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Journal articles on the topic 'Regionalism – Spain'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 10 March 2023

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1

Isobchuk, M. V. "WHERE IS REGIONALISM DISAPPEARING? COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF REGIONALIST MOVEMENT TRANSFORMATION IN THE COUNTRIES OF CENTRAL EASTERN EUROPE." Вестник Удмуртского университета. Социология. Политология. Международные отношения 5, no. 1 (March 25, 2021): 48–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.35634/2587-9030-2021-5-1-48-56.

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The study of regionalism has been, perhaps, one of the trends in the world political science for more than half a century. At the same time, the main attention of researchers is attracted by cases of “successful” regionalism (for example, in Spain or Great Britain), while “unsuccessful” (in electoral terms) regionalisms remain without proper analysis. The purpose of this study was to identify the main factors contributing to the decline of the regionalism. Based on the materials of three regionalisms in Central Eastern Europe (Somogy, Moravia and South Slovakia), these factors were identified. As a research method, a small-N qualitative comparison was used. The study identified three groups of factors that can potentially influence the success of the regionalist movement: factors associated with the activity of regionalist actors, institutional factors and factors of regional identity. Each of these factors, directly and in combination with others, can affect the success of the regionalist movement. Thus, for Moravian regionalism, the decisive factors of decline were the organizational weakness of the regionalist party combined with the decline of regional identity; for regionalism in Somogy, the fatal reform of the administrative-territorial structure of Hungary, depriving the regions of any autonomy and real power, and Hungarian regionalism in Slovakia, deprived institutional and organizational privileges, has lost its electoral significance. In general, the decline of the regionalist movement in this context only in one case out of three led to the disappearance of the regionalist movement itself, in two cases it was successfully transformed into other organizational forms. Thus, the study identifies the main factors of the decline of regionalism and identifies possible models of its transformation.

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2

Kim, Jin Hun, Seung Il Chae, and Ho Kun Yi. "Soccer and Regionalism of Spain." Journal of Sport and Leisure Studies 56 (May 31, 2014): 123–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.51979/kssls.2014.05.56.123.

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3

Hebbert, M. "Regionalism: A Reform Concept and its Application to Spain." Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy 5, no. 3 (September 1987): 239–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/c050239.

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Regionalism is a notably elusive political idea. In the paper an attempt is first made to identify various propositions that are general among contemporary European regionalists: A commitment to territorial reform of a nonfederal character, a belief that regional autonomy promotes political stability and spreads prosperity, and a notion of complementarity between European integration and internal devolution. In the second part of the paper the relevance of these propositions to Spain are considered.

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4

Payne, Stanley G. "Nationalism, Regionalism and Micronationalism in Spain." Journal of Contemporary History 26, no. 3 (July 1991): 479–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002200949102600307.

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5

Jiménez de Cisneros Puig, Bernat. "Flamenco, regionalism and musical heritage in Southern Spain." Ethnomusicology Forum 26, no. 2 (May 4, 2017): 273–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17411912.2017.1336109.

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6

Moxon‐Browne, Edward. "Regionalism in Spain: The Basque elections of 1990." Regional Politics and Policy 1, no. 2 (June 1991): 191–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13597569108420821.

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7

Lecours, André. "Regionalism, Cultural Diversity and the State in Spain." Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development 22, no. 3 (November 2001): 210–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01434630108666433.

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8

Baldi, Brunetta. "Il federalismo competitivo: l'Italia in prospettiva comparata." TEORIA POLITICA, no. 2 (October 2009): 95–126. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/tp2009-002005.

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- The article analyses the most recent reforms of Italian regionalism using the theory of competitive federalism as opposed to cooperative federalism. Although new competitive dynamics are developing with main reference to asymmetrical regionalism and fiscal federalism, the article shows the coexistence of competitive and cooperative institutional arrangements. Taking a comparative perspective the case of Italy portrays similarities to those of Germany and Spain: German cooperative federalism is more and more challenged by the developing of competitive dynamics between the Western and Eastern Länder as well as Spanish competitive regionalism is opening up to intergovernmental cooperation to assure policy coordination. As a whole the article provides an analytical framework to guide future empirical research.

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9

Prytherch, David. "Narrating the Landscapes of Entrepreneurial Regionalism: Rescaling, ‘New’ Regionalism and the Planned Remaking of València, Spain." Space and Polity 10, no. 3 (December 2006): 203–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13562570601110609.

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10

Filippova, E. "Factors of Coalitional Governments Formation Between Regionalist and Nationwide Political Parties in Regions of Spain." World Economy and International Relations 65, no. 4 (2021): 71–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-4-71-79.

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Received 09.09.2020. The paper focuses on one of the most significant arenas of multi-level politics – the interaction between regionalist and state-wide parties in the creation and functioning of government coalitions at the regional level. The research is aimed at determining the factors influencing the creation of such coalitions in which regionalist parties act as coalition partners with a specific agenda. Spain provides significant empirical material for research on this issue, where regionalist parties function in most regions, and state-wide parties often enter government coalitions with them at the level of autonomous communities. A comparative analysis of the practices of concluding coalition agreements between statewide and regionalist political parties in the regions of Spain during the democratic period is a key research method. The theoretical part of the article provides an overview of the theories of party coalitions accumulated by Political Science since the 1950s and updated by researchers due to actualization of new circumstances in the context of multilevel politics. The empirical part of the article examines the influence of three categories of factors on the construction of coalition deals between regionalist and state-wide political parties in the Spanish autonomous communities, including: the size of the coalition, the ideological inter-party distance (comprising the regionalist-ideological dimension) and correspondence of the alignments of party forces at the regional and national levels. The research demonstrates that the factor of coalition size is fundamental for transactions between regionalist and state-wide political parties, while the other two categories of factors manifest themselves situationally. Acknowledgements. The research was carried out at the expense of a grant from the Russian Science Foundation (project No. 19-18-00053 " Subnational regionalism and dynamics of multilevel politics (Russian and European practices)") at the Perm Federal Research Center of the Ural Branch of the Russian Academy of Sciences.

