contradicts the five-point consensus.
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Hung, Vo Minh, Nguyen Hung Vuong, Phan Thi Mai Tram, Nguyen Van Tuan, and Vo Mau Thuong. "INCREASING SECURITY AND POLITICAL COOPERATION BETWEEN CAMBODIA-CHINA IN THE SECOND DECADE OF THE 21ST CENTURY." Journal of Law and Sustainable Development 12, no. 2 (February 27, 2024): e1482. http://dx.doi.org/10.55908/sdgs.v12i2.1482.

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Purpose: The purpose of the article is to analyze the China-Cambodia system for the period 2010-2020 in the context of security and politics, thereby examining the quality of the relationship, as well as the achieved results and prospects of the bilateral relationship of both sides. Theoretical framework: The research is approached based on theoretical frameworks on international relations, including realism, and liberalism with basic arguments about the nation, the issue of power, the national interest, and the problem of harmonizing attractions. Design/methodology/approach: The research uses interdisciplinary methods in social sciences, such as historical and logical methods; international relations research methods; and politics. Findings: The China-Cambodia security and political system is a relationship that has gone through many ups and downs with its long history, basically throughout the process of the system is that the interests of the two sides are still the priority, although there are separate characteristics in general, the relationship between the two countries is quite close, with little fluctuations about the mutual benefit. Research practical and social implications: The article contributes to clarifying the Cambodia-China relationship and the impact of this relationship. The report can support further studies on this topic in the future in Vietnam. Originality/value: The study of Cambodia-China relations is critical in Vietnam, contributing to policy forecasting in international relations in East Asia.
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STEGMILLER, IGNAZ. "Legal Developments in Civil Party Participation at the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia." Leiden Journal of International Law 27, no. 2 (February 13, 2014): 465–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156514000028.

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AbstractFor the first time in the history of international criminal justice, victims of mass crimes have been granted the status of so-called ‘civil parties’ at the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia (ECCC). This status grants them – at least theoretically – the right to participate in the proceedings as a formal party with broad participatory rights similar to the those of the defence and the prosecution. While the ECCC is exemplary in how it has addressed the issue of victims’ participation, practical necessities and judicial skepticism have led to significant changes in the civil party mechanism and continuously constrained participatory rights. First, changes in the ECCC's Internal Rules have significantly altered the original civil party mechanism and led to a form of victim participation similar to the one practised at the International Criminal Court (ICC), thus departing from the true meaning of a partie civile. Judicial decisions by the ECCC's judges, as well as changes in the Internal Rules, have abrogated the strong civil party mechanism that was originally anticipated in Cambodian criminal procedure law. Second, the practical challenges surrounding victim participation have been enormous. The Court itself was struggling due to lack of funding and lack of prioritization of a meaningful outreach program for victims and civil parties. The ECCC's Public Affairs Section (PAS) and the Victims Support Section (VSS) held the responsibility of reaching out to the general Cambodian population. However, it was Cambodian NGOs that ultimately established a collaborative outreach system and collected more than 8,000 Victim Information Forms (VIFs). All these efforts notwithstanding, only political willingness and a Cambodian discussion of how to deal with the vast number of perpetrators beyond a handful of criminal trials, can lead to a process of coming to terms with one's past.
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Mohan, Mahdev. "The Paradox of Victim-Centrism: Victim Participation at the Khmer Rouge Tribunal." International Criminal Law Review 9, no. 5 (2009): 733–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156753609x12507729201318.

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AbstractIt has been claimed – though not proved – that victims will be benefited by participation in international criminal tribunals. This article interrogates this claim in the context of victim participation at the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia (ECCC), commonly referred to as the Khmer Rouge Tribunal. Based on interviews with Cambodian victims and Tribunal affiliates, it examines why and how the Tribunal permits victims to intervene as les parties civile, pulling together the normative and legal basis for this mode of victim participation. This article does not purport to generalize with confidence about Cambodian victims in general, let alone all victims of mass atrocity. Instead, it simply seeks to move beyond vague speculations that victim participation in international trials is always therapeutic, and suggest a new indigenized victimology that the Tribunal should explore as the long-awaited trials of the Khmer Rouge unfold.
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Dany, Va, Michael Regan, Brishna Bajracharya, and Ros Taplin. "The Role of Social Capital and Local Institutions in Coping with Climate Stresses: The Case of Krapum Chhouk Commune in Rural Cambodia." Asian Journal of Agriculture and Development 10, no. 1 (June 15, 2013): 61–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.37801/ajad2013.10.1.4.

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Social capital is a central requirement for a successful climate change adaptation, especially in Cambodia where formal institutions are still poorly developed. Collective action and not-for-profit bonding are important for climate change adaptation; however, these are not easily developed. This study examined the local institutions vital for the livelihoods of citizens who live in flood-prone Krapum Chhouk commune in rural Cambodia. Through observations and in-depth interviews with the local community, it investigated social capital in terms of the dynamics of relationships, relations of trust, and social norms and practices. This study found that most networks were profit-oriented. Traditional practices such as community assistance for either agricultural works or social welfare have been diluted, and relations of trust were an issue in some villages. The connections between local institutions were found to be lacking; cross-membership across institutions was limited. Overall, many indications of weakness were found in community institutions, which may have negative implications on addressing climate change.
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Ousaphea, Yuok. "Cambodia’s engagement on ASEAN regional security issues." Международные отношения, no. 1 (January 2024): 93–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0641.2024.1.70116.

