Relevant bibliographies by topics / Relation (general) with the United States

Academic literature on the topic 'Relation (general) with the United States'

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Published: 27 July 2024
Last updated: 28 July 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Relation (general) with the United States"

1

Kelvin Oghenerukevwe, Medu. "An Examination of Nigeria and United States Relations: A Theoretical Perspective." African Journal of Law, Political Research and Administration 7, no. 1 (March 6, 2024): 25–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.52589/ajlpra-bfpat2oa.

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The diplomatic relations between Nigeria and the United States over the years have been marred by ups and down, progressive and regressive character. This paper examined the diplomatic relations between both countries under the Goodluck Jonathan and General Buhari’s administration (2011-2021). The paper focused on both countries diplomatic relations specifically on pandemic response and health, bilateral economic engagement, educational and cultural exchanges and peace and security engagement. Anchoring the paper’s theoretical review on trait theory of the leadership, the paper reviewed the collected historical data and conducted a comparative analysis of Goodluck’s administrations’ foreign relations with the United States (2011-2015) and that of his successor, President Muhammadu Buhari (2015-2021). The review revealed that Goodluck and Buhari shuttle diplomacy is yet to achieve a convincing impact on the international community in terms of establishing a strong foreign relation with the U.S and the challenges of Nigeria's foreign relations is how to overcome its integrity crisis, and thereby securing the desired respect for its citizens internationally. This paper further revealed that Buhari's foreign relation with the United States has more impact on Nigeria's economy than that of Goodluck administration, even though the challenges are still present in the Buhari administration such as the Boko-Haram insurgency, unemployment, farmers-headmen crises, kidnapping, police brutality, and so on. The paper recommended that for Nigeria to promote a viable national interest it must pursue and promote a dynamic and assertive foreign relation with the United States and other big nations of the world.
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Romero Somme, G. "Expropriation and consequence: Peru-United States relations (1963–1975)." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos 9, no. 4 (May 11, 2022): 34–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2021-9-4-34-52.

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This article studies the nature of Peru-United States relations during the period 1963–1975 through an analysis of the dispute over the potential expropriation of the US-owned International Petroleum Company. The United States government implemented a tough policy towards the first government of Fernando Belaúnde – who sough a “special” relation with the Unites States –characterized by the threat of economic sanctions if the Peruvian government did not solve the issue in favor of the company. The threat of the Hickenlooper Amendment, which sought to penalize countries that expropriated American owned businesses, was a clear sign of this. Once the company was expropriated by the Revolutionary Government of the Armed Forces in 1968 the American government was ironically forced to follow a more flexible approach, as the new military regime sought to diversify its bilateral relations in the bipolar context of the Cold War. The American policy of supporting the IPC had negative long-term effects fo American interests in the region, as it accelerated the overthrown of Belaúnde and ushered in the arrival of a military junta which sought a more independent foreign policy. A country that had been solid American ally camp since the end of World War II had become a nonaligned nation.
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Zhu, Qingqing, Shengen Liao, Xinyi Lu, Shi Shi, Dexing Gong, Iokfai Cheang, Xu Zhu, Haifeng Zhang, and Xinli Li. "Cobalt exposure in relation to cardiovascular disease in the United States general population." Environmental Science and Pollution Research 28, no. 31 (March 31, 2021): 41834–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11356-021-13620-3.

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Davydov, A. "Vote for aid? How economic interaction with the United States affects countries’ voting patterns at the UN General Assembly." Pathways to Peace and Security, no. 2 (2023): 25–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/2307-1494-2023-2-25-41.

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The article investigates how the dynamics of economic aid from the United States and its trade and investment relations with a country affect the latter’s voting solidarity at the United Nations General Assembly. First, the approaches of Democrats and Republicans to financing the UN in connection with voting in the General Assembly are delineated. It is worth noting that Democrats tend to support multilateral institutions and policies, while Republicans have historically favored unilateral foreign policy. Still, both parties consistently prioritize allocating the U.S. funding for the United Nations to certain countries. The author uses data on financial flows directed toward multilateral institutions, along with other U.S. bilateral foreign aid, trade, and investment statistics, to explore whether economic interconnectivity affects the degree of the UN member states’ solidarity with the United States’ voting patterns at the General Assembly. It is concluded that economic relations with the United States do not significantly determine the increase in voting solidarity at the General Assembly. A group of 58 states is identified that, over a 25-year period (from 1996 to 2021), displayed a growing alignment with the United States in situations where it voted differently from the majority of other UN members. However, the increase in aid, trade, and investments from the United States to this group is primarily driven just by 13 major U.S. economic partners and aid recipients. Remarkably, the voting behavior of this select group of 13 states mirrors that of the remaining members of this focus group of 58 states.
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Hakim, Peter, and Michael Shifter. "United States-Latin American Relations." Current History 94, no. 589 (February 1, 1995): 49–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.1995.94.589.49.

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Doran, Charles F. "Les relations canado-américaines dans une ère d'incertitude." Études internationales 27, no. 2 (April 12, 2005): 281–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/703597ar.

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The following treatment of U.S.-Canada relations begins with the Ottawa-Quebec nexus and its impact upon the connection with the United States. Then the analysis proceeds through bilateral relations. The essay concludes with a look at multilateral interactions from the focus of both Canada and the United States. Thus the analysis proceeds from the most specific to the most general, and from the most internalized to the most external. Concluding with a paradox, the argument of the essay is that despite the end of the Cold War and the disappearance of imminent external threat, uncertainty has never loomed larger in the relation of Canada to its southern neighbor, for all parts of Canada including Quebec, and for the Canadian polity as a whole.
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Howard, Patrick, and Joe Deutsch. "Fitness motivations in United States Airmen." Journal of Human Sciences 19, no. 3 (August 21, 2022): 385–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.14687/jhs.v19i3.6275.