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11

Orłowski, Wojciech. "Polish Regionalism — Present Challenges and Threats." Barometr Regionalny. Analizy i Prognozy 11, no. 2 (August 26, 2013): 7–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.56583/br.1124.

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After the accession of Poland to the European Union our country started to be defined as a decentralized state with a regional structure. The aim of this paper is to compare Polish legal solutions to the Italian and Spanish solutions regarded as classic models of regionalism. The effect of the analysis is the conclusion that the biggest obstacle for the development of regionalism in Poland is the lack of proper legal regulations including constitutional regulations. It is responsible for the fact that Polish voivodships do not have guarantees of territorial integrity. Theoretically there is even a possibility to replace them with other units of territorial division. Other restrictions for regional development are: insufficient level of financing and the lack of formed social ties in newly formed voivodships. Due to these factors voivodships do not play their own political role. The situation could be changed as a result of an enlargement of regional competences and granting voivodships limited autonomy similarly to the situation in Italy and Spain.

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12

Medina, Iván, and Joaquim M. Molins. "Regionalism and Employer Groups in Spain, Italy, and the UK." Territory, Politics, Governance 2, no. 3 (September 2, 2014): 270–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21622671.2014.954602.

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13

Barrio, Astrid, Oscar Barberà, and Juan Rodríguez-Teruel. "‘Spain steals from us!’ The ‘populist drift’ of Catalan regionalism." Comparative European Politics 16, no. 6 (October 15, 2018): 993–1011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/s41295-018-0140-3.

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14

Lancaster, Thomas D. "Nationalism, Regionalism, and State Institutions: An Assessment of Opinions in Spain." CrossRef Listing of Deleted DOIs 27, no. 4 (1997): 115. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3330612.

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15

Lancaster, T. D. "Nationalism, Regionalism, and State Institutions: An Assessment of Opinions in Spain." Publius: The Journal of Federalism 27, no. 4 (January 1, 1997): 115–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordjournals.pubjof.a029932.

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16

Conversi, Daniele, and Matthew Machin-Autenrieth. "The Musical Bridge—Intercultural Regionalism and the Immigration Challenge in Contemporary Andalusia." Genealogy 4, no. 1 (December 30, 2019): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/genealogy4010005.

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The ideals of tolerance and cultural exchange associated with the interfaith past of Muslim Spain (al-Andalus) have become a symbol for Andalusian regionalism and for the integration of Moroccan communities. Nowhere is this more keenly felt than in the context of music. In cities such as Granada, Moroccan and Spanish musicians actively promote the ideals of intercultural dialogue through the performance of repertoires such as flamenco and Arab-Andalusian music that allegedly possess a shared cultural history. In this article, we examine the interrelationship between music and ‘intercultural regionalism’, focusing on how music is used by public institutions to ground social integration in the discourse of regionalism. Against a backdrop of rising Islamophobia and the mobilization of right-wing populist and anti-immigration rhetoric both within Spain and internationally, the authors consider how music can be used to promote social integration, to overcome Islamophobia and to tackle radicalization. We advance two arguments. First, we argue that the musical interculturalism promoted by a variety of institutions needs to be understood within the wider project of Andalusian regionalism. Here, we note that musical integration of Spain’s cultural and historical ‘Other’ (Moroccans) into Andalusian society is promoted as a model for how Europe can overcome the alleged ‘death of multiculturalism’. The preferential way to achieve this objective is through ‘intercultural regionalism’, envisioned as the combination of regional identity-building and intercultural interactions between communities that share a common cultural heritage. Second, we assess some of the criticism of the efficacy of al-Andalus as a model for contemporary intercultural exchange. Combining approaches in political science and ethnomusicology, we focus on one case study, the Fundación Tres Culturas (FTC). Through interviews with figures within the FTC, we examine why this model has become partly insufficient and how it is borne out in the sorts of musical activities programmed by FTC that seek to move beyond the ‘andalusí’ myth. We conclude by recognizing the continuing regional and international importance of this myth but we question its integrating capacity at a time of radical political, economic and environmental upheaval.

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17

Natalia, Samsonova. "Spain at the End of the 19th – beginning of the 20th Century in the Russian Socio-Political Discourse." Latin-American Historical Almanac 29 (March 26, 2021): 40–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.32608/2305-8773-2021-29-1-40-62.

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The article studies the response of the Russian reading public to the socio-political situation in Spain at the end of the 19th – beginning of the 20th century (the Spanish-American War, Tragic Week of 1909, the manifestation of regionalism and anti-clericalism, caciquism, the development of the ideas of socialism, working class movement). The author analyses common and different things in socio-political processes that were taking place in Russia and Spain of that period as well as the pe-culiarity of Russia`s perception of the Spanish events. In the `90s of the 19th century the Spanish-American War of 1898 acted as an impedi-ment to the dynamics of the image of Spain. The similarity of the socio-political situation, social upheaval in Spain and Russia of the end of the 19th – beginning of the 20th century increase the urgency of the “vision” of Spain by Russian society, make its perception in Russia more fragmented.