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This article examines Cambodia’s involvement in regional security issues within the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN). The relevance of the topic of the study is due to the growing tension in the region of the South China Sea, consisting in the confrontation between the USA and the PRC, and the increase in terrorist activities in South-East Asia. The author examines in detail the history of the formation and development of the ASEAN, the evolution of the association’s regional security system. The author closely analyzes the problems of regional security of ASEAN, the role of the Kingdom of Cambodia in solving previously mentioned problems. The study focuses on ASEAN regional security issues in South-East Asia. The study focuses on the role of the Kingdom of Cambodia in addressing ASEAN regional security concerns. This scientific article is based on the theory of neoliberalism. The main conclusions of the research are related to the study of the history of the formation and development of the ASEAN, the evolution of the association’s regional security system, the identification of key problems of ensuring ASEAN regional security, among which we can highlight the growth of terrorist activities, the tension between the United States and the People’s Republic of China, the lack of a legal framework to resolve or respond to military conflicts, the definition of the role of Cambodia in the settlement of regional security problems in ASEAN, based on the rich experience in the implementation of counter-terrorism activities and on leveling the rivalry of the PRC and the USA in the Asia-Pacific, built on strong bilateral relations as with the United States; just like in China. The scientific novelty of the study is the content-analysis of key ASEAN documents and the structuring of the ASEAN regional security system.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Relations (general) with Cambodia"

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Millard, Jeffrey Paul 1967. "Chinese involvement in Cambodia, 1978-1991." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/291845.

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The years 1978 and 1979 were critical in shaping mainland China's foreign policy towards Cambodia during the 1980s up until the international peace treaty of 1991. For China, this involved utilizing Cambodian forces to halt the spread of Vietnamese hegemony in Southeast Asia while countering an increased Soviet presence on its southern periphery. Unfortunately, China's policy of supporting both Prince Sihanouk politically and the Khmer Rouge militarily was instrumental in reestablishing the Khmer Rouge as the most powerful faction in Cambodia's uncertain future. Therefore, the Khmer Rouge became something of a Chinese enigma, nurtured by Beijing to fight the Vietnamese but completely free from PRC control or responsibility.
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Nowosad, Orest J. W. "Weak power-great power relationships : Sino-Khmer Rouge relations 1975-1989." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/110791.

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With the Khmer Rouge gaining control of Cambodia in 1975, the further development of a relationship between a weak and a strong power was to be seen.l The People's Republic of China (PRC) would become associated with a regime which would prove to be one of the most brutal and inhumane of the modern age.
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3

Manning, Peter. "Justice, reconciliation and memorial politics in Cambodia." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2014. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/871/.

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This thesis examines conflicts and congruities between memories of past political violence, and the implications these have for attempts to enable ‘justice’ and ‘reconciliation’ in Cambodia. The project takes the establishment of the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia (ECCC) as a starting point that seeks to stabilise a narrow account of past political violence. The ECCC is important as a point of departure because it is the main institutional site through which Cambodia is confronting past political violence. Tasked with prosecuting crimes perpetrated by Khmer Rouge between 1975 and 1979, the ECCC promotes a restricted reading of political violence in Cambodia, attempting to silence some pasts whilst calling attention to others. At the same time, the work of the ECCC situates the past as a field of intervention that can yield particular ameliorative social and political outcomes: providing a sense of justice, establishing the truth of political violence in Cambodia, deterring the future perpetration of atrocity, and enabling reconciliation. Memory is integral to these ends as the key target of civic renewal. Based on eight months of fieldwork in 2008/9 conducted at multiple sites in Cambodia, the project critically reflects on the ECCC’s attempt to generate a unified and consensual account of political violence in Cambodia. Three key findings are evidenced. Firstly, whilst the ECCC attempts to frame and stabilise a preferred account of political violence through a judicial process that reconstructs memory through disclosure and concealment, this process itself is contested by the subjects it animates (its ‘victims’ and ‘perpetrators’). Moreover, I argue that the work of the ECCC actually catalyses multiple, often conflicted claims over what justice and reconciliation mean as socio-political strategies. The ECCC continues to generate unintended and unexpected results in the way that it platforms, recues and generates demands of the past. Secondly, the research findings evidence diverse and competing regimes of memory in Cambodia that call into question the possibilities of the ECCC in reconstructing a unified, shared public memory of political violence in Cambodia, and providing a sense of justice and reconciliation on that basis. These are frequently encountered exactly at the propagation of the ECCC preferred reading of past political violence, gesturing to the way that conflicting memory occurs – or is foregrounded – in resistance to power. Thirdly, the research findings evidence competing rationales for remembering and forgetting political violence in varied ways (for example, material priorities, tourism, and attendant commercial interests). Moreover, the thesis documents ambivalence among some Cambodians toward memorials and museums and the pasts that they call attention to. In this sense, the project shows how these ambivalences are dislocated from and eschew the moral authority of the rationales grounding the ECCC’s work (providing a sense of justice and facilitating reconciliation in the name of continued memories of political violence).
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Marshall, Helen. "Australian foreign policy and Cambodia : international power, regionalism and domestic politics." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/112135.