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The increased consumer use of wearable fitness trackers which began in the early 2010s, has provided researchers with the opportunity to better understand human motivations for fitness. While physical fitness remains vital to health and is recognized as a predictor of long-term healthcare cost, it is crucial to better understand how to influence lasting changes in behavior and how those changes are associated with different motivation. The United States Air Force requires members to adhere to certain fitness standards as a means to measure mission readiness as well as in consideration of healthcare costs throughout an Airmen’s career and into their retirement. Wearable fitness trackers offer an opportunity for the Air Force to increase physical fitness among Airmen by tailoring motivation tactics to fit their individual needs. This article will review the differing types of human motivation that drive fitness by examining them in relation to self-determination theory and exploring how wearable fitness trackers can be utilized in conjunction with this to improve fitness among Airmen.
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Lee, Tae Ho, and Daniel Riffe. "Business News Framing of Corporate Social Responsibility in the United States and the United Kingdom: Insights From the Implicit and Explicit CSR Framework." Business & Society 58, no. 4 (March 1, 2017): 683–711. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0007650317696314.

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This study aims to contribute to the understanding of business news coverage of corporate social responsibility (CSR) within a comparative international context by investigating two business newspapers, The Wall Street Journal from the United States and The Financial Times from the United Kingdom. Drawing on the news framing research and the implicit and explicit CSR framework of Matten and Moon, this content analysis shows that business news coverage of CSR in the United States and in the United Kingdom differs in terms of news framing (thematic vs. episodic), motive attributions of CSR as a concept, motive attributions of referenced companies in relation to CSR, general tone toward the concept of CSR, and the general tone toward referenced companies in relation to CSR. Most significantly, findings suggest that business news plays different roles in constructing and legitimizing CSR in the two countries. In the United States, CSR’s legitimacy and its conceptual positivity may be more implied through the coverage of singular events or actors (episodic framing), whereas in the United Kingdom, CSR’s illegitimacy and its conceptual negativity may be more exposed for further discussion through the coverage of larger societal contexts (thematic framing). Other theoretical as well as practical implications are also discussed.
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Panke, Diana. "The institutional design of the United Nations General Assembly: an effective equalizer?" International Relations 31, no. 1 (February 6, 2017): 3–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0047117817690567.

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Most international organizations are based on the principle of equality of states. Their institutional design grants all member states the same formal rights. Although formally equal, states differ immensely concerning their power capacities and size. Can institutional designs of international organizations mitigate real-world power- and size-related differences between member states, and if so, to which extent? To provide an answer, this article focuses on the United Nations General Assembly, which combines an equalizing institutional design with a large very heterogeneous membership. It shows that the strength of the equalizing effect varies across stages of the policy cycle. It is the weakest in the negotiation stage and the strongest in the final decision-making stage, while institutional design of international organizations has a de facto equalizing effect of medium strength in the agenda setting stage. Thus, while power and capacity differences matter, larger powerful states are not systematically better off throughout the entire policy cycle.
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Clarizio, Lynda M. "United States v. Yunis." American Journal of International Law 83, no. 1 (January 1989): 94–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2202796.

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Defendant Fawaz Yunis, a Lebanese resident and citizen, was charged for his alleged involvement in the 1985 hijacking of a Jordanian civil aircraft in the Middle East. Defendant moved to dismiss the indictment on the ground that, under general principles of international law, the court lacked subject matter and personal jurisdiction over a crime committed by a nonresident alien on foreign soil and that federal law provided no independent basis for such jurisdiction. The United States District Court for the District of Columbia (per Parker, J.) denied the motion to dismiss in part and granted it in part, and held: (1) that those counts of the indictment charging the defendant with violation of section 32(a) of the Destruction of Aircraft Act (18 U.S.C. §32(a) (1986)) (Aircraft Piracy Act) should be dismissed on the ground that this section provided no jurisdiction over aircraft piracy offenses having no connection to U.S. territory; (2) that traditional principles of international law provided sufficient grounds for asserting both subject matter and personal jurisdiction over the other crimes charged; and (3) that the Act for the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Hostage Taking (18 U.S.C. §1203 (1986)) (Hostage Taking Act) and section 32(b) of the Aircraft Piracy Act imposed liability for the offenses allegedly committed by the defendant.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Relation (general) with the United States"

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Aydogmus, Muslum. "Geopolitics Versus Globalization: United States." Master's thesis, METU, 2008. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12609085/index.pdf.

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This thesis aims to discuss the argument of exhaustion of economic globalization as an American foreign policy principle. This study argues that economic globalization is intended to restore declining American hegemony started in 1970s, but it has eventually given way to the argument of &ldquo
return of the geopolitics&rdquo
. The return of the geopolitics is an imperial, expansionist drive as a new foreign policy imperative for United States. The new developments in the international arena in the post-cold war era and especially after the September 11, 2001 brought the end of the globalization as an American project. Globalization is replaced with geopolitics in the transition period from hegemony to empire in United States foreign policy. Because there are new threats for United States in the twenty-first century such as the rise of new global actors in world politics or international competition for oil resources in the strategic regions of the world. In this framework, this study focuses on the rise of new, alternative &ldquo
great powers&rdquo
(European Union, China etc...).
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Tigrak, Fatih. "Conflict And Cooperation: Syria-united States Relations Through 1970-2011." Master's thesis, METU, 2012. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12615132/index.pdf.

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This thesis analyzes the dynamics of bilateral relationship between the United States of America and Syrian Arab Republic from Hafez Asad&rsquo
s grasp of power in 1970 to the latest domestic uprising of 2011. The relationship will be considered under three main vectors
struggle over Lebanon, tensions regarding peace process and Israel, and rogue statehood of Syria attributed by the United States.
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Abu-Lebdeh, Hatem Shareef. "The United States and Jordan: A study in bilateral relations, 1921 to present." Case Western Reserve University School of Graduate Studies / OhioLINK, 1991. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=case1059480406.

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Wyn-Jones, Steffan. "Rethinking early Cold War United States foreign policy : the road to militarisation." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2016. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/61488/.