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18

Plyasov, V. S. "The experience of regional transformation in the EU: the precedents of Italy and Spain." Науково-теоретичний альманах "Грані" 21, no. 9 (October 11, 2018): 31–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/1718112.

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This article analyzes the political transformation polysyllabic societies in the era of modernism in the Second example of institutional reforms in Italy and Spain. The territorial structure of Italy in its present form was constituted in 1970 (special status regions, including Sardinia, Sicily, South Tyrol, were identified earlier). Each region has a population of regional assembly, which in turn elects the executive (government) headed by the president of the region. Regionalization of the Italian political and social life in general took place. This that the «region» replaced «province» of the political hierarchy of the country. The process of reaching a consensus at the regional level was much softer and adjusted, aimed at a compromise. Concern «radical social renewal» changed worry about administrative efficiency and professional level – a change institutional priorities. In general, population and community leaders satisfied with the availability and much greater openness regional administrations versus national. Regional governments have become laboratories of policy innovation, largely determined the «new way of doing politics». Also analyzes the Spanish experience of institutional reforms. New model of territorial organization of Spain called State autonomy. The article notes that the Spanish Constitution does not specify either the number or the name of the autonomous communities, but merely indicates ways to individual provinces or their associations can create such communities (this right was implemented by all provinces and is now in Spain composed of 17 autonomous communities). In Spain, always in one way or another existing political and cultural regionalism, there is always special historical area. The history of the country is in this respect the history of vibrations, movements between centralism and regionalism.

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19

EDWARDS, JOHN. "Roger Collins, "Law, Culture and Regionalism in Early Medieval Spain" (Book Review)." Bulletin of Hispanic Studies 72, no. 2 (April 1995): 218. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/bhs.72.2.218.

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20

Shannon, Jonathan H. "Flamenco, Regionalism and Musical Heritage in Southern Spain. By Matthew Machin-Autenrieth." Music and Letters 98, no. 3 (August 1, 2017): 500–502. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ml/gcx073.

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21

Pallares, Francesc, Jose Ramon Montero, and Francisco Jose Llera. "Non State-Wide Parties in Spain: An Attitudinal Study of Nationalism and Regionalism." CrossRef Listing of Deleted DOIs 27, no. 4 (1997): 135. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3330613.

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22

Pallares, F., J. R. Montero, and F. J. Llera. "Non State-wide Parties in Spain: An Attitudinal Study of Nationalism and Regionalism." Publius: The Journal of Federalism 27, no. 4 (January 1, 1997): 135–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordjournals.pubjof.a029933.

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23

Afinoguénova, Eugenia. "An Organic Nation: State-Run Tourism, Regionalism, and Food in Spain, 1905–1931." Journal of Modern History 86, no. 4 (December 2014): 743–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/678951.

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24

Youngs, Richard. "Spain, Latin America and Europe: The complex interaction of regionalism and cultural identification." Mediterranean Politics 5, no. 2 (June 2000): 107–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13629390008414725.

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25

Holmquist, Jonathan C. "Social correlates of a linguistic variable:A study in a Spanish village." Language in Society 14, no. 2 (June 1985): 191–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s004740450001112x.

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AbstractIn this study, linguistic and anthropological research methods are employed in investigating the use of one salient feature in the speech of a small community in northern Spain. Though set in rural Spain, the study is of interest both to readers with special interest in Spain and to those concerned mostly with broader possibilities of inference from linguistic data. In the first case, findings provide insight into social change experienced by generations of villagers marked by the Spanish Civil War and the Franco regime. In the second, data provide evidence that, in this small and relatively homogeneous community, sex and political orientation are factors that influence the use of an established sociolinguistic variable. Speech data used in the study were obtained in a series of recorded interviews conducted by the author. Material of an ethnographic nature was collected during field research over a period of approximately two years. (Linguistic variation, social motivation, Spanish dialectology, Spanish regionalism, Cantabria, montañés)

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26

Machin-Autenrieth, Matthew. "Flamenco¿Algo Nuestro?(Something of Ours?): Music, Regionalism and Political Geography in Andalusia, Spain." Ethnomusicology Forum 24, no. 1 (October 22, 2014): 4–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17411912.2014.966852.

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27

Taufik, Abdullah Fathan, Jonni Mahroza, and Surryanto D. W. "Brexit: As a Lesson and Challenge for ASEAN Integration or Vice Versa." Technium Social Sciences Journal 7 (April 30, 2020): 263–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.47577/tssj.v7i1.307.

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Over the last few decades, ASEAN is considered as a copycat of the system of the European Union (EU). ASEAN is considered weaker, lacks strong support from its members, has less substantive achievements, and is nothing more than competition between ASEAN member countries, where the EU has gone further in its implementation. This assessment has recently been canceled. The EU is currently faced with a list of daunting challenges - the ongoing debt crisis in Greece, increasing criticism by right-wing political groups over the European Union's fundamental agreement on freedom of movement within the EU. The refugee crisis and the growing movement of secession from member states - Britain and Spain are the most prominent examples. Of course, the EU now faces its most significant and most existent challenge, political vortex and divisions with the launch of a referendum in Britain, which resulted in 'Brexit.' This paper tries to analyze how Brexit phenomenon is suspected to occur in ASEAN due to the principle of regionalism, clashes with the sovereignty of each member country. The method used is descriptive analysis with a literature review. Based on research, Brexit in the EU has a context and substance of regionalism that is different from the conditions that exist in ASEAN. Nevertheless, Brexit is an early warning for ASEAN, which has heterogeneous regionalism. Furthermore, ASEAN is pushing for centrality and strengthening ASEAN integration in responding to the turmoil and political change taking place in the Southeast Asian region.