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The Hawke Labor government came to power in March 1983 committed to playing a more active role in finding a solution to the Cambodian conflict, improving bilateral relations with Vietnam and restoring Australian aid. This signalled a departure from the Fraser government's minimal involvement in the issue, and reflected a closer identification of Australia's interests with the Asia-Pacific region. As Foreign Minister, Bill Hayden, explained: The war in Cambodia, in all its many dimensions, is the greatest unresolved source of tension in Southeast Asia...The future of Australia lies in developing a mature and balanced set of relationships with its neighbours in Southeast Asia. Indochina is part of that neighbourhood.
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Pen, Rany. "White gold: a study of gender relations in rural Cambodia." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/15700.

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What is it like to be a rural farmwoman in contemporary Cambodia? During the past two decades, starting from the 1991 Paris Peace Accord, Cambodia has transformed itself politically and economically. Inescapably these transformations have influenced gender relations within the family and the community. In the rural areas, which are perceived as less affected by the global force and more resistant to the changes, there is a sense of strong attachment to Khmer traditions that is inspired by both Buddhist values and the patriarchy. I argue that the latter is seen as imposing barriers for rural women to advance and to move beyond family enclosure. This thesis considers the construction and transformation of gender identities of rural women and explores barriers and opportunities for their advancement by examining their everydayness as a struggle for identity, recognition, and power. Since the end of civil wars in 1979, international relief and development aid has been pouring into Cambodia together with developmental ideologies, many of them perceived Western. My ethnographic fieldwork in rural Cambodia closely examines how these new gender ideologies are seeping into the Khmer society through development agencies and how rural women receive and resist these ideologies. Through empirical research in farming communities from Battambang, Kampong Speu and Mondulkiri, I seek to make visible women farmers’ everyday lives, their social and gender norms and practices, and their interaction with non-human beings in making meaning and sense of themselves. In rural Cambodia where livelihoods still heavily depend on agriculture, especially rice farming, my thesis argues that gender relations are an integral part of an assemblage of different socio-ecological elements. It is thus important to place a greater emphasis on the roles and importance of more-than-human relations of rice and the surrounding environment in the construction of farmers’ gender identities.
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Goldrick, Emma. "Sino-Cambodia 2010 - 2018: To what extent has the Chinese Government contributed to the decline of multiparty democracy in Cambodia?" Thesis, Department of Government and International Relations, 2021. https://hdl.handle.net/2123/24652.

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Cambodia has become an integral component of China’s strategic objectives throughout Southeast Asia. China’s intention to expand the Belt and Road Initiative through Southeast Asia is contingent on its ability to maintain healthy cooperation with the Hun Sen administration in Cambodia. Through the patron-client dynamic of Sino-Cambodian relations, China has secured rights to vital deep-water ports, hydroelectric dams, vital BRI infrastructure and access to the South China Sea. In recent years, Prime Minister Hun Sen’s, Cambodian People’s Party (CPP), has received international criticism and sanctions from traditional aid-aid-donors for infringing on democratic rights. As a result of this, the CPP has become asymmetrically dependent on Chinese economic patronage. This thesis seeks to determine the extent to which the Chinese Government has contributed to the decline of multiparty democracy in Cambodia between 2010 and 2018. To achieve this, the paper conducts a process tracing analysis to determine causation between Chinese patronage and the breakdown of democracy in Cambodia. In doing so, this thesis uses the theoretical framework of patron-client to understand the actions of China and Cambodia alike. The core findings of this study demonstrate the party-to-party relationship between the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and the CPP, and how this contributes to Cambodia’s ideological convergence. It further establishes the way in which China’s objectives in Cambodia have become mutually reinforcing. The final finding of this thesis demonstrates how Prime Minister Hun Sen’s internal legitimacy is dependent on Chinese economic patronage. Through the research findings of this study, this thesis also contributes to broader literature regarding the application of patron-client theory to China and Southeast Asia.
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Deth, Sok Udom. "Factional politics and foreign policy choices in Cambodia-Thailand diplomatic relations." Doctoral thesis, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, Philosophische Fakultät III, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.18452/17000.

