Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Relation (general) with the United States'
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1
Aydogmus, Muslum. "Geopolitics Versus Globalization: United States." Master's thesis, METU, 2008. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12609085/index.pdf.
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This thesis aims to discuss the argument of exhaustion of economic globalization as an American foreign policy principle. This study argues that economic globalization is intended to restore declining American hegemony started in 1970s, but it has eventually given way to the argument of &ldquoreturn of the geopolitics&rdquo
. The return of the geopolitics is an imperial, expansionist drive as a new foreign policy imperative for United States. The new developments in the international arena in the post-cold war era and especially after the September 11, 2001 brought the end of the globalization as an American project. Globalization is replaced with geopolitics in the transition period from hegemony to empire in United States foreign policy. Because there are new threats for United States in the twenty-first century such as the rise of new global actors in world politics or international competition for oil resources in the strategic regions of the world. In this framework, this study focuses on the rise of new, alternative &ldquo
great powers&rdquo
(European Union, China etc...).
2
Tigrak, Fatih. "Conflict And Cooperation: Syria-united States Relations Through 1970-2011." Master's thesis, METU, 2012. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12615132/index.pdf.
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This thesis analyzes the dynamics of bilateral relationship between the United States of America and Syrian Arab Republic from Hafez Asad&rsquos grasp of power in 1970 to the latest domestic uprising of 2011. The relationship will be considered under three main vectors
struggle over Lebanon, tensions regarding peace process and Israel, and rogue statehood of Syria attributed by the United States.
3
Abu-Lebdeh, Hatem Shareef. "The United States and Jordan: A study in bilateral relations, 1921 to present." Case Western Reserve University School of Graduate Studies / OhioLINK, 1991. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=case1059480406.
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4
Wyn-Jones, Steffan. "Rethinking early Cold War United States foreign policy : the road to militarisation." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2016. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/61488/.
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This thesis rethinks the foundations of US foreign policy determination in the early Cold War period. In opposition to approaches in IR which privilege an ‘external' realm of causation, it focuses on the domestic bases for foreign policy formation. Having started by reviewing historiographical debates on US foreign policy and US foreign economic policy, the thesis moves on to critique some of the existing ways the US foreign policy has been theorised in IR. The thesis then develops a theoretical and conceptual stance, drawing on a range of different literatures. Within IR, it places itself within the tradition of Marxist Historical Sociology. At the level of macro-history, this places the reconstruction of US foreign policy within broader world historical process of the development of capitalism within the political form of the nation-state and state system, and ongoing spatialisation strategies that states form in order to manage capitalist spatial politics. This macro perspective is conjoined to a ‘disjunctive' theory of the state, which is developed successively through different stages of analysis. The goal is to develop a political economy approach to the study of foreign policy formation and especially the conduct of warfare. The next three chapters constitute an historical reconstruction of the path towards the Cold War militarisation of US foreign policy. The thesis begins by fleshing out some of the theoretical issues discussed earlier in relation to the specificity of US state development. It then shows how developments from the 19th century up to World War II were underpinned by societal conflicts which saw the rise of the New Deal as a challenger to the existing prerogatives of business in America. This challenge saw the development of state capacities to intervene in the economy, and set in place the possibilities of a welfare statist form of governance. However, the coming of WWII and the politics of economic mobilisation for the war changed the context within which these developments unfolded. An alliance of industrial and business interests during the war ensured that the New Deal state was converted into a powerful ‘warfare' state. The thesis then moves on to show how after the war, the world-historical moment of US hegemony had its counterpart on the domestic scene in the resurgence of conflict between nationalist and internationalist political and business interests in the US. The period between 1945 and 1950 is then re-read against the background of successive stages of development of this conflict as it affected the development of US policies towards the world. As the US tried to develop a coherent spatial strategy for reconstructing the global capitalist order, this domestic situation determined and shaped things in unexpected ways. Contrary to perspectives which isolate US plans for a multilateral trading order and the geopolitics of the Cold War, I show how the contradictions of the former largely created the latter. Much IR theory takes it for granted that it was Marshall Plan aid that did the work of reconstructing Europe after the war. However, I show that this assumption obscures the failure of the Marshall Plan, and its eventual replacement by forms of economic aid that were channelled through military spending. These forms of aid required substantial military spending programs. Thus the price to be paid for the reconstruction of Europe after the war was the amplification of the World War II military-industrial alliance in the US. This then fed back into US domestic developments, as a powerful self-sustaining and expansionary element of the American political economy changed the institutional parameters under which war-preparations were formed. This altered the bases of US military strategy and overall foreign policy, a development which was starkly revealed in the conduct of the Vietnam War. The thesis concludes with some reflections on how its historical and theoretical approach has ramifications for how we think of US foreign policy in the 20th century.
5
Lombardo, Johannes Richard. "United States' foreign policy towards the British Crown Colony of Hong Kong during the early Cold War period, 1945-1964 /." Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 1997. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B1856625X.
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6
Edwards, John R. ""America's Joint General" : a leadership analysis of Air Force General David C. Jones the ninth Chairman of the Joint Cheifs [sic] of Staff /." Maxwell AFB, Ala. : School of Advanced Air and Space Studies, 2008. https://www.afresearch.org/skins/rims/display.aspx?moduleid=be0e99f3-fc56-4ccb-8dfe-670c0822a153&mode=user&action=downloadpaper&objectid=16eb75bd-7d7f-4ca6-97e9-f026b4209f6b&rs=PublishedSearch.
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7
Birnberg, Gabriele. "The voting behaviour of the European Union member states in the United Nations General Assembly." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2009. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/23/.
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Despite their explicit intent to speak with a single voice in foreign affairs, EU member states manage to do so only some of the time. Which are the factors that determine whether or not the EU member states successfully coordinate their positions in the international arena? To find out, I propose to examine the voting behaviour of the EU member states inside the United Nations General Assembly; a forum in which, notwithstanding heterogeneous policy preferences, they intend to coordinate their votes and are thus subject to coordination pressures. This means that for divisive resolutions, each member state must try to reconcile its national policy preference with the objective of casting a unified vote. I hypothesise that the balance a member state strikes generally depends on how important it views the issue at hand, how powerful it is, what type of relationship it maintains with the EU and under certain conditions, what type of relationship it maintains with US. I further argue that the balance is expected to tip in favour of EU unity when increasing the collective bargaining power by working together becomes a tangible objective. By adopting a multi-method approach, the thesis shows that the EU member states make a genuine and continuous effort to coordinate their votes inside the General Assembly. Significantly, the thesis illustrates that member states, at times, are able to override their heterogeneous national policy preference in order to stand united. I conclude by connecting the findings with the constructivist/rationalist debate, which juxtaposes foreign policy cooperation according to the logic of appropriateness with the logic of consequence. The results obtained have implications not only for the study of EU voting behaviour in the United Nations, but also for theoretical debate underlying it.
8
Cankaya, Mine. "The European Union Factor In The United States-turkey Rekations: 1995-1999." Master's thesis, METU, 2003. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/2/1177005/index.pdf.