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28

Zimmermann, Karsten, and Panagiotis Getimis. "Rescaling of Metropolitan Governance and Spatial Planning in Europe: an Introduction to the Special Issue." Raumforschung und Raumordnung 75, no. 3 (June 30, 2017): 203–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s13147-017-0482-3.

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Abstract The article gives an introduction to the special issue about recent developments in metropolitan governance in Europe. The special issue seeks to contribute to a comparison of metropolitan governance with a particular emphasis on national policy initiatives. The presentation of recent developments in the six countries Germany, Italy, France, Poland, Spain and England follows a common framework. This framework is built on theories of rescaling and governance. All six countries have experienced dynamic changes in the scale and scope of metropolitan regionalism with different results. The contributions to the special issue show national policy initiatives as well as local case studies of metropolitan governance in terms of their history, structure and recent performance. The chapters show path-dependent developments in Germany, France and Spain as well as path-breaking changes in Poland, Italy and England. All in all, besides the fact that metropolitan regions are still high on the political agenda, a high degree of variation with regard to national policies remains.

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29

Вербицкая, Татьяна, Tatyana Verbitskaya, Полина Гилева, Polina Gileva, Федор Золотарев, Fedor Zolotarev, Дмитрий Коростелев, et al. "The Catalan Conflict in Spain: Consequences for the European Union." Bulletin of Kemerovo State University. Series: Political, Sociological and Economic sciences 2018, no. 4 (January 14, 2019): 13–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.21603/2500-3372-2018-4-13-18.

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The present paper identifies the specific features of the conflict between Madrid and Catalonia and its significance for the European Union. The Catalan conflict serves here as an example of the regionalism processes in the European Union. The author defines the conflict as postmodern, which determines the novelty of the research. The research employed integrated scientific methods. The comparative method was used to compare the economic, social, cultural, and political positions and aspects of Catalonia and Spain; the method of actualization was used to describe the situation taking into account the specifics of the region; the method of structural analysis was used to study the content of the conflict. The authors applied the systemic approach since the structure of the Spanish political system is extremely complex. Analytical expert articles, news reports, and video recordings were used as an empirical research base. As a result, some features of the conflict in the postmodern world were revealed and exemplified by the Catalan crisis.

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30

Hodlevska, Valentyna. "Galician Nationalism: History and Modernity." Scientific Papers of the Vinnytsia Mykhailo Kotsyiubynskyi State Pedagogical University. Series: History, no. 34 (2020): 61–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.31652/2411-2143-2020-34-61-68.

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The purpose of the article is to cover the history and determine the relevance of Galician nationalism. The origin and development of the nationalist movement in the region is analyzed. In our study general scientific and special historical and political science methods were applied. The general scientific methods (deductive and inductive, analysis and synthesis) were used as specific cognitive tools necessary to implement the principles of historicism, systematicism and objectivity. The general and special historical methods (historical-typological, statistical, comparative-historical, problem-chronological) allowed us to make a comprehensive analysis of the problem of Galician nationalism. The scientific novelty of the work lies in the fact that the author, for the first time in the national historical science, analyzes the features of Galician nationalism, the history of its development and the current state. Galician nationalism took shape in the 19th century. Among the predecessors of Galician nationalism, three movements can be distinguished: provincialism, federalism, and regionalism. Provincialism (later called Galicianism) was a movement that emerged in 1840 with the aim of protecting the integrity of the territory of Galicia. Regionalism became an intermediate phase in the evolution of the Galician movement between provincialism and nationalism. Galician federalism began to develop in 1865. The federalists argued that Galicia should be formed as a canton within Spain and that it be governed by its own cantonal constitution. Conclusions. As one of the four historic autonomous regions of Spain (along with Catalonia, the Basque Country and Andalusia), Galicia is significantly different in its understanding of its own nationalism. While Catalonia and the Basque Country strive for even greater independence, including threats of secession from the state, the nationalist movement in Galicia is becoming less tangible.

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31

Orlov, A. A. "FEATURES OF PRE-ROMAN HISTORY OF SPAIN AND MODERN TIME: WHERE ARE SOURCES OF SEPARATISM?" MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 4(31) (August 28, 2013): 177–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2013-4-31-177-186.

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Presently in collective consciousness there was a steady perception of Spain as the safe state entering into group of the countries, being a support of the European integration. The impression was made that Spain, despite difficulties of its historical development, at last found the national identity, having created from regions and national lands making it the new multicultural community fastened in a whole by a tolerant, educated and authoritative monarchy. However the world economic crisis which has begun in 2008 destroyed the Spanish idyll, having aggravated old and having generated new contradictions. Traditionally painful problem for Spain was existence of centrifugal tendencies at the heart of which two main reasons lay: manifestations of the nationalism peculiar to those areas where Catalan, Basque and Galician nationalities historically lived, and a regionalism caused by aspiration of local elite to bigger distance from Madrid. Considering features of pre-Roman history of Spain, the author seeks to understand, whether sources of modern separatism can originate in an extreme antiquity. Following the results of research the conclusion is drawn that most boldly "link of times" is traced on the example of Basques, the part of which intellectual elite seeks to use features of origin and historical development of these people for a reinforcement of current nationalist and separatist trends. The author considers that the history has to serve as the bridge between the people, instead of put up between them a new wall.