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Ziel der Dissertation ist es, eine umfassende Analyse der kambodschanisch-thailändischen diplomatischen Beziehungen von 1950 bis 2014 zu liefern. Die Arbeit geht über einen rein historischen Bericht hinaus, da sie darauf abzielt, die Wechselhaftigkeit der kambodschanisch-thailändischen Beziehungen zu erklären. Als Grundlage dient hierzu ein Ansatz sozialen Konflikts, der Staaten nicht als homogene Akteure ansieht, sondern vielmehr als eine Konfiguration konfligierender Kräfte, die ihre außenpolitischen Ziele im Einklang mit ihrer eigenen Ideologie, ihren Interessen und ihren Strategien verfolgen. Daher postuliert die Arbeit, dass die kambodschanisch-thailändischen Beziehungen nicht als Produkt einheitlicher Staaten angesehen werden sollten, die entweder miteinander kooperieren oder sich voneinander abschotten, sondern als Matrix sich überlappender Beziehungen zwischen gesellschaftlichen und politischen Gruppen beider Staaten, die konkurrierende Ideologien und/oder Interessen zur Förderung ihrer innenpolitischen Machtposition beherbergen. Das Projekt bringt zwei mit einer verknüpfte Argumente hervor. Erstens, kambodschanisch-thailändische Beziehungen sind wahrscheinlich dann kooperativ angelegt, wenn es sich bei beiden Machthabern um zivil-demokratisch gewählte Regierungen mit ähnlichen Ideologien, ökonomischen Interessen und Sicherheitsbedenken handelt. Umgekehrt verschlechtern sich die Beziehungen, wenn diese Faktoren nicht reziprok sind. Dies ist besonders dann der Fall, wenn eine der beiden Regierungen mehr mit der Opposition der anderen gemein hat. Zweitens, auch wenn antagonistische Nationalismen auf beiden Seiten bestehen, handelt es sich keinesfalls um eine Determinante, die die Außenpolitik beider Seiten festlegt. Die Arbeit argumentiert, dass Nationalismen nur dann aufgerufen werden, wenn zumindest eine der beiden Regierungen ihre Legitimität in der Heimat stärken muss und die andere Regierung nicht dieselbe Ideologie und strategischen Interessen teilt.
This dissertation aims to provide a comprehensive analysis of Cambodia-Thailand diplomatic relations over the past six decades, specifically from 1950 to 2014. In addition to empirical discussion, it seeks to explain why Cambodian-Thai relationships have fluctuated and what primary factors caused the shifts during the period discussed. In doing so, it employs the “social conflict” analysis, which views states not as unitary actors, but within which is comprised of different societal forces competing with one another and pursues foreign policies in accordance with their own ideology, interest, and strategy. As such, it is postulated that Cambodia-Thailand diplomatic relations should not be seen simply as relations between two unitary states cooperating with or securitizing against one another, but rather as a matrix of intertwining relationships between various social and political groups in both states harboring competing ideologies and/or interests to advance their power positions at home. Two inter-related arguments are therefore put forward in this research. Firstly, Cambodian-Thai relations are likely to be cooperative when both governments in power are civilian-democratically elected regimes and share similar ideologies, mutual economic interests, as well as security outlooks. Conversely, relations between them tend to deteriorate when these factors are not reciprocal. This is particularly true when one government has more in common with the dissidents of the government of the other side. Secondly, though antagonistic nationalism does exist between Cambodia and Thailand, it is not a determinant of the two nations’ foreign relations. This research argues that nationalism and historical animosity are invoked only if at least the government on one side needs to bolster its own legitimacy at home, and the government on the other side does not share a similar ideology or strategic interests with its own – the second aspect being the more important factor here.
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Hallsey, Joshua. "U.S. Foreign Policy and the Cambodian People, 1945-1993." Fogler Library, University of Maine, 2007. http://www.library.umaine.edu/theses/pdf/HallseyJ2007.pdf.

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Chanthalath, Bounthanongsack. "Small and Medium Sized States’ Responses to Rising China:Comparing Cambodia, Laos and Thailand." Thesis, Griffith University, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/366850.

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China’s meteoric rise has produced a series of challenges for states around its periphery. In Southeast Asia, small and medium sized states are exposed to different challenges accompanying China’s rise, the nature of which depend on their geographical location, historical relations with China, and their contemporary political and economic interdependence with China. While maritime Southeast Asian states view China’s approach to the South China Sea dispute cautiously, mainland Southeast Asian states have no major territorial disputes with China and remain more optimistic about its regional role. Whether these states are really moving into China’s sphere of influence is an open question, but how they are reacting is important because they will likely shape the dynamics of regionalism in Asia for some time to come. They will also be important in shaping the nature of the US-China relationship in Asia, which will in turn have global implications. This thesis investigates the strategies being adopted by small and medium sized states in Southeast Asia ─ Cambodia, Laos and Thailand ─ toward rising China and the reasons why they are adopting it. It will be argued that these three states are neither forming alliances with other states to balance China’s influence, nor are they fully bandwagoning with China. Although China’s economic and political rise is furnishing them with tangible economic benefits for their development, it is unlikely these states will terminate their alliances with the U.S. (in Thailand’s case), or Vietnam (in the case of Cambodia, and Laos). Instead, they will continue to hedge on China.
Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
Griffith Business School
Griffith Business School
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Canzutti, Lucrezia. "State-diaspora relations in illiberal contexts : the case of the Vietnamese diaspora in Cambodia." Thesis, University of York, 2018. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/21998/.