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ABSTRACT
THE EUROPEAN UNION FACTOR IN THE UNITED STATES-TURKEY
RELATIONS: 1995-1999
Çankaya, Mine M.Sc., Department of International Relations Supervisor: Dr. Fulya Kip Barnard September 2003, 188 pages This study seeks to analyze the imperatives underlying the United States policy of supporting Turkey&
#8217
s full membership to the European Union from 1995 to 1999. It is basically composed of four parts. The first part discusses the US security policy in the regions surrounding Turkey following the demise of the Soviet Union. Accordingly, the US security policies towards Russia, the Europe, the Balkans, the Middle East, the Central Asia and the Caucasus are examined. The second part is devoted to the examination of American-Turkish relations in the post-Cold War era. The third part deals with the role of the EU in Turkish domestic politics in the post- Cold War era. The last chapter serves as the essence of the study. It aims to focus on the implications of Turkey&
#8217
s relations with the EU for the US security policy. Within this framework thedomestic changes in Turkish politics especially the rise of Islam and nationalism in the mid 90s and their implications for the US security policy are explained. Second, Turkey&
#8217
s role in the emerging European security framework and its implications for the US security policy are scrutnized. Having elaborated these factors, this study concludes with a brief analysis of the basic points of the study. Keywords: The US security policy, American-Turkish relations, Turkey-EU relations.
9
Cader, Ishan. "The aesthetics of hegemony : Sloanism and mass persuasion in the United States, 1900-1930." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2013. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/45566/.
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Theories regarding the power of the United States in the International Political-Economic order conventionally treat issues of culture and aesthetics as functional aspects of the system of mass production created in the early 20th century. The ‘hegemony' of the United States is attributed to the ability of its political-economic elites to create and maintain ‘consensus' amongst other nations. Cultural manifestations of American hegemony are regarded as ‘soft' signposts of this power, serving to entrench the values of American capitalism at a global level. Yet critical theories of international political economy have evaded analysing the ‘appeal' of this cultural power, prioritizing materialist aspects of consensus formation such as the compromises made between capital and labour during the early 20th century during the rise of the mass production society. The task of this thesis is to provide the theoretical tools which allow critical evaluations of American hegemony to move beyond these materialist conceptions of cultural power. It is argued that an aesthetic approach to hegemony can fully realize the enduring power of American culture in political-economic terms. It does so by critically re-situating the terms of hegemony in Sloanism, which provides a more adequate template for realizing the power and meaning of mass consumption for non-elite social agents. Sloanism's focus on branding and stylistic obsolescence demonstrates that the ‘aesthetics' of hegemony can be grasped by evaluating the role of style and design in a mass production, mass consumption society. It therefore places epistemological priority on the contestations over cultural meanings of style, and the rise of ideals of upward social mobility which upset materialist expectations of a clearly discernable characteristics for different social groups. This in turn allows a questioning of the stability of norms, values and interests of ruling elites. It also restores the social agency of non-elite groups who contribute to ‘hegemony' through the provision of styles, techniques and designs that represented challenges to received ideas of cultural order. Furthermore in the context of early 20th century, new techniques of mass persuasion in advertising and public relations provide a ‘site ‘ in which the discordant and antagonistic aesthetic values of different social groups resolve in an uneasy tension- one that is nonetheless powerful enough to hold a durable cultural power, celebrating both upward social mobility and aspirations of abundance.
10
Campbell, Colin. "A social constructivist analysis of civil-military relations : US-Mexican bilateral military relations, 2000-2008." Thesis, University of Liverpool, 2008. http://livrepository.liverpool.ac.uk/1189/.
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This thesis looks at the nature of civil-military relations in the post-Cold War and the post-9/11 era through the theoretical lens of social constructivism. The study looks at the inter-relationship between the respective civil-military relations and US-Mexican bilateral ties from a constructivist perspective, with the aim of deconstructing the ideational structures of civil-military relations within the state and the state based international system to promote stronger organic structures for civilian control over the state agents of violence. The aim of thesis is to provide a theoretical model to both unite the theoretical rationale for the humanisation, indeed demilitarisation, of security concerns within the Western Hemisphere and in particular the US and Mexico. Hence, creating a novel theoretical model for the understanding and explanation of civil-military and bilateral relations.
11
Silvestri, Francesca. "US foreign policy towards India, 1993-2005 : a study emphasizing the importance of systematic selection and usage of documentary evidence." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2018. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/55433/.
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This thesis studies the implications of the selection of empirical evidence underpinning reported interpretations and conclusions about US foreign policy towards India. US-India relations have been investigated by a number of scholars whose work has been reported in well-regarded books and journal articles. Their studies typically rely for empirical evidence on official documents, and occasionally on interviews. In spite of their qualities, none of these studies provides explicit rational for their selection of US and Indian primary sources and about the procedures and the criteria used to identify relevant information from these sources. This shortcoming poses a risk for the validity of their conclusions. To assess the nature of this risk, this thesis reports a fresh study of US foreign policy towards India in which all publicly available US documents are used. These documents are the basis of a Qualitative Content Analysis (QCA), the results of which feed into the subsequent analysis. The substantive results of this research are compared with those in the existing literature. This comparison reveals, in addition to obvious similarities, important differences that can be attributed to unsystematic and incomplete use of empirical material in the existing literature. These differences, that emanate from a more explicit and systematic approach to evidence, provide grounds for a reassessment of the significance of many factors influencing US foreign policy towards India. This study identifies relevant factors that have so far been overlooked in the existing literature, and that need to be included in accounts to understand widely documented changes in this area of US foreign policy. Substantively, this thesis highlights the vital importance of the Clinton period in understanding the foreign policy of the United States, a period which had not been examined in sufficient detail by existing studies. Contrary to what most of the existing literature suggests, elements of continuity between the Clinton and the Bush administrations are particularly important to explain the evolution of US foreign policy towards India. In spite of the change in the presidency from Democrat to Republican, President George W. Bush (hereafter Bush) continued to hold the same level of commitment shown by his predecessor in developing closer strategic ties with India, making it a priority of his foreign policy. This aspect is particularly important to furthering a more thorough understanding of US relations with India.
12
Spence, Henda Catherine Gillian. "The influence of neoconservatism on US foreign policy debates during the Obama administration." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2016. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/7761/.
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Neoconservatism reached its zenith as a school of thought when it became associated with the Iraq War. Although the war was largely considered a failure, it raised the profile of neoconservatism as a school of thought. Many studies were completed which pointed to the influence of prominent members of the George W. Bush administration who were considered to be ideologically neoconservative. When Obama won the presidency in 2008, it was assumed that the influence of neoconservatives, or neoconservatism more broadly, would be over. However, given neoconservatism’s historical foundations and the tenacity of its adherents it seemed important to consider whether this has been the case. Therefore, this thesis set out to answer the question: To what extent have neoconservatives, and neoconservatism more broadly, influenced foreign policy debates during the Obama administration? I argue that neoconservatism has remained not only salient within foreign policy debates, but prominent in these debates, during Obama’s two terms in office. An examination of US foreign policy towards the nuclear crisis in Iran and the Syrian civil war indicates that neoconservatism had a substantive influence on the policy debates and the options considered within them, particularly in Congress. In some instances, neoconservative policy entrepreneurs contributed to legislation. Furthermore, this thesis finds that neoconservatism has been the predominant approach to foreign policy within the Republican Party on the issues of Iran and Syria during the period under review.
13
Bilsland, James Robert. "The president, the state and the Cold War : comparing the foreign policies of Presidents Truman and Reagan." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2013. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/4765/.