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This thesis rethinks the foundations of US foreign policy determination in the early Cold War period. In opposition to approaches in IR which privilege an ‘external' realm of causation, it focuses on the domestic bases for foreign policy formation. Having started by reviewing historiographical debates on US foreign policy and US foreign economic policy, the thesis moves on to critique some of the existing ways the US foreign policy has been theorised in IR. The thesis then develops a theoretical and conceptual stance, drawing on a range of different literatures. Within IR, it places itself within the tradition of Marxist Historical Sociology. At the level of macro-history, this places the reconstruction of US foreign policy within broader world historical process of the development of capitalism within the political form of the nation-state and state system, and ongoing spatialisation strategies that states form in order to manage capitalist spatial politics. This macro perspective is conjoined to a ‘disjunctive' theory of the state, which is developed successively through different stages of analysis. The goal is to develop a political economy approach to the study of foreign policy formation and especially the conduct of warfare. The next three chapters constitute an historical reconstruction of the path towards the Cold War militarisation of US foreign policy. The thesis begins by fleshing out some of the theoretical issues discussed earlier in relation to the specificity of US state development. It then shows how developments from the 19th century up to World War II were underpinned by societal conflicts which saw the rise of the New Deal as a challenger to the existing prerogatives of business in America. This challenge saw the development of state capacities to intervene in the economy, and set in place the possibilities of a welfare statist form of governance. However, the coming of WWII and the politics of economic mobilisation for the war changed the context within which these developments unfolded. An alliance of industrial and business interests during the war ensured that the New Deal state was converted into a powerful ‘warfare' state. The thesis then moves on to show how after the war, the world-historical moment of US hegemony had its counterpart on the domestic scene in the resurgence of conflict between nationalist and internationalist political and business interests in the US. The period between 1945 and 1950 is then re-read against the background of successive stages of development of this conflict as it affected the development of US policies towards the world. As the US tried to develop a coherent spatial strategy for reconstructing the global capitalist order, this domestic situation determined and shaped things in unexpected ways. Contrary to perspectives which isolate US plans for a multilateral trading order and the geopolitics of the Cold War, I show how the contradictions of the former largely created the latter. Much IR theory takes it for granted that it was Marshall Plan aid that did the work of reconstructing Europe after the war. However, I show that this assumption obscures the failure of the Marshall Plan, and its eventual replacement by forms of economic aid that were channelled through military spending. These forms of aid required substantial military spending programs. Thus the price to be paid for the reconstruction of Europe after the war was the amplification of the World War II military-industrial alliance in the US. This then fed back into US domestic developments, as a powerful self-sustaining and expansionary element of the American political economy changed the institutional parameters under which war-preparations were formed. This altered the bases of US military strategy and overall foreign policy, a development which was starkly revealed in the conduct of the Vietnam War. The thesis concludes with some reflections on how its historical and theoretical approach has ramifications for how we think of US foreign policy in the 20th century.
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Lombardo, Johannes Richard. "United States' foreign policy towards the British Crown Colony of Hong Kong during the early Cold War period, 1945-1964 /." Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 1997. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B1856625X.

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Edwards, John R. ""America's Joint General" : a leadership analysis of Air Force General David C. Jones the ninth Chairman of the Joint Cheifs [sic] of Staff /." Maxwell AFB, Ala. : School of Advanced Air and Space Studies, 2008. https://www.afresearch.org/skins/rims/display.aspx?moduleid=be0e99f3-fc56-4ccb-8dfe-670c0822a153&mode=user&action=downloadpaper&objectid=16eb75bd-7d7f-4ca6-97e9-f026b4209f6b&rs=PublishedSearch.

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Birnberg, Gabriele. "The voting behaviour of the European Union member states in the United Nations General Assembly." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2009. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/23/.

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Despite their explicit intent to speak with a single voice in foreign affairs, EU member states manage to do so only some of the time. Which are the factors that determine whether or not the EU member states successfully coordinate their positions in the international arena? To find out, I propose to examine the voting behaviour of the EU member states inside the United Nations General Assembly; a forum in which, notwithstanding heterogeneous policy preferences, they intend to coordinate their votes and are thus subject to coordination pressures. This means that for divisive resolutions, each member state must try to reconcile its national policy preference with the objective of casting a unified vote. I hypothesise that the balance a member state strikes generally depends on how important it views the issue at hand, how powerful it is, what type of relationship it maintains with the EU and under certain conditions, what type of relationship it maintains with US. I further argue that the balance is expected to tip in favour of EU unity when increasing the collective bargaining power by working together becomes a tangible objective. By adopting a multi-method approach, the thesis shows that the EU member states make a genuine and continuous effort to coordinate their votes inside the General Assembly. Significantly, the thesis illustrates that member states, at times, are able to override their heterogeneous national policy preference in order to stand united. I conclude by connecting the findings with the constructivist/rationalist debate, which juxtaposes foreign policy cooperation according to the logic of appropriateness with the logic of consequence. The results obtained have implications not only for the study of EU voting behaviour in the United Nations, but also for theoretical debate underlying it.
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Cankaya, Mine. "The European Union Factor In The United States-turkey Rekations: 1995-1999." Master's thesis, METU, 2003. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/2/1177005/index.pdf.

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ABSTRACT THE EUROPEAN UNION FACTOR IN THE UNITED STATES-TURKEY RELATIONS: 1995-1999 Ç
ankaya, Mine M.Sc., Department of International Relations Supervisor: Dr. Fulya Kip Barnard September 2003, 188 pages This study seeks to analyze the imperatives underlying the United States policy of supporting Turkey&
#8217
s full membership to the European Union from 1995 to 1999. It is basically composed of four parts. The first part discusses the US security policy in the regions surrounding Turkey following the demise of the Soviet Union. Accordingly, the US security policies towards Russia, the Europe, the Balkans, the Middle East, the Central Asia and the Caucasus are examined. The second part is devoted to the examination of American-Turkish relations in the post-Cold War era. The third part deals with the role of the EU in Turkish domestic politics in the post- Cold War era. The last chapter serves as the essence of the study. It aims to focus on the implications of Turkey&
#8217
s relations with the EU for the US security policy. Within this framework thedomestic changes in Turkish politics especially the rise of Islam and nationalism in the mid 90s and their implications for the US security policy are explained. Second, Turkey&
#8217
s role in the emerging European security framework and its implications for the US security policy are scrutnized. Having elaborated these factors, this study concludes with a brief analysis of the basic points of the study. Keywords: The US security policy, American-Turkish relations, Turkey-EU relations.
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Cader, Ishan. "The aesthetics of hegemony : Sloanism and mass persuasion in the United States, 1900-1930." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2013. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/45566/.