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The thesis investigates the reasons, modalities, and consequences of the Cambodian and Vietnamese governments’ engagement with the Vietnamese diaspora in Cambodia. The case of the Vietnamese in Cambodia is of particular interest because, unlike most existing studies on state-diaspora relations, it examines a group which stands between two illiberal countries and, partly as a consequence of this, does not represent a significant threat and/or resource to either the host-state or the homeland. Furthermore, despite having lived in the host-state for generations, the Vietnamese in Cambodia have been unable to access Cambodian citizenship and hold virtually no documents from Vietnam: they are de facto stateless. This thesis seeks to answer two, interrelated questions: how do the Cambodian state and the Vietnamese state perceive of and engage with the Vietnamese diaspora in Cambodia? What are the implications of their engagement on this diaspora’s enjoyment of citizenship? To answer these questions, the research uses documentary sources from the two governments and eighty-three in-depth interviews with Vietnamese villagers, members of the Association of Khmer-Vietnamese in the Kingdom of Cambodia (AKVKC), representatives of the Cambodian government, experts, and representatives of civil society organisations. Departing from existing perspectives on state-diaspora relations, the thesis argues that the governments of Cambodia and Vietnam have viewed the diaspora as “inconvenient subjects” and engaged, respectively, in the bounded exclusion and the bounded inclusion of the group. Rather than taking full responsibility of the diaspora, the Cambodian and Vietnamese governments have shared the custody of the Vietnamese, alternating care and control and co-governing it through the work of the AKVKC. This deliberately ambiguous strategy has resulted in the Vietnamese’ de facto enjoyment of some citizens’ rights in Cambodia and Vietnam; yet, it has also (re)produced a multi-level liminal space in which the Vietnamese are more easily governable.
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Books on the topic "Relations (general) with Cambodia"

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Clymer, Kenton J. The United States and Cambodia, 1969-2000: A troubled relationship. New York: Routledge, 2004.

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Clymer, Kenton J. The United States and Cambodia, 1870-1969: From curiosity to confrontation. New York: Routledge, 2004.

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1941-, Miller Robert, Wirick Gregory, and International Development Research Centre (Canada), eds. Canada and missions for peace: Lessons from Nicaragua, Cambodia and Somalia. Ottawa: International Development Research Centre, 1998.

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A, Donovan Dolores, and Brown Frederick Z, eds. Reconstructing Cambodia: Human resources, human rights, and law : three essays. Washington, DC: Foreign Policy Institute, Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies, Johns Hopkins University, 1993.

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(1989), Paris Peace Conference. Cambodia--the 1989 Paris Peace Conference: Background analysis and documents. Millwood, N.Y: Kraus International Publications, 1991.

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Sopanha, Sa, and International Monetary Fund, eds. Economic policy in a highly dollarized economy: The case of Cambodia. Washington DC: International Monetary Fund, 2003.

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National Institute of Statistics (Cambodia), ed. General population census of Cambodia, 1998. Phnom Penh, Cambodia: National Institute of Statistics, Ministry of Planning, 1999.

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United States. Dept. of State. Bureau of Public Affairs, ed. US-Cambodia relations. [Washington, D.C.?]: Bureau of Public Affairs, Dept. of State, 1989.

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United States. Dept. of State. Bureau of Public Affairs., ed. US-Cambodia relations. [Washington, D.C.?]: Bureau of Public Affairs, Dept. of State, 1989.

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United States. Dept. of State. Bureau of Public Affairs, ed. US-Cambodia relations. [Washington, D.C.?]: Bureau of Public Affairs, Dept. of State, 1989.

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Book chapters on the topic "Relations (general) with Cambodia"

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Murg, Bradley J., and Sok Udom Deth. "Cambodia-Taiwan Relations." In Taiwan and Southeast Asia, 44–54. London: Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003320463-4.

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Yiseang, Chhiv. "Perspective on Cambodia–China Relations." In Cambodia-China Comprehensive Strategic Partnership Towards a Community with a Shared Future, 15–17. Singapore: Springer Nature Singapore, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-9155-4_3.

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Kolb, Marina. "General Relations." In The European Union and the Council of Europe, 35–59. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137023636_3.

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Kovanic, Pavel. "General Relations." In Mathematical Gnostics, 281–306. Boca Raton: CRC Press, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1201/9780429441196-25.

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Tjhin, Christine Susanna. "Cambodia–China Relations: An Indonesian Perspective." In Cambodia-China Comprehensive Strategic Partnership Towards a Community with a Shared Future, 59–67. Singapore: Springer Nature Singapore, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-9155-4_9.

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Kaseka, Phon. "Cultural Relations Between Cambodia and China." In Cambodia-China Comprehensive Strategic Partnership Towards a Community with a Shared Future, 141–52. Singapore: Springer Nature Singapore, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-9155-4_17.

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Bunny, Chan. "Cambodia–China Relations: Socio-Cultural Aspects." In Cambodia-China Comprehensive Strategic Partnership Towards a Community with a Shared Future, 153–70. Singapore: Springer Nature Singapore, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-9155-4_18.

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Coeckelbergh, Mark. "General Conclusion." In Growing Moral Relations, 207–14. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137025968_14.

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Lumumba-Kasongo, Tukumbi. "General Introduction." In Japan-Africa Relations, 1–40. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230108486_1.

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Rex, Andrew, and C. B. P. Finn. "General Thermodynamic Relations." In Finn's Thermal Physics, 217–40. 4th ed. Boca Raton: CRC Press, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1201/9781003299479-8.