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US foreign policy during the Cold War has been analysed from a number of perspectives, generating large bodies of literature attempting to explain its origins, its development and its conclusion. Within the discipline of International Relations these debates have tended to be led by scholars focusing on events at the system level. However, there are still many questions left only partially explained. In large part this is because these accounts restrict themselves to a single level of analysis, either the international system, or the structure of the state and society. The first level of analysis, focusing on the role of individuals, has largely been excluded from International Relations. It is often left to historians to incorporate the role of individual decision makers into their studies. The problem for international relations students, however, is that their arguments run the risk of determinism. They come close to advocating that the course of history is shaped by these external forces and there is little if no room for alternate courses to be steered. They have, intentionally or otherwise, removed human agency and choice from the equation. This thesis argues that structural theories, and any approach that limits itself to one level of analysis, are inadequate to explain the development of US foreign policy. Instead, it is necessary to incorporate the first level of analysis in order to bring human agency back into International Relations and provide a more detailed explanation of US foreign policy. The present study proposes an analytical framework which incorporates presidential agency into a multi-level analysis of US foreign policy during the Cold War. Drawing on Foreign Policy Analysis, International Relations theory, presidential studies and the historiography of US foreign policy, this thesis constructs a multi-level case study comparison of the foreign policies of Presidents Truman and Reagan. It argues that the worldview of the president is central to agenda setting in US foreign policy making and that the management style of the president influences both decision-making and the implementation of US foreign policy. Evidence to support this is drawn from detailed empirical analysis of Truman’s foreign policy of containment in Korea and Reagan’s foreign policy of rollback in Nicaragua.
14
Garcia-Acevedo, Maria Rosa. "Contemporary Mexico's policy toward the Mexican diaspora in the United States." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/282198.
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Mexico's outreach policy toward the Mexican diaspora in the United States is an innovative aspect of its contemporary foreign policy. This dissertation focuses upon this theme. The literature on policy design provides a set of concepts that permit certain conclusions regarding the blueprint of the policy design. Various studies on Chicano-Mexico relations and Mexico's foreign policy provide specific propositions that serve as guidelines in the examination of three case-studies. Both primary and secondary sources are used in this study, including governmental reports and documents, speeches and other written statements. Important pieces of information are obtained by elite interviewing of high-ranking Mexican officials, Mexican and Chicano scholars and certain Chicano political leaders. This study is divided into eight parts. After the List of Tables and Introduction of the subject matter, Chapter 2 reviews various bodies of literature that shed light on the contemporary links between the Mexican government and the Mexican diaspora in the United States. Chapter 3 provides an overview of the antecedents of the Mexican outreach policy prior to the late-1980s. Chapter 4 examines the educations and cultural ties that the Mexican government sponsored vis-a-vis the Chicano community. Chapter 5 focuses on immigration issues, especially on the links between the Mexican government and Chicanos with reference to Proposition 187. Chapter 6 discusses the business links toward Chicanos in the framework of the North American Free Trade Agreement. Chapter 7 compares and contrast in detail the three case-studies examined. Reference is made to the major characteristics of the policy content, including: the multiple number of goals enunciated, the web of governmental agencies involved in outreach programs, the specific segments of the Mexican diaspora that were selected, and the wide array of tools employed by the Mexican government to pursue its goals. As a concluding note, Chapter 8 critically underscores the impact of the evolution of Chicano politics, the transformations of Mexico's domestic policy and the changes of U.S.-Mexican relations in the design of Mexico's outreach policy toward the Mexican diaspora in the United States. Lastly, included is a list of references used in this study.
15
Kitchen, Nicholas. "American power : for what? ideas, unipolarity and America’s search for purpose between the 'wars', 1991-2001." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2009. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/304/.
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This thesis studies the debates surrounding the grand strategy of United States in the decade after the Cold War. 'Bookended' by the fall of the Berlin Wall and the terrorist attacks of September 11th 2001, it assesses the strategic ideas that were advanced to conceptualise American foreign policy, grouping these thematically under the headings of primacy, neoisolationism and liberal multilateralism. To this end the thesis introduces a neoclassical realist model of grand strategy formation, in which ideas are considered in conjunction with considerations of power in the international system. The thesis makes the case that the ideas of each strategic school-of-thought reflect both a distinctive theoretical understanding of international relations and a particular tradition in United States foreign policy. Furthermore, it makes the more general structural claim that under conditions of limited threat such as the apparent unipolarity of the post-Cold War years, great power strategies are less determined by the imperatives of international structure and more by the ideas at the domestic level influencing the foreign policy executive. As a result, grand strategy formation becomes highly ideologically contested, and the geopolitical science of strategic assessment and response becomes unpredictable. The thesis argues that after the Cold War the strategic debate is best understood in conjunction with the contemporaneous idea that the United States held a functionally imperial position in the international system. In the absence of agreed threats, competition between strategic ideas resulted in the United States pursuing a foreign policy that selectively incorporated elements of each strategic alternative. Although this 'uni-multilateralism' had as its aim the management of the international system, its diverse sources of ideas and support meant that in security matters in particular American foreign policy was inconsistent and unpredictable. It was therefore not until the events of 9-11 provided a unified threat around which to coordinate strategy that America adopted a more coherent imperial grand strategy.
16
Pee, Robert Edward. "Democracy promotion, national security and strategy during the Reagan administration, 1981-1986." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2013. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/4625/.
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This study examines the relationship of democracy promotion to national security in US strategy through an examination of the influence of geopolitical, bureaucratic and organisational considerations on the effort to create a coherent strategic approach fusing democracy promotion and national security under the Reagan administration. This process highlighted geopolitical and organisational tensions between democracy promotion and US national security. Groups within the administration, Congress and the private sphere disagreed over whether US geopolitical interests required the limited deployment of democracy promotion against Soviet Communism or a more expansive effort aimed at both Communist and pro-US dictatorships. These debates were linked to clashes over the credibility and effectiveness of competing state-centred or privately-implemented organisational frameworks. The organisational resolution was the National Endowment for Democracy, which intervened on a tactical basis in dictatorships, with US assistance, to safeguard US national security by supporting pro-US democratic groups. However the concept of privately-implemented democracy promotion blocked agreement on geopolitical objectives and the creation of a coherent strategy reconciling democracy promotion and US national security. Tensions between these two imperatives continue to recur and can be resolved only on a case-by-case basis rather than at the strategic level.
17
Long, Stephen John. "Disorder over design : strategy, bureaucracy and the development of U.S. political warfare in Europe, 1945-1950." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2009. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/1786/.
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This study explores factors behind the development of a covert political warfare capability by the United States government from 1945-1950. Specifically, it examines the place of political warfare within U.S. policy and bureaucracy towards Europe and the Soviet Union. Political warfare was defined expansively to comprise psychological, political, economic and paramilitary actions. External factors are significant, above all the deterioration of relations between Washington and Moscow and the onset of the Cold War. But specific emphasis is given to internal aspects. In particular, strategic and bureaucratic factors are examined that shaped the inauguration of an unprecedented peacetime capability of subversive foreign intervention. The central hypothesis is that disorder prevailed over design as a political warfare programme was developed against the Soviet bloc. Institutional conflicts overshadowed a unified national approach, while coordination between departments and agencies hampered effective implementation. Furthermore, the position of political warfare within broader U.S. foreign policy remained ambiguous and problematic. Washington failed to formulate a workable, unified strategy towards the east integrating political warfare. This undermined the fundamental American objective in the early Cold War to retract Soviet power peacefully from Eastern Europe. A legacy of strategic incoherence beyond 1950 resulted.
18
Emery, Christian. "US policy in Iran 1979-80 : the Cold War dynamics of engagement and strategic alliance." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2011. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/1016/.