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Theories regarding the power of the United States in the International Political-Economic order conventionally treat issues of culture and aesthetics as functional aspects of the system of mass production created in the early 20th century. The ‘hegemony' of the United States is attributed to the ability of its political-economic elites to create and maintain ‘consensus' amongst other nations. Cultural manifestations of American hegemony are regarded as ‘soft' signposts of this power, serving to entrench the values of American capitalism at a global level. Yet critical theories of international political economy have evaded analysing the ‘appeal' of this cultural power, prioritizing materialist aspects of consensus formation such as the compromises made between capital and labour during the early 20th century during the rise of the mass production society. The task of this thesis is to provide the theoretical tools which allow critical evaluations of American hegemony to move beyond these materialist conceptions of cultural power. It is argued that an aesthetic approach to hegemony can fully realize the enduring power of American culture in political-economic terms. It does so by critically re-situating the terms of hegemony in Sloanism, which provides a more adequate template for realizing the power and meaning of mass consumption for non-elite social agents. Sloanism's focus on branding and stylistic obsolescence demonstrates that the ‘aesthetics' of hegemony can be grasped by evaluating the role of style and design in a mass production, mass consumption society. It therefore places epistemological priority on the contestations over cultural meanings of style, and the rise of ideals of upward social mobility which upset materialist expectations of a clearly discernable characteristics for different social groups. This in turn allows a questioning of the stability of norms, values and interests of ruling elites. It also restores the social agency of non-elite groups who contribute to ‘hegemony' through the provision of styles, techniques and designs that represented challenges to received ideas of cultural order. Furthermore in the context of early 20th century, new techniques of mass persuasion in advertising and public relations provide a ‘site ‘ in which the discordant and antagonistic aesthetic values of different social groups resolve in an uneasy tension- one that is nonetheless powerful enough to hold a durable cultural power, celebrating both upward social mobility and aspirations of abundance.
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Campbell, Colin. "A social constructivist analysis of civil-military relations : US-Mexican bilateral military relations, 2000-2008." Thesis, University of Liverpool, 2008. http://livrepository.liverpool.ac.uk/1189/.

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This thesis looks at the nature of civil-military relations in the post-Cold War and the post-9/11 era through the theoretical lens of social constructivism. The study looks at the inter-relationship between the respective civil-military relations and US-Mexican bilateral ties from a constructivist perspective, with the aim of deconstructing the ideational structures of civil-military relations within the state and the state based international system to promote stronger organic structures for civilian control over the state agents of violence. The aim of thesis is to provide a theoretical model to both unite the theoretical rationale for the humanisation, indeed demilitarisation, of security concerns within the Western Hemisphere and in particular the US and Mexico. Hence, creating a novel theoretical model for the understanding and explanation of civil-military and bilateral relations.
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Books on the topic "Relation (general) with the United States"

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1942-, Bosworth Barry, Collins Susan Margaret, Lustig Nora, and Brookings Institution, eds. Coming together?: Mexico-United States relations. Washington, D.C: Brookings Institution Press, 1997.

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1950-, Hastedt Glenn P., and Eksterowicz Anthony J, eds. The president and foreign policy: Chief architect or general contractor? New York: Nova Science, 2005.

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Armed progressive: General Leonard Wood. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2009.

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Bacevich, A. J. Diplomat in khaki: Major General Frank Ross McCoy and American foreign policy, 1898-1949. Lawrence, Kansas: University Press of Kansas, 1989.

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1941-, Paterson Thomas G., ed. American foreign relations. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 2006.

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Training Institute (United States. General Accounting Office), ed. Congressional relations symposium. [Washington, D.C.?]: U.S. General Accounting Office, Training Institute, 1996.

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Miller, E. Willard. United States trade-tariffs: A bibliography. Monticello, Ill., USA: Vance Bibliographies, 1991.

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1953-, Dryzek John S., ed. Green states and social movements: Environmentalism in the United States, United Kingdom, Germany, and Norway. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003.

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United States. Federal Labor Relations Authority. Office of the General Counsel. Federal Labor Relations Authority, General Counsel of the Federal Labor Relations Authority, and Federal Service Impasses Panel. [Washington, D.C.?]: The Authority, 1987.

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A, Romero Carlos, ed. The United States and Venezuela: Rethinking a relationship. New York: Routledge, 2002.

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Book chapters on the topic "Relation (general) with the United States"

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Sanctuary, Gerald. "United States of America—General." In Marriage Under Stress, 127–59. London: Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003383277-8.

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Neri, Rita E. "United States-Japan Relations (General)." In U.S./Japan Foreign Trade, 225–32. Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315147178-12.

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"General Conduct of States in Relation to the Area." In United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea 1982, Volume VI, 112–17. Brill | Nijhoff, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004482067_020.

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"General International and U.S. Foreign Relations Law." In United States Practice in International Law, 1–16. Cambridge University Press, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cbo9780511493799.002.

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"Article 138 . General conduct of States in relation to the Area." In United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, edited by Alexander Proelß, 965–69. Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft mbH & Co. KG, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/9783845258874-965.

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"Article 138. General conduct of States in relation to the Area." In United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, edited by Alexander Proelß, Amber Rose Maggio, Eike Blitza, and Oliver Daum, 964–68. Verlag C.H.BECK oHG, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.17104/9783406779374-964.

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Sutter, Robert. "China’s Relations with the United States." In China and the World, 211–32. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190062316.003.0010.

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This chapter reviews Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and People’s Republic of China (PRC) interactions with the United States since the 1940s, and it reveals a general pattern of the United States at the very top of China’s foreign priorities. Among those few instances where China seemed to give less attention to the United States was the post-2010 period, which saw an ever more powerful China advancing at US expense. However, China’s rapid advance in economic, military, and diplomatic power has progressively alarmed the US government, which now sees China as its main international danger. Looking forward into the future, deteriorating US-China relations have enormous consequences for both countries, the Asia-Pacific region, and the world.
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Peters, Enrique Dussel. "Mexico–United States–China." In China, The United States, and the Future of Latin America, edited by David B. H. Denoon. NYU Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.18574/nyu/9781479899289.003.0005.