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Conference papers on the topic "Relations (general) with Cambodia"

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Bruckmayr, Philipp. "PHNOM PENH’S FETHULLAH GÜLEN SCHOOL AS AN ALTERNATIVE TO PREVALENT FORMS OF EDUCATION FOR CAMBODIA’S MUSLIM MINORITY." In Muslim World in Transition: Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/rdcz7621.

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Following the end of Khmer Rouge rule (1975–79), the Cham Muslim minority of Cambodia began to rebuild community structures and religious infrastructure. It was only after 1993 that they became recipients of international Islamic aid, mostly for the establishment of mosques, schools and orphanages. Now Cambodia boasts several Muslim schools, financed and/or run by Saudi Arabian and Kuwaiti NGOs as well as by private enterprise from the Gulf region, most of which rely on a purely religious curriculum. However, Cambodian Muslim leaders are urging attendance of public Khmer schools and seeking to establish alternatives in the form of Islamic secondary schools with a mixed curriculum, modelled after similar schools in Malaysia. The generally harmonious relations between Chams and Khmers have been affected by the importation of new interpretations of Islam through international Islamic welfare organisations, and the long arm of international terrorism. The only Cambodian non-religious and non-discriminatory educational facility operated from a Muslim country is Phnom Penh’s Zaman International School. It was founded in 1997 and is associated with the Fethullah Gülen movement. Classes are taught in both Khmer and English. Its kindergarten, primary and high schools are attended by Khmers, resident foreigners and a few Chams. For them, apart from the high standard provided by the school, its explicit agenda of instruction on an inter-racial and inter-religious basis, coupled with its prestige as an institution operated from Muslim lands, serves to make the school a valuable alternative to both secular private schools and Islamic schools. This paper raises and discusses the interesting question of the applicability of Gülen’s thought on education and inter-faith relations to the periphery of Southeast Asian Islam.
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Hao, Yichen. "Explain the EU’s Sanctions Towards Cambodia, 2017-2021: Human Rights and the EU’s Strategies." In 2021 International Conference on Public Relations and Social Sciences (ICPRSS 2021). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.211020.238.

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ILIEV, BOZHIDAR Z. "HEISENBERG RELATIONS IN THE GENERAL CASE." In Proceedings of 9th International Workshop on Complex Structures, Integrability and Vector Fields. WORLD SCIENTIFIC, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/9789814277723_0014.

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Guo, Yichao, and Robert G. Parker. "Mesh Phasing Relations of General Compound Planetary Gears." In ASME 2007 International Design Engineering Technical Conferences and Computers and Information in Engineering Conference. ASMEDC, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/detc2007-35799.

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This paper systematically studies the mesh phase relations of general compound planetary gears. The mesh phase relations are described by the relative phases between mesh tooth variation functions of all gear meshes. The analysis allows for the fact that compound planetary gears may have gear meshes with different mesh periods. A numbering method is proposed for the accurate definitions of the relative phases in a general compound planetary gear. The phases of all gear meshes relative to the base referred mesh are calculated analytically. Important relations among these relative phases are also studied. The results from this study are important for the clarification of the mesh phasing properties of general compound planetary gears, and they are necessary for the dynamic analysis of compound planetary gears, which involves time-varying mesh stiffnesses.
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Krumnack, Ulf, Helmar Gust, Angela Schwering, and Kai-Uwe Kuhnberger. "Remarks on the Meaning of Analogical Relations." In 3d Conference on Artificial General Intelligence (AGI-10). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/agi.2010.8.

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BOÇI, SONILA, MIMOZA HAFIZI, and ROBERT MOCHKOVITCH. "ON THE DISPERSION OF THE AMATI-LIKE RELATIONS." In Proceedings of the MG13 Meeting on General Relativity. WORLD SCIENTIFIC, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/9789814623995_0280.

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QI, SHI, and TAN LU. "SEARCHING FOR TIGHT GAMMA-RAY BURST LUMINOSITY RELATIONS." In Proceedings of the MG13 Meeting on General Relativity. WORLD SCIENTIFIC, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/9789814623995_0370.

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Tsang, E. C. C., Changzhong Wang, Du Yan, and Jiaze Li. "Neighbourhood-assignment attribute reduction based on general binary relations." In 2014 International Conference on Machine Learning and Cybernetics (ICMLC). IEEE, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/icmlc.2014.7009712.

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Wang, Hao, Qiuliang Xu, Han Jiang, and Rui Li. "Attribute-Based Authenticated Key Exchange Protocol with General Relations." In 2011 Seventh International Conference on Computational Intelligence and Security (CIS). IEEE, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/cis.2011.203.

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Beresford, Nick. "COVID-19: Economic and Social Impact Assessment in Cambodia." In International Research Symposium on How did a Health Crisis Translate to an Economic Crisis? The Impact of the COVID-19 Pandemic. ALLIED PUBLISHERS PVT. LTD., 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.62458/camed/oar/symposium/2021/3-13.