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This thesis examines the context, conception and execution of US engagement strategies towards the Islamic Republic of Iran from 1979 to 1980. Utilising a wealth of primary sources and interviews with former officials, it charts the assessments that guided US policy and considers the internal and geo-political dynamics that shaped it. It focuses in particular on attempts to establish a strategic alliance based on an assumed mutual interest in containing communist encroachment. To support this, it examines US perceptions and assessments of the Soviet threat in Iran and the Iranian left. It highlights severe deficiencies in the approach and findings of both. This thesis then examines how the hostage crisis and Soviet intervention in Afghanistan re-fashioned US objectives in Iran. It demonstrates that the Soviet intervention reinforced many of the original premises that had underpinned US engagement. This thesis concludes that, whilst Washington went to significant efforts to restore working relations with Iran, America’s presentation of the communist threat as a starting point for rapprochement sat incongruously with its claim to have accepted the Revolution. More importantly, a Soviet-centric mindset obstructed a deeper understanding of Iran’s complex internal affairs. This approach does not dispute the major, possibly even insurmountable, obstacles facing the normalisation of bi-lateral relations. However, this does not obviate its analysis of some underlying flaws in how Washington approached engagement.
19
Barnes, Dayna. "Armchair occupation : American wartime planning for postwar Japan, 1937-1945." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2013. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/855/.
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By the late 1930s, it became clear to informed Americans that the international system in East Asia had failed. The outbreak of war between Japan and China in 1937 demonstrated that the current system could no longer provide stability in the region. Four years later, Japan’s surprise attack on Pearl Harbor ended American neutrality and united the regional conflict with the World War. Even as war raged, Japanese aggression raised questions for the future. If Imperial Japan, the most powerful country in Asia, were defeated, what might replace its regional dominance? What would become of its colonies? What had caused Japanese militarism, and how could its resurgence be prevented? If America were to emerge from the war powerful enough to reshape global politics, what future for Japan would best serve American interests? The story of how these questions were answered and why a particular set of responses became American policy is the subject of this dissertation. This work provides an account of the post-war planning process and the deliberative period which shaped American policy towards Japan after surrender in 1945. It will look at how these questions came to be answered, both in terms of the formulation of actual policies implemented after the war and the inputs and environment in which responses developed. Much has been written on the outcome of these choices, there have been many histories of the postwar occupation of Japan and postwar US-Japan relations. But very little attention has been given to where the eventual policy came from. By bringing the aims and intentions of the planners to light, this work provides a new perspective on the policy that the United States imposed on Japan during the occupation period and after.
20
Kim, Hyun-Wook. "Critical junctures and alliance cohesion : the post-Cold War US-Korea and US-Japan alliances." View abstract/electronic edition; access limited to Brown University users, 2008. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3318340.
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21
Atmaca, Ayse Omur. "Old Game In A New World: Turkey And The United States From Critical Perspective." Phd thesis, METU, 2011. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12613157/index.pdf.
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The main objective of this dissertation is to analyze Turkish-American relationship from critical perspective. In this study critical geopolitics is used to examine the US policymakers&lsquodiscourses over representations of Turkey. Drawing on the theoretical literature, this dissertation took geopolitics as a deeply ideological concept and analyzed the ways in which US geopolitical discourse has shaped the Turkish-American relationship over time. The study outlined the historical evolution of the concept of the geopolitics since the end of the 19th century in order to reveal the limits of the classical geopolitical understanding, and to provide a theoretical framework against which the modern geopolitical imagination of the US has been formulated. Second, it revealed the ideological roots and the main characteristics of American geopolitical discourse. And third, the study applied critical geopolitics to the case of Turkish-American relations with respect to how the imagined geography of Turkey and the alliance have been shaped by the foreign and security policies of the US. Cold War, post-Cold War and post-September 11 periods are analyzed in separate chapters of this study. It is also argued in this dissertation that Turkey generally fits the geopolitical design of the United States and that these two countries have cooperated on numerous efforts in different parts of the world both during and after the Cold War. However, in this period the two allies also experienced several problems that display the limits of US geopolitical discourse.
22
Ezell, Darrell. "Diplomacy and US-Muslim world relations : the possibility of the post-secular and interfaith dialogue." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2010. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/1035/.
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Prior to September 11, 2001, a calculated image problem related to America’s defence strategy in the Near East and its foreign policy of exceptionalism culminated in its unfavourable perception in the Muslim world. To counter this setback, leading think-tanks recommended that US public diplomacy must lead the way in order for America to reclaim its positive image. During the Bush administration, this guidance was applied through the expansion of public diplomacy measures such as the State Department’s “Brand America” campaign and the “Shared Values Initiative”. Whilst they were successful at applying secular approaches to engaging international Muslim audiences, both campaigns failed to reach the core of Islamic society. This study contends that to reach this core, the crucial requirement must be to apply direct communicative engagement with local networks in order to restore trusted relations. In defining a new way forward, this study breaks new ground by examining the origin of this problem for America from the angle of communication. By acknowledging the many setbacks caused by various public diplomacy measures, we examine the prospects for the State Department in applying the post-secular communication strategy, Interfaith Diplomacy, to enrich political communication between US diplomats and key religious players in the Muslim world. Findings reveal that communication training under an Obama administration is essential for improving US-Muslim world relations, and this requires the recruitment of a Religion Attaché Officer Corps within the United States Foreign Service. A new Religion Attaché, equipped with a background in broad religious affairs and communication training in Interfaith Diplomacy, is likely to make significant headway in counteracting the tension caused by the US-Muslim world communication problem.
23
Ozkan, Duygu. "The Shifting Influence Of The United States On European Union-turkey Relations:a Neoclassical Realist Approach." Master's thesis, METU, 2013. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12615745/index.pdf.
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This thesis explores how and why the United States (U.S.) support for Turkey&rsquos participation in the European Union(EU) shifted from being an asset to a liability for Turkey between the years of l995 and 2005. There have been some earlier studies that analyzed the impact of U.S. support for Turkey&rsquo
s inclusion in the EU on EU-Turkey relations. The purpose of this study is to contribute further to that literature with a plausible explanation for the shifting influence of the United States on EUTurkey relations, utilizing the multi-dimensional approach of neoclassical realism. This thesis focuses on the changing EU-U.S. relations in the altered international climate after the end of the Cold War
the attempts and strategy of the U.S. in supporting Turkish membership in the EU
and why the reactions of EU leaders and politicians to U.S. interventions turned in a much more negative direction during the early 2000s. By applying neoclassical realism and its flexible methodology, this thesis is highly sensitive to the multi-levels of influence behind given policy outcomes by balancing the role of external structural factors with domestic contexts and constraints. This analysis demonstrates that besides the international climate, a range of EU level and domestic factors operated together in influencing the EU decisions about Turkey and reactions to US interventions during the early 2000s. In turn, this analysis supplies evidence that, consistent with the perspective of neoclassical realism, external influences as well as a range of domestic influences should all be taken into consideration for a complete understanding of international policy outcomes and postures.
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Banka, Andris. "US targeted killing, secrecy, and the erosion of the assassination norm." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2017. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/7443/.
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The objective of this thesis is twofold. First, by employing the norm ‘life’ and ‘death’ cycles grounded in constructivist scholarship, the research aims at determining to what extent the domestic norm against assassination in the United States has been weakened in the light of the 9/11 terrorist attacks and the advent of new technologies, namely Predator drones. To that end, the study conceptualizes the norm and provides a historical look of targeted killings as a foreign policy tool. It traces and evaluates normative assumptions about assassination as a tool of state policy from the 1970s to the end phases of Barack Obama presidency, concluding that there has been substantial erosion to this normative prohibition. Secondly, the presented thesis also attempts to make a more theoretical contribution by observing mechanisms by which the normative change transpired, demonstrating that in the case of targeted drone strikes, the government relied on quasi-secrecy in order to avoid overt justification. The study concludes that there is a strong link between government initiated quasi-secrecy – a tool that was applied deliberately and strategically, and successful legitimization of a practice that otherwise might have appeared highly controversial.
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Laville, Helen. ""A woman's place is in the Cold War" : American women's organizations and international relations 1945-1965." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 1998. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/13010/.