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32

Gorenko, G. M. "SOCIOLINGUISTIC SITUATION IN SPAIN: PROTECTION OF LANGUAGE AND NATION." Title in english 17, no. 1 (March 31, 2019): 80–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2410-2423-2019-1-17-80-88.

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Te article analyzes the inﬂuence of the processes of globalization and regionalism on the sociolinguistic situation of minority languages that obtain a special value as the sole and main depositories of the national culture. As national minorities begin to claim their linguistic rights, the international community addresses the problem at all levels: community, national and regional. It examines the linguistic situation in Spain, which is considered one of the European countries that best preserves and promotes regional and minority languages, as well as in Catalonia, where the most intense focus of linguistic tension in the EU is currently observed. As the analysis of the current state of the co-ofcial and minority languages operating in Spanish territory shows, the struggle for languages is won in Spain. Its linguistic policy has been fruitful, but, at the same time, it has produced a series of dangerous consequences for the stability and integrity of the Spanish state itself. What now remains for Spain is to undertake the difcult task of preserving itself. Te progressive weakening of the strong ties that previously held the Spanish state together, the erosion of the concept of the sovereign national state and the delegation of the main public powers to a supranational structure have served to give a strong boost to nationalism and reactivate the Catalan independence movement. Terefore, today the State language policy, which is of special importance, must be highly balanced and guided by long-established national interests.

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33

Prytherch, David L., and Josep Vicent Boira Maiques. "Mediterranean regionalism from territory to trains: spatial politics and planning of macro-regions and transport networks in Spain." Space and Polity 19, no. 2 (May 4, 2015): 110–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13562576.2015.1050844.

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34

Jacobson, S. "The Culture of Regionalism: Art, Architecture and International Exhibitions in France, Germany and Spain, 1890-1939, by Eric Storm." English Historical Review CXXVII, no. 524 (December 21, 2011): 226–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cer364.

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35

VARI, ALEXANDER. "The Culture of Regionalism: Art, Architecture and International Exhibitions in France, Germany and Spain, 1890-1939. By Eric Storm." Nations and Nationalism 17, no. 3 (June 17, 2011): 679–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1469-8129.2011.00510_6.x.

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36

Rius-Ulldemolins, Joaquim, and Pau Díaz-Solano. "Political power, performance and ritual: Cultural policy as a framework for the construction of political charisma in the city of Valencia (1991‐2015)." International Journal of Media & Cultural Politics 18, no. 1 (March 1, 2022): 21–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/macp_00056_1.

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The cultural dimension of politics is not secondary but rather a constitutive element of its social dynamics and of the logic of power, which must be visualized to be effective. Some authors, including Jeffrey Alexander and Randall Collins, have elaborated upon this dimension: the former with the concept of political performance, and the latter with rituals and social domination. The combination of the two perspectives is useful for us to look at the use of the inaugurations of momentous events and festivities with a new light ‐ as a privileged instrument to legitimize a narrative of power and to create symbols of dominance embodied by political figures. This fabrication of narrative charisma in politics could be observed in Valencia (Spain) between 1991 and 2015, during the long political domination of conservative regionalism. Likewise, this case is a clear example of how almost absolute political dominance can fall apart, partly because of deficient performances and failed political rituals. This fact highlights the fragility, contingency of power and dependence on its symbolic performativity.

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37

Corkill, D. "Regionalism, Capitalism and Populism: The Basque Nationalist Party, the PNV, and Politico-Economic Power in the Basque Country of Spain, 1980-1998." English Historical Review CXXIII, no. 503 (August 1, 2008): 1100–1101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cen233.

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Ferreira do Vale, Helder. "Regionalism, Capitalism and Populism: the Basque Nationalist Party, the PNV, and Politico-Economic Power in the Basque Country of Spain, 1980–1998." European Review of History: Revue europeenne d'histoire 17, no. 2 (April 2010): 330–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13507481003661009.

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Schmidt, Freek. "Regionalisme in de zoektocht naar de eigen volksgeest - Eric Storm, The Culture of Regionalism. Art, Architecture and International Exhibitions in France, Germany and Spain, 1890-1939 (Manchester University Press; Manchester 2010) 319 p., €84,95 ISBN 9780719081477." Tijdschrift voor Geschiedenis 124, no. 2 (May 1, 2011): 288–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/tvgesch2011.2.b24.

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Pavlovic, Marko. "The Kingdom of Yugoslavia first European regional state." Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, no. 141 (2012): 503–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn1241503p.