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Mexico and the United States share a long history of political, military, social, immigration, cultural and economic relations. Mexico has been among the three main trading partners of the US in recent decades, while the US has been the top trading partner of Mexico since statistics have been available. This chapter examines the “new triangular relationship” between the US, Mexico, and China, particularly from a Mexican perspective. With the global reemergence of China since the last decade of the 20th century, the relationship between Mexico and the US has substantially shifted in a variety of ways. The analysis first focuses on the general socioeconomic triangular relationship of Mexico with the US and China, based on a literature review; issues involving Chinese trade and foreign direct investment (FDI), are highlighted, as well as the overall relationship of Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC) with China. The next section discusses topics concerning this triangular relationship that are currently being analyzed in Mexico, particularly regarding China. The final part of the analysis concentrates on the main characteristics of this “new triangular relationship,” policy questions, and future research issues.
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Andreas, Schloenhardt. "Relation with Protocols." In UN Convention against Transnational Organized Crime. Oxford University Press, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/law/9780192847522.003.0038.

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This chapter explains the relationship between the United Nations Convention against Transnational Organized Crime (UNTOC) and protocols. It focuses on Article 37, wherein the separation of specific crimes influenced the initial design and drafting of the Convention. States are mandated to become a Party to the Convention before they can become a Party to a Protocol. Meanwhile, Protocols must be interpreted under the understanding of the Convention that contains general provisions concerning all forms of organized crime. The chapter notes how the UNTOC is supplemented by additional Protocols, citing that Protocols need separate ratification and accession, so they should be interpreted in line with the Convention.
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Kempen, Ronald van. "Towards Partitioned Cities in the Netherlands? Changing Patterns of Segregation in a Highly Developed Welfare State." In Of States and Cities, 88–108. Oxford University PressOxford, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198297192.003.0005.

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Abstract Dutch society in general and Dutch cities in particular are quite unlike those of many other western European countries and the United States. In the Netherlands. long-standing state policies in the field of welfare, social security, and housing have blurred the relation between household income and one’s place of residence. Especially in the large cities. socially homogeneous areas are rare, certainly at the lower end of the scale. Ethnically homogeneous neighbourhoods do not exist in the Netherlands, nor do neighbourhoods without a substantial number of Dutch natives.
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Conference papers on the topic "Relation (general) with the United States"

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Malachta, Radovan. "Mutual Trust between the Member States of the European Union and the United Kingdom after Brexit:." In COFOLA INTERNATIONAL 2020. Brexit and its Consequences. Brno: Masaryk University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/cz.muni.p210-9801-2020-2.

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The paper follows up on the arguments introduced in the author’s article Mutual Trust as a Way to an Unconditional Automatic Recognition of Foreign Judgments. This paper, titled Mutual Trust between the Member States of the European Union and the United Kingdom after Brexit: Overview discusses, whether there has been a loss of mutual trust between the European Union and the United Kingdom after Brexit. The UK, similarly to EU Member States, has been entrusted with the area of recognition and enforcement of judgements thus far. Should the Member States decrease the level of mutual trust in relation to the UK only because the UK ceased to be part of the EU after 47 years? Practically overnight, more precisely, the day after the transitional period, should the Member States trust the UK less in the light of legislative changes? The article also outlines general possibilities that the UK has regarding which international convention it may accede to. Instead of going into depth, the article presents a basic overview. However, this does not prevent the article to answer, in addition to the questions asked above, how a choice of access to an international convention could affect the level of mutual trust between the UK and EU Member States.
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Alikberov, Eduard Shabanovich, and Alfiya Rafisovna Alikberova. "THE ANALYSIS OF RELATIONS IN THE CHINA-INDIA-USA STRATEGIC TRIANGLE." In Chinese Studies in the 21st Century. Buryat State University Publishing Department, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.18101/978-5-9793-1678-9-2021-1-14-20.

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The presented work is devoted to the study of the influence of such a form of rela-tionship as a triangle on the behavior of states and their interaction within the frame-work of a tripartite format. The relevance of this topic is due to the dominant position of the United States in the world, as well as the growing role in the system of interna-tional relations of two Asian giants, China and India, capable in the 21st century to-confront Western countries in the international arena. The role of the China–India–USA strategic triangle — key players in the world political arena — will increase in the near future. Using the example of the interaction of the three states of the People's Republic of China, the Republic of India and the United States of America, the study examines and analyzes the main principles of the successful coordination of the three sides in the triangle: balance of power, refraining, and security. The main conclusion of the presented study is the importance of maintaining a balance in the strategic tri-angle "China-India-USA", since the aforementioned countries occupy important posi-tions in the main areas of international relations: economy and security, the world or-der in the Asia-Pacific region depends on them. The methodological basis of the work is the general humanitarian research method-system analysis, which allowed us to analyze the principles of construction and functioning of the triangle as a system as a whole, and also to study the features of all components of this system, their interde-pendence and internal patterns of development. The materials of this article can be used in the future by international experts, orientalists and economists studying the Indo-Pacific and Asia-Pacific regions, as well as when reading a course of lectures and writing textbooks.
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Alhamer, Essa, Addison Grigsby, and Rydge Mulford. "Optimal Bi-Annual Tilt Angles and Optimal Tilt Transition Timing for Fixed Tilt Arrays in the United States." In ASME 2022 16th International Conference on Energy Sustainability collocated with the ASME 2022 Heat Transfer Summer Conference. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/es2022-84344.