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The aim of this thesis is to explore the activities of American women's associations in the international realm. In the years immediately following the Second World War, American women saw both an opportunity and an obligation to become active in the international sphere. With obstacles and prejudices preventing their inclusion in mainstream political and diplomatic circles, many American women channelled their interest and activities in the international realm through the medium of voluntary women's organizations. These organizations participated in a number of programmes which sought to export the American way of life, and women's place within it, to overseas markets. Whilst many of these programmes were a product of American women's authentic desire to assist women in other nations, many originated with and were directed by the US government. The work of American women's organizations in international relations were an important component of two government strategies. Firstly, they were a response to the enthusiasm and encouragement of the US government for the involvement of the private sector in Cold War propaganda. Secondly, the efforts of the US government to reach and influence group identities (such as women) in the international realm was aided by the co-operation of American representatives of that group. In co-operating with their government, American women's organizations were engaged in a constant process of negotiation between their 'natural' and international role as women and their role as Americans. The task of defining and exporting the interests and identities of American women to a world audience was both the result of direct government involvement and the willingness of leaders of American women's organizations to serve national interests. Government involvement ranged from help arranging the details of overseas tours to full-scale funding for a women's organization to combat Communist propaganda. The co-operation of voluntary organizations with the government challenges traditional divisions between the private and public realm, which have in the past contributed to a historiography which has placed undue emphasis on American women's commitment to the domestic ideology of the post-war years, at the expense of an accurate assessment of their role in American foreign relations.
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Schneider, Frederick W. (Frederick Walter) 1959. "Advising the ARVN: Lieutenant General Samuel T. Williams in Vietnam, 1955-1960." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1990. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc504626/.
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Beginning in 1954, the United States Army attempted to build a viable armed force in South Vietnam. Until the early 1960s, other areas commanded more American attention, yet this formative period was influential in later United States involvement in Vietnam. This thesis examines United States advisory efforts from 1955 to 1960 by analyzing the tenure of Lieutenant General Samuel T. Williams as Chief of the Military Assistance Advisory Group in South Vietnam. During Williams's tenure, the communist forces in the north began the guerrilla insurgency in earnest. Williams's failure to respond to this change has been justly criticized; yet his actions were reflective of the United States Army's attitude toward insurgencies in the late 1950s.
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Mirfakhraie, Ramin. "Alter-democratization : a critique of US interventionism in the Middle East." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2009. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/2282/.
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My thesis, titled ‘Alter-Democratization: A Critique of US Interventionism in the Middle East’, is grounded in political sociology and its principal concern for the phenomenon of power and relations thereof. As such, it explores the dialectics of Bush administration democratic interventionism in the Middle East, with particular focus on Iran. The first part of the thesis deals with the hybrid nature of such interventionism, which is mainly empirical in nature. Here, it is argued that, because of its strategic disposition, the neoconservative drive to ‘democratize’ the Middle East is in fact an attempt at domination rather than democratization. The second part of the thesis deals with the main ontological aspect of the project, namely, the Bush administration’s assumption – as reflected in its Greater Middle East Initiative of 2004 – that Western – especially liberal, market-oriented – conceptions of freedom and democracy are somehow prior, and thus superior, to local conceptions of such phenomena. Accordingly, particular attention is paid, in mainly a cross-hermeneutical comparative manner, to issues relating to social psychology, traditional Islamic political philosophy and jurisprudence, economic conditions, and civil/uncivil society as potential determinants of the future of democracy in the Middle East. Through the use of books, journal articles, and electronic documents, the thesis draws, in quite an interdisciplinary manner, upon both primary and secondary sources of relevant historical and theoretical data, in order to put forward the idea that viable transitions to democracy in the Middle East, including Iran, will have to eventually be an outcome of endogenous processes of reflexivity, education, negotiation, consensus, and socioeconomic development, and that anything other than the above (i.e. so exogenous as to undermine endogenous processes of transition to democracy) will necessarily be dominational and, thus, undemocratic in nature. Consequently, the thesis will be addressing some of the deficiencies inherent in the existing literature on US liberal internationalism, for many of the hitherto accounts of such internationalism have either viewed the topic from an Orientalist perspective, thereby ignoring local preferences and capacities altogether, or have simply overlooked many of the negative consequences of so-called democratic interventionism for the populations and endogenous processes involved.
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Riley, David Daniel. "UK-US relations and the South Asian crisis, 1971." Thesis, Cardiff University, 2016. http://orca.cf.ac.uk/99792/.
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This thesis investigates UK-US relations with regard to the South Asian Crisis of 1971. Through a focus on an understudied point of disagreement within the relationship between Prime Minister Edward Heath and President Richard Nixon, the thesis sheds further light on Anglo-American relations in the early 1970s. Through analysis of archival documents on both sides of the Atlantic, this thesis contributes to the growing revisionist literature that has moved away from a focus upon Heath’s pro-Europeanism as the cause of problems in the Anglo-American relationship at the time. Rather, a more nuanced approach that also investigates the impact of the secretive foreign policymaking style of the Nixon White House is taken into account. The thesis reveals the issues in communication and differences of interests that, in December 1971, led the UK and US delegations at the UN Security Council to tacitly advocate for opposite sides of a hot war in South Asia. The thesis assesses the effect that these heated disagreements had upon the Anglo-American relationship going into 1972 and 1973.
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Colnic, David Harold. "Designing sustainability in the United States-Mexico borderlands: Policy design analysis of the Border Environment Cooperation Commission and prospects for sustainability." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/289971.
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This research investigates environmental policy in the U.S.-Mexico borderlands. In particular, the analysis focuses on the Border Environment Cooperation Commission's (BECC) ability to facilitate sustainability in the region. Although BECC exerts some positive effects, in general, policy design flaws combined with administrative weaknesses limit the Commission's capacity to promote sustainability. The research divides into three main sections. The first section provides an overview of the U.S.-Mexico borderlands and justifies the method to analyze the region's public policy. The overview portrays boom-and-bust development pathologies that lead to social, political, economic, environmental hardships. This analysis also presents several regional characteristics--policy oriented social networks, binational institutions, and an ethic of place--that serve sustainability. The methodological overview focuses on policy design theory. According to design theory, effective public policy requires a close fit between the solution and problem contexts and the policy design. The second section evaluates the solution and problem contexts. These contextual analyses include a detailed discussion of sustainability, the problematic nature of public policy in borderlands, and specific characteristics of the U.S.-Mexico borderlands. Several criteria for U.S.-Mexico borderlands sustainability are developed based on these contextual analyses. The third section describes and evaluates BECC's performance. The specific focus is devoted BECC's institutional and policy designs and its major program areas. The research concludes with an overview of empirical and theoretical implications and a presentation of policy prescriptions to build BECC's capacity to facilitate sustainability.
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Jezierski, Rachael A. "The Glasgow Emancipation Society and the American Anti-Slavery Movement." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2011. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/2641/.
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This study reinterprets the history of the Glasgow Emancipation Society and its relationship to the American anti-slavery movement in the nineteenth century. It examines the role of economics, religion and reform, from Colonial times up to the US Civil War, in order to determine its influence on abolition locally and nationally. This thesis emphasizes the reformist tendencies of the Glasgow abolitionists and how this dynamic significantly influenced their adherence to the original American Anti-Slavery Society and William Lloyd Garrison. It questions the infallibility of the evangelical response to anti-slavery in Scotland, demonstrating how Scottish-American ecclesiastical ties, and the preservation of Protestant unity, often conflicted with abolitionist efforts in Glasgow. It also focuses on the true leaders of GES, persons often ignored in historical accounts concerning Scottish anti-slavery, which explains the motivation and rational behind the society’s zealous attitude and proactive policies. It argues that similar social, political and religious imperatives that affected the American movement likewise mirrored events in Scotland influencing Glaswegian anti-slavery. Lastly, it resurrects the legacy of the Glasgow Emancipation Society from its provincial role, showing it was, in fact, a leader in the British campaign against American slavery.