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It is generally accepted that the first European regional state was Italy (since 1948), and the second was Spain (since 1978). This article, however, proves that the first European regional state was the Kingdom of Yugoslavia (1921 - 1939). The Kingdom of Yugoslavia as a regional state was formed in imitation of the Union of South Africa (since 1909). The main proponents of the concept of Yugoslav regionalism were Bogumil Vosnjak, a Slovene, and Josip Smodlaka, a Croat from Dalmatia, both of them considered moderate nationalists. Regional jurisdiction in the Vidovdan Constitution was modeled according to Smodlaka?s and Vosnjak?s ideas. Law on the name and the administrative division of the Kingdom from 1929 established administrative areas (banovinas), whose jurisdiction mostly coincided with regional jurisdiction. Banovinas were also carried to the Constitution of 1931, provided that, with respect to self governing bodies, they were somewhat shaped by the ideas of Stojan Protic, ?a moderate Serb?. The territories of banovinas were shaped according to Smodlaka?s draft, so they were much larger and economically stronger than previous (oblasti). When we compare the standard regional jurisdiction (designed according to the Spanish Constitution of 1978) with the jurisdiction of Yugoslav counties or banovinas, we can conclude that they are almost identical. So, considering the time priority, the Yugoslav Kingdom was the first regional state. However, it was an inadequate form of a state due to the presence of strong nationalisms, primarily Croatian.

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Stivachtis, Yannis A. "A Mediterranean Region? Regional Security Complex Theory Revisited." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 21, no. 3 (September 20, 2021): 416–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2021-21-3-416-428.

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This article argues that the shift from the bipolar structure of the Cold War international system to a more polycentric power structure at the system level has increased the significance of regional relations and has consequently enhanced the importance of the study of regionalism. It makes a case for a Mediterranean region and examines various efforts aimed at defining what constitutes a region. In so doing, it investigates whether the Regional Security Complex Theory (RSCT) can be utilized to define a Mediterranean region and argues that the patters of amity and enmity among Mediterranean states are necessary but not sufficient to identify such a region. It suggests that economic, energy, environmental, and other factors, such as migration and refugee flows should be taken into consideration in order to define the Mediterranean region. It also claims that the Mediterranean security complex includes three sub-complexes. The first is an eastern Mediterranean sub-complex that revolves mainly - albeit not exclusively - around three conflicts: the Greek-Turkish conflict, the Syrian conflict, and the Israeli-Palestinian/Arab conflict. The second is a central Mediterranean sub-complex that includes Italy, Libya, Albania and Malta and which revolves mainly around migration with Italy playing a dominant role due to its historical ties to both Libya and Albania. The third is a western Mediterranean security sub-complex that includes France, Algeria, Tunisia, Morocco, Spain and Portugal. This sub-complex it centered around France, the migration question and its associated threats, such as terrorism, radicalism, and human trafficking. In conclusion, it is concluded that the Mediterranean security complex is very dynamic as there are states (i.e. Turkey) that seem eager and capable of challenging the status quo thereby contributing to the process of the complexs internal transformation.

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Vakarchuk, К. V. "COOPERATION OF EU COUNTRIES WITH MERCOSUR AND СELAC: REGIONAL AND GLOBAL DIMENSION." International and Political Studies, no. 35 (November 10, 2022): 145–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.18524/2707-5206.2022.35.261821.

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The article considers the main forms of cooperation between the EU countries and the largest associations of Latin American countries MERCOSUR and СELAC. The historical basis is analyzed through the prism of the theory of neoliberalism and the concept of regionalism, the search for models of interaction of the common future of regional associations. It is noted that relations between the EU and Latin America also influenced the accession of Portugal and Spain to the European Community and significantly strengthened their cooperation. The main stages and periods of cooperation are indicated: economic, political, cultural, and social. Each period has different results since the internal political processes of states played a significant role, which influencing further decisions. A detailed analysis of bi-regional meetings, summits, and negotiation processes of the countries-participants of the studied associations. It is noted that the EU actively uses the theory of neoliberalism as one of the main mechanisms for interaction with other countries, in particular, it considers relations both with the region as a whole and through cooperation with MERCOSUR and CELAC. This approach contributes to a more effective and multilateral dialogue that involves many areas of activity and the interests of partners at different levels of international relations, using the policy of soft power. The main problems and difficulties that have arisen on the way to signing a document on the creation of a common free trade area between the EU and MERCOSUR are outlined. The article considers a significant documentary base on various meetings and summits since they became the basis for the signing of a joint declaration in 2019. Today, the EU interacts with Latin America at several levels: continental, regional, and bilateral, resulting in a network of discussions, negotiations, and joint efforts for deeper cooperation.

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CHRISTIAENS, KIM, JAMES MARK, and JOSÉ M. FARALDO. "Entangled Transitions: Eastern and Southern European Convergence or Alternative Europes? 1960s–2000s." Contemporary European History 26, no. 4 (October 17, 2017): 577–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777317000261.

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Ever since the fall of the Iron Curtain and the enthusiasm it inspired about the potential for European unity and democracy, it has become fashionable to see post-war European history in terms of convergence. Historians have researched the integration of the European continent into the global, in the context of the Cold War, decolonisation and economic globalisation. Internally, processes of convergence are seen to link the trajectories of nations on a continent where integration eventually trumped the divisions of nationalism, regionalism and the Iron Curtain. This story of an ‘ever deeper and wider union’ was also reflected in the ways in which the transformations of Southern and Eastern Europe were narrated. The idea of a so-called ‘return to Europe’ inspired histories that connected the fall of right-wing authoritarian regimes in the Southern European states of Portugal, Greece and Spain from the mid-1970s with the end of communism in Eastern Europe from 1989. This dominant account has presented Southern and Eastern European ‘peripheries’ moving towards the (Western) European core and its norms, values and models of liberal democracy. Even though some have raised objections to these teleological and Western-dominated narratives of transition they have remained strikingly potent in histories of post-war Europe. Only very recently have they received historiographical critique. Partly this is due to the enduring appeal of centre-periphery approaches that continue to influence intellectual debates about European identity and history. This is also because research on the transitions in Southern and Eastern Europe has for a long time remained rather insular. Historians have been slow to enter a research field that has been dominated by institutional and political approaches, and they have remained more focused on national histories. Where historians of either Eastern or Southern Europe have addressed the transnational or transregional aspects of transition, this has mainly focused on the appeal of the West or its Atlanticist dimensions.