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INTRODUCTION COVID-19 has taken immense tolls on societies and economies around the world, including through dramatic global impacts on trade, production and other economic activities. The World Bank, International Monetary Fund, Asian Development Bank and United Nations system have all estimated the high costs of COVID-19, but mainly at the regional level, such as for ASEAN (the Association of Southeast Asian Nations). The UN Secretary General Report in April estimated a regional contraction of —0.1 percent in gross domestic product (GDP) for 2020 in South-East Asia, contrasting to the predicted 4.5 percent growth before the pandemic. UNDP Cambodia has undertaken a costing of socioeconomic impacts specific to Cambodia. Crucially, the crisis operates through both demand and supply channels. Cambodia is highly exposed as it relies on a narrow cconomic base built from garments, tourism, agriculture and construction. It has a highly open economy, where exports and imports are around 62 percent and 63 percent of GDP, respecively. Foreign direct investment is 11 percent of GDP. On the supply side, Cambodia is highly reliant on China for raw materials for its garment industry and as a source of tourists. On the demand side, China is an important export destination for agricultural products. Capital inflows from China are key to sectors such as construction. Cambodia’s higher value-added exports go mainly to Europe. COVID-19 effects will exacerbate the pre-existing loss of trade preferences from the partial suspension of the European Union’s Everything But Arms programme, starting in August 2020.
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Reports on the topic "Relations (general) with Cambodia"

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Chandath, Him, Ing Chhay Por, Yim Raksmey, and Diane Archer. Air Pollution and Workers’ Health in Cambodia’s Garment Sector. Stockholm Environment Institute, March 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.51414/sei2023.017.

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The findings of this study can inform and enable policymakers in improving occupational air pollution, including addressing air pollution, pollution sources and other related issues in the garment manufacturing sector in Cambodia. Such interventions will help to uphold the health of workers as a human right, ensure safe workplaces, and also be beneficial for the country’s economic growth, as a healthy workforce is more productive. While the garment sector serves as Cambodia’s economic backbone and creates much-needed jobs, it is also a highly polluting industry, alongside being regularly implicated for not upholding labour rights. The sector emits pollutants to air from intensive energy use, solid and hazardous waste emissions, noise pollution and wastewater pollution discharge. Despite this, the sector’s environmental impacts in Cambodia, particularly in relation to air pollution, are not well known, and this gap was highlighted in the development of Cambodia’s 2021 Clean Air Plan. Aiming to fill this gap, in cooperation with SEI, the Air Quality and Noise Management Department of the General Directorate of Environmental Protection of Cambodia’s Ministry of Environment conducted a research project to improve understanding of air pollutant emissions from the textile industry and the health impacts on workers in Cambodia’s garment industry. The study drew on in-depth interviews with 323 garment factory workers across 16 factories, interviews with 16 factory owners, and quantitative data to better understand all interviewees’ experiences with occupational air pollution. While the research documented any symptoms related to air pollution, it did not employ medical research to assess the workers’ health status, nor did it attempt to investigate the cost or impact of air pollution on factory production. This policy briefing draws on a longer report prepared by the Ministry of Environment (Chandath, H., Chhay Por, I., Sokyimeng, S., Dana, S., Raksmey, Y. 2023. Understanding Air Pollution in the Garment Sector and Health Impacts on Workers: A Cambodian Case Study. Ministry of Environment, Cambodia. https://epa.moe.gov.kh/pages/categories/view/document-daqnm).
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Lim, Chhay. The past, present and future of Cambodia–Thailand relations. East Asia Forum, March 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.59425/eabc.1711576800.

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Stern, Lewis M. Strategic Forum. Number 251, December 2009. U.S.-Cambodia Defense Relations: Defining New Possibilities. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, December 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada514282.

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Rogers, Amanda. Cambodian Audience Engagement in the Performing Arts: Cambodian Living Arts 2022 Cultural Season. Swansea University, November 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.23889/sureport.65084.

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Project Report There is growing research on arts audiences - particularly regarding theatre and dance (Sedgman 2019; Walmsley 2019; Reason et al 2022). However, much of this work remains centred on the ‘Global North’ and there is little published research on arts audiences in South East Asia in general, and Cambodia in particular. The exception to this is our previous report (Rogers et al 2021) which was the first time that research has examined audience composition, understanding and preferences for the performing arts in Phnom Penh. This research raised a bigger question around who the arts are for and highlighted that young people did not always understand what they were watching. The project discussed here builds on this previous work, as it sought to further understand the composition of audiences attending Cambodian performance events, examine their reactions, and consider how using simple forms of technology may promote audience engagement and understanding. The research used Cambodian Living Arts’ (CLA) 2022 Cultural Season of performances, workshops, and talks as a case study through which to experiment with this and other methodologies. The Cultural Season (titled Action Today: Consequences Tomorrow) was held in Phnom Penh and then toured across Cambodia, also giving the research the unique opportunity to find out more about arts audiences in the provinces. The findings provide insights into the level of knowledge and understanding of the arts among different audiences across Cambodia, their preferences in terms of types of arts consumed, and the choices surrounding their participation and involvement in the arts.
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Lutz, Carsten, and Maja Miličić. A Tableau Algorithm for DLs with Concrete Domains and GCIs. Technische Universität Dresden, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.25368/2022.150.

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We identify a general property of concrete domains that is sufficient for proving decidability of DLs equipped with them and GCIs. We show that some useful concrete domains, such as temporal one based on the Allen relations and a spatial one based on the RCC-8 relations, have this property. Then, we present a tableau algorithm for reasoning in DLs equipped with such concrete domains.
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Holden, Paul. Promoting Change: Small Business Reform and the Multilateral Investment Fund. Inter-American Development Bank, January 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0009168.