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Pituch, William G. "Participating in the world : select American press coverage of United States internationalism, 1918-1923." Thesis, Manhattan, Kan. : Kansas State University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2097/845.
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Rich, Timothy S. "Pushing the Boundaries: The Greater Impact of Taiwan's Democratization on Cross-Strait and Sino-American Relations." Ohio : Ohio University, 2005. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?ohiou1126043654.
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Hotchkiss, Nikole. "Taking aim a comparative study of target groups and the formation of contemporary counterterrorism policy in France and the United States /." [Bloomington, Ind.] : Indiana University, 2009. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3378354.
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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Indiana University, Dept. of Sociology, 2009.Title from PDF t.p. (viewed on Jul 6, 2010). Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 70-10, Section: A, page: 4073. Adviser: Clem Brooks.
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Nielsen, Jenny. "U.S. nuclear non-proliferation policy and Iran (1969-1980) : an analysis of bilateral policy." Thesis, University of Southampton, 2010. https://eprints.soton.ac.uk/340994/.
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During their efforts to reformulate and redefine U.S. nuclear non-proliferation policy throughout the 1970s, the Nixon, Ford, and Carter administrations, engaged extensively, on a bilateral basis, with the Atomic Energy Organization of Iran’s (AEOI) Director, Dr. Akbar Etemad, in order to pursue an agreement establishing a cooperative relationship in the nuclear energy field. Although the United States attached high strategic importance to maintaining a strong bilateral relationship with Iran, and despite Iranian protestations of discriminatory treatment, the U.S. pursued an increasingly firm position in its negotiations with Iran, by insisting on the inclusion of progressively more restrictive elements to prevent proliferation, in the bilateral nuclear cooperation agreement between the two parties. Although the imposition of stricter conditions frustrated Iran, the US bilateral negotiating position was consistent with its evolving wider nuclear non-proliferation policy. Precisely because of the strong ties and alliance between Iran and the United States at this time, the U.S. --particularly the Carter administration -- wanted to showcase the eventual U.S.-Iranian cooperation agreement as a model for future bilateral nuclear cooperation agreements. The U.S. administrations also aimed to exploit their close relationship with the Shah by using him as an intermediary to advance U.S. proliferation concerns in the region. U.S. foreign policy is complex and multifaceted. As identified by Rosenau and further explored by Wittkopf et al, there are external, societal, governmental, role, and individual sources, contributing to foreign policy. Adapting this approach to a specific aspect of U.S. foreign policy -- that of nuclear non-proliferation policy -- this thesis identifies and examines the various sources contributing to U.S. nuclear non-proliferation policy during the Nixon, Ford and Carter administrations. The analysis is refined further by examining the specific bilateral policy case study in the context of the general U.S. nuclear non-proliferation policy during this period. This comparative approach allows the thesis to identify the objectives of U.S. bilateral nuclear cooperation policy with Iran in a systematic manner and conclude that the bilateral objectives were consistent with general U.S. nuclear non-proliferation objectives, which evolved throughout the three presidencies. This thesis contributes to the literature on U.S.-Iran bilateral foreign policy on nuclear issues in the 1970s and U.S. nuclear non-proliferation policy more broadly. The originality of its contribution resides particularly in its is extensive empirical research using authoritative primary sources, specifically declassified official U.S. government documents sourced from the U.S. National Security Archive, and the relevant presidential libraries. These archival sources are supplemented and supported by existing secondary sources as well as semi-structured interviews of U.S. and Iranian officials.
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O'Reilly, Declan. "IG Farbenindustrie A.G., Interhandel and General Aniline and Film Corporation : a problem in international political and economic relations between Germany, Switzerland and the United States, 1929-1965." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1998. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/265424.
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Benneyworth, Iwan. "Narco wars : an analysis of the militarisation of U.S. counter-narcotics policy in Colombia, Mexico and on the U.S. border." Thesis, Cardiff University, 2016. http://orca.cf.ac.uk/91408/.
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The U.S. War on Drugs has been underway for several decades. Since it was declared by the Nixon Administration narcotics have been understood as a growing security threat to the American public, their health, economy and society. Illicit drugs have gradually become a securitised issue. From the Nixon Administration onward, the law enforcement and eventually military assets of the United States government were increasingly deployed in an effort to counter this drug threat. While initially regarded as a minor issue, as the potency and addictive qualities of illicit drugs increased during the 20th Century, so too did the concerns of influential actors from the political and public spheres. Nixon's actions did not represent the high-water mark of U.S. counter-narcotics. There was growing violence on American streets linked to the drug trafficking cartels out of Colombia, especially in Southern Florida where traffickers battled each other for lucrative drug markets. In response to this national security threat, the Reagan Administration – followed by the successor Bush and Clinton Administrations – gradually increased the involvement of the U.S. military in counter-narcotics policy. This occurred both at home in the form of greater militarisation of police forces, and abroad in support of several Latin American countries’ security forces. In 2000, drug-related instability in Colombia resulted in the launch of the Plan Colombia initiative, a dedicated package of American financial and security assistance, with counter-narcotics the primary purpose. In 2008, as drug-related violence in Mexico reached epidemic proportions and threatened to spillover across the American border, the U.S. launched the Merida Initiative in an attempt to aid Mexican counter-narcotics efforts. This thesis uses qualitative research methods to examine the militarisation of U.S. foreign counter-narcotics policy by analysing the case studies of Colombia and Mexico and their American-backed efforts. It also examines domestic policy, by considering the historical development of U.S. counter-narcotics, the progressive militarisation of law enforcement as a consequence of the drug war, and the security situation on the southern border with Mexico. This empirical research is facilitated by the development of a militarisation analytical framework, which builds upon the securitisation framework. Based on the findings of the case studies, the processes that drive militarisation are explored, and the framework itself is further developed and refined. The research possibilities for counter-narcotics policy and future direction for militarisation research are also explored in the Conclusion. Ultimately, this thesis offers a detailed analysis of militarisation in U.S. foreign and domestic counter-narcotics policy, the processes behind this, and develops a militarisation framework applicable to any security situation, contributing to the overall securitisation debate.
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Bain, Mervyn J. "Soviet/Cuban relations 1985-1991." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2001. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/5387/.