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Carozzi, Albert. "The Reaction in Continental Europe to Wegener's Theory of Continental Drift." Earth Sciences History 4, no. 2 (January 1, 1985): 122–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.17704/eshi.4.2.a747p657926x8j58.

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The reaction in Germany indicates that in spite of World War I, the geological community was very much alive. Opinions ranged from violent and emotional rejections by prominent scientists, who saw their previously published theories challenged, to active acceptance of an exciting new concept to be tested in the various fields of geology. The French reaction, delayed by the death of many geologists during the war, and hampered by the language barrier, remained provincial and chauvinistic. Only lofty and skeptical comments were presented against what was considered an amateurish theory by a geophysicist. In reality, nobody in France, with the exception of Philibert Russo and Boris Choubert, was at the time involved in any orogenic theory or prepared to accept the challenge. The idea of continental bridges prevailed. In Switzerland, after the introduction of Wegener's ideas by Emile Argand during the war, and in spite of strong anti-German feelings, the concept was accepted quickly and enthusiastically as the best framework for solving critical problems of Alpine tectonics. Several famous Austrian geologists had published orogenic theories for the Alps based on the contraction the-ory and rejected Wegener's mobilism, but later, under the influence of Swiss geologists, they showed partial acceptance. Belgian geologists rejected Wegener's theory because they considered the beautiful symmetry of the present surface of the Earth incompatible with the assumed breaking-up of an original continental mass. Italian geologists, with a few exceptions, rejected Wegener's "aberration" while Spain, unaffected by the war, had a positive attitude which was facilitated by an early translation and a receptive academic audience. Dutch geologists, deeply involved with the Indonesian archipelago, accepted widespread mobilism with enthusiasm since it provided a spectacular answer to their problems. The Scandinavians, supportive but unable to interpret Precambrian geology with Wegener's theory, concentrated their efforts on astronomical and geodetic studies of present-day drift in the Arctic region. In summary, the reaction in Continental Europe was extremely diversified and dominated by an association of strong post World War I politics, the language barrier, the stifling of academic authority, passions of individuals, and regionalism of geology.

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Belous, Yulia A., and Andrei S. Tarasov. "Coalition or Opposition? The Behaviour of Regionalist Parties in Multi-level Competition: The Cases of the Basque Country and Scotland." RUDN Journal of Political Science 24, no. 2 (May 30, 2022): 317–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-2-317-330.

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This article compares the positioning behaviour of parties and reveals why one party joins a coalition, while others do not. The cases of two regionalist parties of the UK and Spain are depicted: the Scottish National Party (SNP) and Basque National Party (BNP). The study is a contribution to the problems of positioning behaviour of parties in decentralised systems with strong regionalist elements and incentives of regionalist parties (RPs) to enter a coalition with state-wide parties (SWPs). Based on process tracing and comparative analysis of the main regionalist parties, electoral data, public statements, and media statements we conclude that the ideological proxi mity on the economic dimension of the parties, and the territorial dimension are of key importance in evaluating the coalition potential between SWPs and the RPs. Moreover, competition at the regional level creates incentives for RPs to enter a coalition with SWPs and there is no evident support for the minority government to be disposed to enter a coalition rather than a majority government.

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Fernández García, Noelia. "El regionalismo en la arquitectura religiosa de posguerra en Asturias: el proyecto neoprerrománico para la reconstrucción de la iglesia parroquial de La Felguera, Langreo." Liño 23, no. 23 (June 30, 2017): 115. http://dx.doi.org/10.17811/li.23.2017.115-124.

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RESUMEN:1Tras el establecimiento de la dictadura en la España de la posguerra, la arquitectura se vio supeditada a sus intereses políticos e ideológicos, hecho que unido al aislamiento del país desembocó en la recuperación de las formas constructivas anteriores y, por ende, de los historicismos. El proceso de reconstrucción de la arquitectura religiosa estuvo marcado, en gran medida, por la línea regionalista o casticista, motivo por el que, en el caso del Principado de Asturias, destaca la recuperación del prerrománico asturiano. El primer proyecto para la reconstrucción de la iglesia parroquial de Santa Eulalia de Turiellos se presenta como el ejemplo más patente del uso del neo-prerrománico para estas arquitecturas, a pesar de no haber llegado a materializarse.PALABRAS CLAVE:Franquismo, reconstrucción, Langreo, La Felguera, José Ramón del Valle Lecue, neoprerrománicoABSTRACT:After the establishment of Franco’s dictatorship in Spain, architecture was strongly controlled by the political and ideological state interests. This fact, joined to the international isolation of the country, led to the recovery of historical styles. Religious architecture reconstruction process was defined, mostly, by regionalisms and this is the reason why asturian pre-romanesque style was recovered in the Princedown of Asturias. The first project made for the reconstruction of Santa Eulalia de Turiellos parish church is a great example of the use given to pre-romanesque style in this architectures, although it wasn’t built finally.KEYWORDS:Franco’s dictatorship, reconstruction, Langreo, La Felguera, José Ramón del Valle Lecue, neopre-romanesque

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Tronconi, Filippo. "Ethno-regionalist Parties in Regional Government: Multilevel Coalitional Strategies in Italy and Spain." Government and Opposition 50, no. 4 (October 8, 2014): 578–606. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2014.30.