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Abstract As global dependency on renewable energy grows, it is imperative to utilize every Photovoltaic (PV) panel in the most efficient way possible. An important consideration for increasing PV panel energy production is to carefully select the tilt angle relative to the ground of the installed panel. Tracking arrays resolve this issue by dynamically tracking the sun throughout the course of the day, but tracking technology includes additional capital costs and is not affordable for residential systems. The goals of this study are to explore the use of a bi-annual fixed tilt array, where the tilt angle of the fixed array is changed at two times in the year to better capture the seasonal variation in solar irradiation. The goal of this study is to use optimization techniques to resolve the ideal tilt angles as well as the optimal time to change between these two angles for every state in the continental United States. Biannual arrays are then compared to fixed tilt and 1D tracking arrays while examining local weather variations and their effect on the optimal PV tilt angle and solar PV production. In general, PV panels with a fixed tilt in states at higher latitudes collect 90% of the energy that a 1D tracking array would collect, whereas bi-annual tilt angle array produce on average 97% of the energy that a 1D tracking array collects, making the bi-annual tilt method nearly as effective as 1D tracking at these latitudes. Fixed tilt arrays in the southern United States collect on average 85% of the energy that a 1D tracking array would collect, whereas bi-annual tilt arrays in the southern United States produce at maximum 90% of the energy that a 1D tracking array produces. Nearly all states optimize energy production when the tilt angle is changed during the month of March and the month of August. This paper also examines the relationship between summer and winter temperatures and cloud cover, and their effect on optimal tilt and overall PV performance.
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Baraka, Moustafa Ahmed. "A Project-Based Learning Approach For Engaging Undergraduate Students In UN SDGs Using GIS." In Ninth International Conference on Higher Education Advances. Valencia: Universitat Politècnica de València, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/head23.2023.16329.

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The paper presents project-based learning conducted within a Geographic Information System (GIS) course offered to senior-level undergraduate students enrolled in civil engineering program during the academic semester of Spring 2022. Project-based learning enable students to achieve competencies that meet modern society needs in relation to monitoring and assessing world countries attainment of the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals (UN SDGs). The United Nations Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC) established the United Nations Committee of Experts on Global Geospatial Information Management (UN GGIM) in July 2011, where the UN GGI mandates were identified as a motivation for conducting project-based learning with the GIS course by the author. Emphasis in project-based learning were on; SDG 11 on Sustainable Cities and Communities and SDG 13 on Climate Action. A Model of United Nations (MUN) students’ group at the university provided a simulated UN General Assembly at the end of the project-based learning activities. During this Assembly, students enrolled in the GIS course, playing roles of country delegates, delivered to the Assembly their GIS analyses and findings on the current status of SDG 11 and SDG 13 at the end of the project-based learning. The success of the project-based learning in achieving its objectives, along with engagement and interest shown from both GIS enrolled students and MUN group have resulted in plans to conduct another project-based learning during Spring 2023.
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Ali, Omran. "International interventions in non-democratic states between democratic change and achieving interests (Iraq as a case study after 2003)." In REFORM AND POLITICAL CHANGE. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdiconfrpc.pp232-245.

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This research seeks to critically analyze the international efforts, particularly the United States of America, in transforming authoritarian and non-democratic states into democratic ones, and clarify to what extent the US seeks to achieve real democratic change in non-democratic countries, especially Iraq, and whether their main goal is to achieve stability and their vital interests or democratic change and reform. It argues that although spreading democracy and human rights in the Middle East has become, especially after the end of the Cold War, one of the main goals of the US, but, in reality, the US is not ready to sacrifice its vital interests in the region at the expense of spreading democratic values, as well as reducing its strong security and economic relations with its non-democratic allies, or even applying the required pressure on them. Consequently, this increases doubts about the credibility and seriousness of the US in achieving its goal of spreading democracy in the Middle East in general, and Iraq in particular.
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Ali, Omran. "International interventions in non-democratic states between democratic change and achieving interests (Iraq as a case study after 2003)." In REFORM AND POLITICAL CHANGE. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdiconfrpc/1.

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This research seeks to critically analyze the international efforts, particularly the United States of America, in transforming authoritarian and non-democratic states into democratic ones, and clarify to what extent the US seeks to achieve real democratic change in non-democratic countries, especially Iraq, and whether their main goal is to achieve stability and their vital interests or democratic change and reform. It argues that although spreading democracy and human rights in the Middle East has become, especially after the end of the Cold War, one of the main goals of the US, but, in reality, the US is not ready to sacrifice its vital interests in the region at the expense of spreading democratic values, as well as reducing its strong security and economic relations with its non-democratic allies, or even applying the required pressure on them. Consequently, this increases doubts about the credibility and seriousness of the US in achieving its goal of spreading democracy in the Middle East in general, and Iraq in particular.
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Milligan, Michael, and Kevin Porter. "Wind capacity credit in the United States." In Energy Society General Meeting. IEEE, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/pes.2008.4596647.

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Taurogińska-Stich, Agnieszka. "Adaptacja wstępna w systemie wyższej edukacji wojskowej na potrzeby." In Nové trendy profesijnej prípravy v Ozbrojených silách. Akadémia ozbrojených síl generála Milana Rastislava Štefánika, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.52651/ntpp.b.2023.9788080406486.130-143.

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The article presents a proposal for how to form cadet competencies in the process of initial adaptation to a military academy. A simplified model of cadet initial adaptation aimed at basic leadership competencies to achieve personal development in terms of ethics and morality, building self discipline and social relations was proposed. The need to strengthen the system of education for security and defense within military departmental universities was identified. A survey of experts' opinions and a qualitative analysis of cases of competence formation of military students in the process of initial adaptation in selected land forces academies, i.e. the Polish Academy of Land Forces named after General Kosciuszko (AWL), the United States Military Academy (USMA) of West Point, the Austrian Theresian military academy i.e. Theresia Military Academy of the Federal Ministry of Defense (TM), the Greek military academy i.e. Military School "Evelpidon" (S.S.E). Only the direction of educational activities to ensure high quality command for strengthening security and defense was indicated.
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Karaca, Erol. "A Comparison of Turkey and Transition Economies in terms of Educational Development and Conditions." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c05.00868.

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The main objective of this research is to determine and evaluate the dimensions of educational development in Turkey in comparison with the Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) countries and Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) countries. For this purpose, in this study, Turkey is compared to the Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) countries and the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) countries with regard to the educational development and conditions. In this study, carried out through comparative relation scanning model and literature model, the sample group was established the Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) countries and Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) countries with Turkey. The research data was collected by means of data from HDI Report developed by United Nations Development Programme (UNDP). On the base of data obtained from report, the study concluded that the lowest rate of adult literacy and population with at least secondary education belongs to Turkey. The rate of enrolment in primary education, however, is higher in Turkey than most of the CEE and CIS countries. This affirmative data can be attributed to the high rate of young population and/or education campaigns in Turkey since the lowest rate of secondary education and the highest level of primary school dropout rate is also seen in Turkey. In addition, performance of 15-year old students in reading, mathematics and science is generally lower in Turkey, CEE and CIS countries than in OECD countries.
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Aparisi Torrijo, Sofia. "Innovation and entrepreneurship: an approach based on bibliometric analysis." In INNODOCT 2021. Valencia: Editorial Universitat Politècnica de València, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/inn2021.2021.13406.