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In March 1985 Mikhail Gorbachev became General Secretary of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU). By 1985 relations between the Soviet Union and Cuba had been in existence for over 25 years and were extremely close in both ideological and trade terms. Soon after coming to power, Gorbachev implemented the policies of perestroika and glasnost while Fidel Castro introduced the campaign for rectification of errors in Cuba. There were great differences in these campaigns since the Cuban one was much more ideologically driven than its Soviet counterparts. This study is an examination of the period from March 1985 to the end of 1991. This is done in three broad areas: official Soviet policy towards Cuba; the unofficial Soviet policy towards Cuba (an examination of academics and social/political commentators work on Cuba) and the Cuban perception and reaction to the events in the Soviet Union. This study also attempts to establish whether a rethinking, with the benefit of hindsight, has taken place in the years since 1991. In 1985 official and unofficial Soviet policy towards Cuba were identical but as the Gorbachev period continued this began to change. Official policy began to become contradictory in style since Moscow started "veiled" attacks against aspects of its relationship with Cuba while at the same time still defended the island in the face of continuing US hostility. Moscow also stated that the differences in Soviet and Cuban policies were because each campaign was designed for conditions specific to each country but that both had the same goal: the improvement of socialism. Although official policy became more outspoken, at no point during the Gorbachev era did it call for the termination of relations with Cuba. Unofficial Soviet policy started to change as the effects of glasnost permeated Soviet society. This became noticeable from 1987 onwards and reached the point that an open debate on the relationship was taking place. By 1991 unofficial policy was vastly different from the official Soviet line towards Cuba. The Cuban government also stated that the programmes were for situations specific to each country but that both had the same goal, that being the improvement of socialism. The unofficial Cuban line mirrored the official one but by 1990 this started to change as it started to criticise Soviet policies. In 1991 the Cuban government also started to do this. Due to the difficult situation in the socialist world the Cuban government from 1989 had been trying to increase its hard currency markets. A general re-thinking with the benefit of hindsight has not taken place on either side but an examination of participants' memoirs is still a valuable study to conduct. Although it offers very little new evidence for this period it does, however, give more credence to the events that took place between March 1985 and December 1991.
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McGlinchey, Stephen. "Arming the Shah : U.S. arms policies towards Iran, 1950-1979." Thesis, Cardiff University, 2012. http://orca.cf.ac.uk/43441/.
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This thesis reconstructs and explains the arms relationship that successive U.S. administrations developed with the Shah of Iran between 1950 and 1979. This relationship has generally been neglected in the extant literature leading to a series of omissions and distortions in the historical record. By detailing how and why Iran transitioned from a low order military aid recipient in the 1950s to America’s primary military credit customer in the late 1960s and 1970s, this thesis provides a detailed and original contribution to the understanding of a key Cold War episode. By drawing on extensive declassified archival records, the investigation demonstrates the not only the importance of the arms relationship but also how it reflected, and contributed to, the wider evolution of U.S.-‐ Iranian relations from a position of Iranian client state dependency to a situation where the U.S. became heavily leveraged to the Shah for protection of the Gulf and beyond -‐ until the policy met its disastrous end in 1979 as an antithetical regime took power in Iran.
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Alen, Balde. "Private antitrust law enforcement in cases with international elements." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2016. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/7060/.
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The Supreme Court of the United States consented in its Empagran decision that the foreign antitrust injury that is in a dependency relationship with anticompetitive effects (antitrust injury) in the U.S. is to be litigated before the U.S. courts. Since this decision antitrust law litigation in an international context does not depend merely on anticompetitive effects in the U.S., but also on the relationship between anticompetitive effect and (foreign) private antitrust injury. This is something that was not present in pre-Empagran cases. The Supreme Court did not provide conditions on the basis of which the relationship between anticompetitive effects and private antitrust injury could be classified as one of dependency. This means that the Supreme Court left the determination of these conditions to lower U.S. courts. The lower U.S. courts, instead of attempting to determine these conditions, have made foreign private antitrust injury even more difficult to litigate before the U.S. courts. There are three factors that contributed to this development in U.S. case law: the understanding of the Empagran litigation; the understanding of the nature of the international context, and U.S. courts taking a pro-active role in delivering their decisions for which the reasoning is difficult to understand. The greatest obstacle that post-Empagran U.S. courts have placed in front of private antitrust litigants is the requirement that instead of ‘dependency connection’ there should be ‘direct causation’ between anticompetitive effects in the U.S. and litigated (foreign) private antitrust injury. This thesis considers the existing theoretical and practical problems of the current analytical framework under which antitrust violation is analysed in an international context. The thesis introduces the new legal concept of a ‘transborder standard’. This is necessitated by the starting position of this thesis that a factual situation under adjudication cannot be only either ‘domestic’ or ‘foreign’, but can also be ‘transborder’. The introduction of the transborder standard to the existing theoretical framework enables (and requires) the analysis of the factual situation under adjudication in its integrity, bearing in mind also the purpose of private antitrust law enforcement and the right of private parties to be compensated for suffered antitrust injury. The transborder standard provides a framework to analyse antitrust claims brought before the U.S. courts by those private parties who satisfy their private antitrust injury outside the U.S. At the same time, the transborder standard does not enable private litigants to take advantage of simultaneous antitrust litigation before U.S. courts and the courts of non-U.S. countries. ‘Transborder standard’ is a new legal concept. Nevertheless, the existing system of U.S. antitrust law enforcement does support it and, consequently, the transborder standard can be directly applied.
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Siegel, Karen Meike. "Regional environmental cooperation in the Southern Cone : which forms does it take and why?" Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2014. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/5271/.
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The main objective of this thesis is to contribute to a better understanding of the forms that environmental cooperation takes in regions of the South and the processes determining these different forms. Environmental cooperation has been researched extensively in other contexts, notably in relation to global environmental regimes, but the regional dimension and regions in the South in particular, have received very little attention. This thesis provides an in-depth exploratory study comparing three cases of regional environmental cooperation in one region of the South, the Southern Cone of South America. Based on the findings from two extensive fieldwork periods which served to conduct over 50 interviews with policy-makers, civil society representatives and researchers in Argentina, Brazil, Paraguay and Uruguay and to collect relevant documentation, the thesis argues that regional environmental cooperation in the Southern Cone takes place in three main forms; regional organisations; regional resource regimes; and the regional implementation of global environmental conventions. These vary in terms of the type of institutional framework and its political purpose; the scope of issues addressed; and the way the membership is determined. Regional environmental cooperation in the Southern Cone is promoted by different types of drivers from within the region, notably civil society organisations and networks of government officials, as well as drivers from outside the region, most importantly donors and international organisations. The variation in the forms of cooperation is thus determined not only by the position of national governments, but also by the objectives and strategies used by the different drivers. In addition, regional environmental cooperation in the Southern Cone is marked by low political will and takes a marginal position in particular in relation to economic interests. While different drivers have been crucial in shaping the different forms that regional environmental cooperation takes, the marginality of this is an outcome of the political and economic context and the development strategy adopted by governments. Consequently, during the research process it became clear that it is important to distinguish between differing levels of strength of regional environmental cooperation and the thesis has developed the concepts of robustness and marginality to this end. These theoretical tools provide an important basis for further research and comparisons on environmental cooperation in regions of the South.
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Al-sa'd, Sa'd Faisal 1947. "Symbolic commitment of presidential speeches: A study of American policy toward the Arab-Israeli conflict." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/282145.
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The purpose of this study was to explore systematically the interaction among nation states by focusing on a single case of American policy toward the Arab-Israeli conflict, specifically the symbolic rhetoric in presidential speeches. This study seeks to increase our knowledge about international crises, and any possible patterns and fluctuations in presidential symbolic rhetoric toward the Arab-Israeli conflict during the 1948-1992 period. The central objective is to explore whether changes in symbolic rhetoric may be related to the escalation of the conflict, as well as investigating numerous parameters of the rhetoric itself. The measure of presidential symbolic rhetoric was tested in seven Middle East countries: Egypt, Iraq, Israel, Jordan, Lebanon, Saudi Arabia and Syria. Theoretically the study adopts Edelman's classification method in distinguishing between referential and condensational symbols. Attention in this study is paid to condensational symbols or symbolic commitment (i.e pride, anxieties, patriotism), and whether the use of those symbols in the Middle East might have been related to three other primary variables: actual conflict in the Middle East, United States military and economic aid to the region, and U.S. political initiatives in the region. In addition, we focused on five distinct conflict periods to see whether changes in symbolic rhetoric patterned itself differently before, during, and after the five crises. The principle conclusion of this research is that the Arab-Israeli conflict was an important issue symbolically to U.S. policy makers, and the presidents of United States lean toward positive symbols. These symbolic commitments tend to increase during the escalation process, and the amount of attention and symbols decreased when war de-escalated. From these results it is possible to assert that presidential perceptions reacted to events as they developed in the region. Convergence between rhetoric and conflict in this specific study suggests that symbols are important political and social indicators in the way policy makers perceive certain issue-areas, and this rhetoric relates to important political events in the Middle East.