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In the last few decades, ethno-regionalist parties have become leading players in many regional political systems across Europe. This increased representation has opened up new strategic opportunities for these parties, and in particular it has offered them the chance to participate in regional government. Based on a newly compiled data set of 282 governmental formations in Italian and Spanish regions during the period 1945–2011, this study develops and tests several hypotheses regarding the governmental participation of ethno-regionalist parties at regional level. These have been partly drawn from similar studies of ‘outsider’ party families, such as the Green parties or the radical right. A specific focus is then placed on multilevel dynamics, based on the idea that there is a relationship between party strategies at regional and state levels, and in particular on the perception that parties are willing to adopt compatible alliance strategies at the two levels (vertical congruence), at least under certain conditions. Both types of hypothesis (single-level and multilevel) are shown to be plausible when empirically tested on the cases of Italy and Spain. Special attention is given to the conditions under which vertical congruence is used by ethno-regionalist parties as an effective way of minimizing the risks associated with inclusion in governmental coalitions at regional level.

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Cussó, Xavier, and Roser Nicolau. "La mortalidad antes de entrar en la vida activa en España Comparaciones regionales e internacionales, 1860–1960." Revista de Historia Económica / Journal of Iberian and Latin American Economic History 18, no. 3 (December 2000): 525–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0212610900008727.

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RESUMENEste artículo analiza la evolución de las disparidades regionales de la mortalidad de los jóvenes españoles entre 1860 y 1960. En primer lugar, muestra que las infecciones digestivas fueron la causa inmediata de la sobremortalidad española y la causa más importante también de sus variaciones regionales internas. En segundo lugar, considera el singular contexto ecológico de las regiones de la España húmeda como el factor decisivo para explicar las ventajas comparativas que en términos de salud y sobrevivencia alcanzaron aquellas regiones antes de finales del siglo XIX. Finalmente explica por qué a partir de entonces, con los descubrimientos de la microbiología, se estableció una nueva y más estrecha relación entre la renta y la mortalidad regionales.ABSTRACT In this work we analyse the changes in the regional distribution of mortality for young Spaniards between 1860 and 1960. First we show that digestive infectious diseases were the immediate cause of excess mortality in Spain compared to Northern and Central European countries. These diseases were also the main factor in the regional differences of mortality in Spain. In our second point we single out the peculiar ecological setting of Atlantic Spanish regions as the most important factor for their comparative advantage in morbidity and mortality at the end of the nineteenth century, relative to the rest of Spain and also to some Northern European regions. In the last part we argue that it was the microbiological revolution that established the direct relation between the standard of living and regional mortality differences that characterise Spain in the twentieth century.

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Muñoz-Castillo, Juan Antonio, and Jorge Olcina-Cantos. "Patrimonio nuclear del sur de España. Diagnóstico y propuestas." Revista de Estudios Andaluces, no. 43 (2022): 32–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.12795/rea.2022.i43.02.

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El presente trabajo es una puesta al día del patrimonio nuclear existente en el sur de España. Las antiguas minas de uranio, las fábricas de combustible nuclear, los almacenes de residuos nucleares o los lugares afectados por accidentes nucleares tienen un conjunto de posibilidades por encima de su relación con la actividad del uranio. Se analiza y valora el estado de las instalaciones nucleares existentes en el sur de España que forman un conjunto patrimonial que merece atención institucional y puede tener oportunidades para su trasformación en recurso de aprovechamiento docente o turístico. Del análisis detallado de cada elemento del objeto de estudio, se ha pasado a establecer el diagrama de fortalezas y debilidades del conjunto. El patrimonio nuclear analizado sufre una estigmatización que se debe revertir a partir de una serie de acciones conducentes al desarrollo de las localidades afectadas, en una serie de acciones conducentes de modo sostenible a integrarles en sus entornos regionales.

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Aymamí Reñé, Eva. "Kissing the Cactus: Dancing Gender and Politics in Spain." Congress on Research in Dance Conference Proceedings 2012 (2012): 124–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cor.2012.16.

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In Bésame el Cactus (2004), Sol Picó, modern dancer and choreographer, simultaneously performs flamenco music and dance. Using her body, her shoes, castanets, and hands, she is integrating flamenco—as a cultural symbol of Spain—into a contemporary performance. In a Spain impacted by Franco's dictatorship (1939–1975), the peculiar ambiguous choice of using flamenco in a modern performance raises questions about the construction of national and gender identity, both during the dictatorship and now. Franco's regime promoted a centralized nationalism, and imposed it on the other cultures that were part of the Spanish state. These were cultural regionalisms linked to the historic communities of Catalonia, Galicia, and the Basque Country. During Francoism, popular and folk music and dances were employed as an effort to construct a unified Spanish culture. This paper will address the problems of gender and national construction in contemporary Spain through a close reading of this choreographic piece. A methodological analysis of Bésame el Cactus will be presented using applied performing arts theories. I will also draw upon interview material with the choreographer/performer, Sol Picó. In conclusion, this paper will illustrate the ways in which the heritage of Francoism still informs choreographers' choices, and thereby creates an artificial national music and dance in Spain.

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