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The purpose of this article is to investigate the literature that relates innovation and entrepreneurship for its recognized contribution to the economy. In this article a bibliometric analysis of the research on this topic extracted from the main collection of the Web of Science (WoS) database from 2000 to 2020 is carried out, obtaining 1785 documents. The main of the bibliometric method is to perform, through BibExcel and VOSviewer software, a trend analysis, a study of the general and annual structure of citations, to present the advances associated with the main authors, journals and most relevant countries and to analyze their evolution over time and identify key research topics to contribute to the development of this field. In addition, this study will analyze co-citations, bibliographic couplings, co-occurrences and co-authorships, among others. The results show that the publication trend increases considerably from 2010, and it is, in the last years 2019 and 2020, when the highest production of articles has been registered. In relation to the most publishing countries, the United States, China, England and Spain are among the most representative. It is also found that the most influential journals in this field are Small Business Economics and Journal of Business Research. This systematic mapping of the field helps to illustrate the evolution of research over time, identify areas of current interest for use in theoretical and empirical frameworks, and provide, thanks to its findings, a solid roadmap for future research by detecting potential directions.
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Reports on the topic "Relation (general) with the United States"

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Lewis, Dustin, Naz Modirzadeh, and Jessics Burniske. The Counter-Terrorism Committee Executive Directorate and International Humanitarian Law: Preliminary Considerations for States. Harvard Law School Program on International Law and Armed Conflict, March 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.54813/qiaf4598.

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In developing international humanitarian law (IHL), States have aimed in part to lay down the primary normative and operational framework pertaining to principled humanitarian action in situations of armed conflict. The possibility that certain counterterrorism measures may be instituted in a manner that intentionally or unintentionally impedes such action has been recognized by an increasingly wide array of States and entities, including the United Nations Security Council and the U.N. Secretary-General. At least two aspects of the contemporary international discourse on intersections between principled humanitarian action and counterterrorism measures warrant more sustained attention. The first concerns who is, and who ought to be, in a position to authentically and authoritatively interpret and apply IHL in this area. The second concerns the relationships between IHL and other possibly relevant regulatory frameworks, including counterterrorism mandates flowing from decisions of the U.N. Security Council. Partly in relation to those two axes of the broader international discourse, a debate has emerged regarding whether the U.N. Security Council may authorize one particular counterterrorism entity — namely, the Counter-Terrorism Committee Executive Directorate (CTED) — to interpret and assess compliance with IHL pertaining to humanitarian action in relation to certain counterterrorism contexts. In a new legal briefing for the Harvard Law School Program on International Law and Armed Conflict (HLS PILAC), Dustin A. Lewis, Naz K. Modirzadeh, and Jessica S. Burniske seek to help inform that debate by raising some preliminary considerations regarding that possibility. The authors focus on the possible implications of States and other relevant actors pursuing various responses or not responding to this debate. One of the authors’ goals is to help raise awareness of this area with a focus on perspectives drawn from international law. Another is to invite a broader engagement with the question of the preservation of the humanitarian commitments laid down in IHL in a period marked by a growing number — and a deepening — of the intersections between situations of armed conflict and measures to suppress terrorism.
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Bourrier, Mathilde, Michael Deml, and Farnaz Mahdavian. Comparative report of the COVID-19 Pandemic Responses in Norway, Sweden, Germany, Switzerland and the United Kingdom. University of Stavanger, November 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.31265/usps.254.