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Sobieralski, Joseph Bernard. "TAXATION OF UNITED STATES GENERAL AVIATION." OpenSIUC, 2012. https://opensiuc.lib.siu.edu/dissertations/502.
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General aviation in the United States has been an important part of the economy and American life. General aviation is defined as all flying excluding military and scheduled airline operations, and is utilized in many areas of our society. The majority of aircraft operations and airports in the United States are categorized as general aviation, and general aviation contributes more than one percent to the United States gross domestic product each year. Despite the many benefits of general aviation, the lead emissions from aviation gasoline consumption are of great concern. General aviation emits over half the lead emissions in the United States or over 630 tons in 2005. The other significant negative externality attributed to general aviation usage is aircraft accidents. General aviation accidents have caused over 8000 fatalities over the period 1994 - 2006. A recent Federal Aviation Administration proposed increase in the aviation gasoline tax from 19.4 to 70.1 cents per gallon has renewed interest in better understanding the implications of such a tax increase as well as the possible optimal rate of taxation. Few studies have examined aviation fuel elasticities and all have failed to study general aviation fuel elasticities. Chapter one fills that gap and examines the elasticity of aviation gasoline consumption in United States general aviation. Utilizing aggregate time series and dynamic panel data, the price and income elasticities of demand are estimated. The price elasticity of demand for aviation gasoline is estimated to range from -0.093 to -0.185 in the short-run and from -0.132 to -0.303 in the long-run. These results prove to be similar in magnitude to automobile gasoline elasticities and therefore tax policies could more closely mirror those of automobile tax policies. The second chapter examines the costs associated with general aviation accidents. Given the large number of general aviation operations as well as the large number of fatalities and injuries attributed to general aviation accidents in the United States, understanding the costs to society is of great importance. This chapter estimates the direct and indirect costs associated with general aviation accidents in the United States. The indirect costs are estimated via the human capital approach in addition to the willingness-to-pay approach. The average annual accident costs attributed to general aviation are found to be $2.32 billion and $3.81 billion (2006 US$) utilizing the human capital approach and willingness-to-pay approach, respectively. These values appear to be fairly robust when subjected to a sensitivity analysis. These costs highlight the large societal benefits from accident and fatality reduction. The final chapter derives a second-best optimal aviation gasoline tax developed from previous general equilibrium frameworks. This optimal tax reflects both the lead pollution and accident externalities, as well as the balance between excise taxes and labor taxes to finance government spending. The calculated optimal tax rate is $4.07 per gallon, which is over 20 times greater than the current tax rate and 5 times greater than the Federal Aviation Administration proposed tax rate. The calculated optimal tax rate is also over 3 times greater than automobile gasoline optimal tax rates calculated by previous studies. The Pigovian component is $1.36, and we observe that the accident externality is taxed more severely than the pollution externality. The largest component of the optimal tax rate is the Ramsey component. At $2.70, the Ramsey component reflects the ability of the government to raise revenue aviation gasoline which is price inelastic. The calculated optimal tax is estimated to reduce lead emissions by over 10 percent and reduce accidents by 20 percent. Although unlikely to be adopted by policy makers, the optimal tax benefits are apparent and it sheds light on the need to reduce these negative externalities via policy changes.
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Mirzoev, Tokhir. "Essays in monetary and international economics." Connect to this title online, 2005. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1116422106.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2005.Title from first page of PDF file. Document formatted into pages; contains xi, 113 p.; also includes graphics (some col.) Includes bibliographical references (p. 108-113). Available online via OhioLINK's ETD Center
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Zasimczuk, Ivan A. "Maxwell M. Rabb : a hidden hand of the Eisenhower administration in civil rights and race relations." Thesis, Manhattan, Kan. : Kansas State University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2097/753.
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Anderson, William David. "The President’s agenda: position-taking, legislative support, and the persistence of time." The Ohio State University, 2005. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1123169358.
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Russial, Paul. "Analysis of General Accounting Office bid protest decisions on A-76 studies." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2003. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion-image/03Jun%5FRussial.pdf.
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Thesis (M.S. in Contract Management)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2003.Thesis advisor(s): Jeffrey R. Cuskey, Peter P. Russial, Jr. Includes bibliographical references (p. 101-106). Also available online.
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Garcia, Ramos Linsay Xiomara <1984>. "Honduras economy and the relation trade with the United states." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/6266.
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L'economia internazionale ha subito enormi cambiamenti negli ultimi dieci anni, in tutto il mondo. I prezzi del petrolio sono aumentati bruscamente. Contribuendo all’inflazione e recessione mondiale; il trattato di libero commercio è sempre più sotto attacco da parte di nazioni potenti come forze protezionistiche per proteggere lavori domestici attentato contro importazioni; e le nazioni in via di sviluppo chiedono un nuovo ordine economico internazionale. In questo mondo in rapido cambiamento, gli Stati Uniti sono stati spesso presi in eventi rilevanti che hanno danneggiato il loro benessere, ma questi eventi, erano molto al di fuori del loro controllo.
L'obiettivo generale di questa tesi è di analizzare le condizioni sociali ed economiche dell’Honduras e la sua relazione con gli Stati Uniti che sia in grado di sostenere o no l'esecuzione di un processo di sviluppo rurale, per sradicare la povertà. Questa tesi, intende studiare e spiegare le maggiori problematiche dell’Honduras che ruotano intorno all’implementazione di nuove riforme e di una ristrutturazione del sistema legislativo. Comprende spiegare il ruolo delle inversioni straniere e i rapporti bilaterali con gli stati uniti. Alla fine della tesi se intende ipotizzare come il modello capitalista ha beneficiato e sfruttato le risorse naturali ed economiche del paese.
In questa tesi si parlerà anche come la maggioranza delle aziende capitaliste si scontra con problematiche di sicurezza nazionale, tale come crimine organizzato, forse la quale ha colpito di più l’Honduras negli ultimi cinque anni.
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Funk, Paul A. "An assessment of the Junior Officer Cryptological Career Program (JOCCP) in relation to the Marine Corps Signals Intelligence community." Thesis, access online version, 2001. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA396136.
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Zamzow, Scottie L. "Ambassador of American airpower : Major General Robert Olds /." Maxwell AFB, Ala. : School of Advanced Air and Space Studies, 2008. https://www.afresearch.org/skins/rims/display.aspx?moduleid=be0e99f3-fc56-4ccb-8dfe-670c0822a153&mode=user&action=downloadpaper&objectid=e01c5779-0a3b-4ea3-999e-a35a94fd5600&rs=PublishedSearch.
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Park, Daniel H. "The Development of United States Property Rights." Thesis, Boston College, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/498.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis advisor: Dennis HaleThe right to property is debatably the most fundamental American right, and its breadth and strength is more controversial today than ever before. Thus it is more important than ever to understand that its development was not accidental but has had a long and fascinating history. Such a conception of property was theoretically formed by John Locke, recognized by the Founding Fathers in the U.S. Constitution, and developed through case law. The purpose of this thesis is to show the significance of the idea of private property for America and its citizens, the development and history of that idea through past cases, and the implications of the idea and its development of the future of America
Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2007
Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Political Science
Discipline: College Honors Program