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Small business development in Latin America and the Caribbean is essential because it has the greatest potential to generate employment and alleviate poverty in the region. This report examines small business relations with the private sector in general and the MIF's role in its development.
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Constantin, Sergiu. ECMI Minorities Blog. Romanians and Moldovans in Ukraine and their kin states’ engagement before and after the war – towards a triadic partnership for effective minority protection? European Centre for Minority Issues, November 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.53779/kjkj1212.

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Ukraine recognizes Romanian and Moldovan as distinct minority languages, even though the official language of the Republic of Moldova is Romanian. This distinction between Romanian and Moldovan is not merely a symbolic matter, it has practical, negative consequences for members of the minority communities concerned. Since the 1990s, Ukrainian-Romanian relations have been affected by mutual distrust rooted in historical resentments, stereotypes, and prejudice at the level of both political elites and the general public. Moldova and Ukraine have experienced ups and downs in their bilateral relations due to the complex geopolitical context and growing Russian interference. The ongoing Russian war against Ukraine has had a strong impact on Moldova and Romania as well as on their kin minority communities in Ukraine. This war marks a turning point in history. It has caused tectonic shifts in global affairs, in the Euro-Atlantic community, and in national politics and interstate relations. Ukraine, Romania, and Moldova can turn the ongoing crisis into an opportunity to reset their (dysfunctional) bilateral relations. It is high time for a paradigm shift towards a new, enhanced triadic partnership which is able to ensure an effective system of minority protection.
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КЛЕАНДРОВ, Михаил Иванович. О ПРАВОВОМ РЕГУЛИРОВАНИИ ОТНОШЕНИЙ В СФЕРЕ "ЗЕЛЕНОЙ" ЭКОНОМИКИ ПРИ КОРОНАВИРУСНОЙ ПАНДЕМИИ 2020 Г. DOI CODE, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.18411/0131-5226-2021-02888.

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The article deals with the problems of legal regulation of public relations in the field of “green” economy in the extreme conditions of the coronavirus pandemic in 2020. It is noted that this pandemic is another in a series of other pandemics, and certainly not the last, and therefore the general – extreme – legal regulation of public relations, including in the field of “green” economy, should also provide for future catastrophes of an epidemiological nature that may occur, negatively and on a large scale affecting the economy. In the meantime, the article concludes that no effective legislative and regulatory acts of an extreme nature have been adopted to ensure the sustainability of the “green” economy in the context of the coronavirus pandemic. Proposals are being made to address this problem.
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Anderson, Barry. The OECD/World Bank Budget Database: The Current Database and Plans for the Future. Inter-American Development Bank, May 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0006766.

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This presentation discusses the contents of the current OECD/World Bank Database which consists of the following parts: 1) General Information; 2) Formulation;3) Budget Execution; 4) Accounting, Control & Monitoring Systems; 5) Budget Documentation & Performance Management; 6) Fiscal Relations Among Levels of Government; 7) Special Relationships/Issues. Also discussed are changes planned for the update of the database and next steps. This document was presented by the Public Management and Transparency Network of the Regional Policy Dialogue for the 6th Hemispheric Meeting held on May 23rd and 24th, 2005.
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Rodrigues-Moura, Enrique, and Christina Märzhauser. Renegotiating the subaltern : Female voices in Peixoto’s «Obra Nova de Língua Geral de Mina» (Brazil, 1731/1741). Otto-Friedrich-Universität, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.20378/irb-57507.

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Out of ~11.000.000 enslaved Africans disembarked in the Americas, ~ 46% were taken to Brazil, where transatlantic slave trade only ended in 1850 (official abolition of slavery in 1888). In the Brazilian inland «capitania» Minas Gerais, slave numbers exploded due to gold mining in the first half of 18th century from 30.000 to nearly 300.000 black inhabitants out of a total ~350.000 in 1786. Due to gender demographics, intimate relations between African women and European men were frequent during Antonio da Costa Peixoto’s lifetime. In 1731/1741, this country clerk in Minas Gerais’ colonial administration, originally from Northern Portugal, completed his 42-page manuscript «Obra Nova de Língua Geral de Mina» («New work on the general language of Mina») documenting a variety of Gbe (sub-group of Kwa), one of the many African languages thought to have quickly disappeared in oversea slaveholder colonies. Some of Peixoto’s dialogues show African women who – despite being black and female and therefore usually associated with double subaltern status (see Spivak 1994 «The subaltern cannot speak») – successfully renegotiate their power position in trade. Although Peixoto’s efforts to acquire, describe and promote the «Língua Geral de Mina» can be interpreted as a «white» colonist’s strategy to secure his position through successful control, his dialogues also stress the importance of winning trust and cultivating good relations with members of the local black community. Several dialogues testify a degree of agency by Africans that undermines conventional representations of colonial relations, including a woman who enforces her «no credit» policy for her services, as shown above. Historical research on African and Afro-descendant women in Minas Gerais documents that some did not only manage to free themselves from slavery but even acquired considerable wealth.
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