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The purpose of this report is to compare the risk communication strategies and public health mitigation measures implemented by Germany, Norway, Sweden, Switzerland, and the United Kingdom (UK) in 2020 in response to the COVID-19 pandemic based on publicly available documents. The report compares the country responses both in relation to one another and to the recommendations and guidance of the World Health Organization where available. The comparative report is an output of Work Package 1 from the research project PAN-FIGHT (Fighting pandemics with enhanced risk communication: Messages, compliance and vulnerability during the COVID-19 outbreak), which is financially supported by the Norwegian Research Council's extraordinary programme for corona research. PAN-FIGHT adopts a comparative approach which follows a “most different systems” variation as a logic of comparison guiding the research (Przeworski & Teune, 1970). The countries in this study include two EU member States (Sweden, Germany), one which was engaged in an exit process from the EU membership (the UK), and two non-European Union states, but both members of the European Free Trade Association (EFTA): Norway and Switzerland. Furthermore, Germany and Switzerland govern by the Continental European Federal administrative model, with a relatively weak central bureaucracy and strong subnational, decentralised institutions. Norway and Sweden adhere to the Scandinavian model—a unitary but fairly decentralised system with power bestowed to the local authorities. The United Kingdom applies the Anglo-Saxon model, characterized by New Public Management (NPM) and decentralised managerial practices (Einhorn & Logue, 2003; Kuhlmann & Wollmann, 2014; Petridou et al., 2019). In total, PAN-FIGHT is comprised of 5 Work Packages (WPs), which are research-, recommendation-, and practice-oriented. The WPs seek to respond to the following research questions and accomplish the following: WP1: What are the characteristics of governmental and public health authorities’ risk communication strategies in five European countries, both in comparison to each other and in relation to the official strategies proposed by WHO? WP2: To what extent and how does the general public’s understanding, induced by national risk communication, vary across five countries, in relation to factors such as social capital, age, gender, socio-economic status and household composition? WP3: Based on data generated in WP1 and WP2, what is the significance of being male or female in terms of individual susceptibility to risk communication and subsequent vulnerability during the COVID-19 outbreak? WP4: Based on insight and knowledge generated in WPs 1 and 2, what recommendations can we offer national and local governments and health institutions on enhancing their risk communication strategies to curb pandemic outbreaks? WP5: Enhance health risk communication strategies across five European countries based upon the knowledge and recommendations generated by WPs 1-4. Pre-pandemic preparedness characteristics All five countries had pandemic plans developed prior to 2020, which generally were specific to influenza pandemics but not to coronaviruses. All plans had been updated following the H1N1 pandemic (2009-2010). During the SARS (2003) and MERS (2012) outbreaks, both of which are coronaviruses, all five countries experienced few cases, with notably smaller impacts than the H1N1 epidemic (2009-2010). The UK had conducted several exercises (Exercise Cygnet in 2016, Exercise Cygnus in 2016, and Exercise Iris in 2018) to check their preparedness plans; the reports from these exercises concluded that there were gaps in preparedness for epidemic outbreaks. Germany also simulated an influenza pandemic exercise in 2007 called LÜKEX 07, to train cross-state and cross-department crisis management (Bundesanstalt Technisches Hilfswerk, 2007). In 2017 within the context of the G20, Germany ran a health emergency simulation exercise with WHO and World Bank representatives to prepare for potential future pandemics (Federal Ministry of Health et al., 2017). Prior to COVID-19, only the UK had expert groups, notably the Scientific Advisory Group for Emergencies (SAGE), that was tasked with providing advice during emergencies. It had been used in previous emergency events (not exclusively limited to health). In contrast, none of the other countries had a similar expert advisory group in place prior to the pandemic. COVID-19 waves in 2020 All five countries experienced two waves of infection in 2020. The first wave occurred during the first half of the year and peaked after March 2020. The second wave arrived during the final quarter. Norway consistently had the lowest number of SARS-CoV-2 infections per million. Germany’s counts were neither the lowest nor the highest. Sweden, Switzerland and the UK alternated in having the highest numbers per million throughout 2020. Implementation of measures to control the spread of infection In Germany, Switzerland and the UK, health policy is the responsibility of regional states, (Länders, cantons and nations, respectively). However, there was a strong initial centralized response in all five countries to mitigate the spread of infection. Later on, country responses varied in the degree to which they were centralized or decentralized. Risk communication In all countries, a large variety of communication channels were used (press briefings, websites, social media, interviews). Digital communication channels were used extensively. Artificial intelligence was used, for example chatbots and decision support systems. Dashboards were used to provide access to and communicate data.
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Hayden, Dave. Ruminations of A North Korean General Concerning The United States National Military Strategy. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, January 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada432643.

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Wezeman, Pieter, and Alexandra Kuimova. Military Spending and Arms Imports by Iran, Saudi Arabia, Qatar and the UAE. Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, May 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.55163/zapt6109.

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Tense relations between Iran, Qatar, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) are a major cause for concern regarding stability, security and peace in the Gulf region and in the Middle East more generally. These states seek to play a major role in the Middle East and use arms as a key tool in the pursuit of this aim. To illustrate the importance given to military capability in these four states, this fact sheet provides a concise overview of trends and patterns of military expenditure and of arms imports—the main source of modern major arms for these states—in the period 1994–2018.
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Fraser, Douglas M. Posture Statement of General Douglas M. Fraser, United States Air Force Commander, United States Southern Command, Before the 112th Congress House Armed Services Committee. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, March 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada565018.

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Johnson, Christopher. The United States-Japan Security Treaty of 1951: An Essay on the Origins of Postwar Japanese-American Relation. Portland State University Library, January 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.15760/etd.6480.

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Kelsey, Tom. When Missions Fail: Lessons in ‘High Technology’ From Post-War Britain. Blavatnik School of Government, December 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.35489/bsg-wp_2023/056.

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The idea that national security and economic prosperity stem from being at the technological frontier (‘techno-nationalism’) is once again a dominant feature of global politics. The post-war United States has emerged as the key model in these discussions, with the ‘moonshot’ seen as an outstanding example of how to direct state resources towards technological breakthroughs, while the capacity of the American government is praised more generally for its ability to sponsor ground-breaking technology. This paper, however, suggests that the United States was the exception, not the rule, and that the failures of post-war Britain highlight the limitations of ‘techno-nationalism’ with vivid clarity. During the 1950s and 1960s, the British state took long-term bets on securing a leading role in the world’s technological future, specifically in the areas of supersonic flight via Concorde and nuclear power generation. The result, however, was not export glory but industrial calamity. These long-running programmes were eventually cut back in the 1970s, when it became accepted in Whitehall that Britain should no longer try to be the Science and Tech Superpower, attempting to leapfrog the United States to technological glory. Understanding this trajectory in Britain dislodges the sense that focusing on emerging technology and the long term is a silver bullet in policymaking. We must appreciate that the realities of technological power matter, and grasp that the post-war US was an unrepresentative case: no country today will have the relative level of industrial and technological might that it enjoyed at that time. While my arguments will resonate in other national contexts, my focus is on ensuring that any strategy for ‘high technology’ in the UK today continues to learn the lessons from the errors of the post-war period. It must be wary of expert capture within the state. It must also think about industrial strategy in an integrated way, across national security, economics, and foreign policy, with a policymaking machinery set up to deal with this level of complexity. Moreover, despite the attention afforded to national state funding, the UK should continue to see forging alliances as essential alongside working with international business and be clear-eyed about where it does and does not need to sustain national capabilities.
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Bowen, Jr, and Stuart W. Special Inspector General for Iraq Reconstruction. Quarterly Report and Semiannual Report to the United States Congress. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, July 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada489806.

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Pizer, William, Dallas Burtraw, Winston Harrington, Richard Newell, James Sanchirico, and Michael Toman. General and Partial Equilibrium Modeling of Sectoral Policies to Address Climate Change in the United States. Office of Scientific and Technical Information (OSTI), March 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.2172/809371.

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Grier, C. C., K. M. Lee, and N. M. [and others] Nadkarni. Productivity of forests of the United States and its relation to soil and site factors and management practices: a review. Portland, OR: U.S. Department of Agriculture, Forest Service, Pacific Northwest Research Station, 1989. http://dx.doi.org/10.2737/pnw-gtr-222.

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