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1
Achkasov, Valery. "Ethnic factor in the regional policy of Russia Bookreview: Shabaev Y. P., Omarov M. A. Regionalism and ethnicity in Russia: historical evolution and modern political practices. Moscow: Russian State University for the Humanities Publ., 2021. 513 p." Political Expertise: POLITEX 18, no. 3 (2022): 331–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu23.2022.307.
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The monograph under review is devoted to the study of Russian regionalism. The authors consider its various historical forms and come to the conclusion that the formation and expansion of the Russian state inevitably strengthened the regionalist forms of state administration and interaction between the central government and the regions. At the same time, the authors prove that in the history of Russia, regionalization and centralization were not mutually exclusive, but complementary directions of development. The ethnic factor has always played a significant role in regional politics, so the focus of the work is on the consideration of the ideology and political practices associated with ethnic regionalism. A significant place in the monograph is occupied not only by a description of the origins and political evolution of regionalist ideas in Russia, but also by an analysis of the features of Soviet and post-Soviet ethnic regionalism. The need to improve regional policy in modern Russia is convincingly substantiated. Indeed, in modern conditions, there is a need for a new type of partnership between the federal center and the regions of the Russian Federation, and, in fact, the response to the coronavirus pandemic laid the foundation for developing a model for quickly countering new risks, primarily by combining the efforts of federal and regional authorities. The conclusions formulated by the authors are convincingly supported by the study of a number of cases: the republics of the North Caucasus, the Finno-Ugric republics of the Russian Federation, the Republic of Tatarstan, the modern Russian "regionalism", the Republic of Crimea.
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Likhomanov, Igor V. "Siberian Regionalism and Eurasianism: Complicated Relationships." Eurasian Crossroads 1, no. 1 (June 21, 2020): 010310006. http://dx.doi.org/10.55269/eurcrossrd.1.010310006.
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Siberian regionalism movement is discussed in the paper in relation to classical Eurasianism of the 1920s. the political differences between Siberian regionalism and Eurasianism were by no means accidental. They were a consequence of deep theoretical differences. The Siberian regional concept was based on the idea of Siberia as a separate economic and geographical region, completely different in its natural and climatic conditions from the European part of Russia. The regionalists focussed on the geographical originality of Russian Siberia, as well as its remoteness and isolation from the “metropolitan state” in geographic and economic terms. All this fundamentally contradicted the “Eurasian geography,” which as persistently smoothed out the geographical space of Russia, trying to present it more homogeneous than it really was. The mental maps of the regionalists and Eurasians did not coincide on the basic level: they both saw the geographic space of Russia in different ways, just as they perceived the structure of its economy. The analysis performed in the article may help to evaluate ideological foundations of modern Eurasian political blocks and alliances as well as Eurasian international legal initiatives.
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Sushko, A. V., and K. E. Bezrodny. "V. A. Zhardetsky and Siberian regionalism." Omsk Scientific Bulletin. Series Society. History. Modernity 6, no. 1 (2021): 30–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.25206/2542-0488-2021-6-1-30-36.
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In the context of events of the Russian Revolution and the Civil War in Russia the Omsk cadet Valentin Aleksandrovich Zhardetsky`s views on the Siberian regionalism are considered. He was a one of the main Kolchak regime ideologists. The source for the study is the Siberian periodicals, as well as the testimonies of our hero about the activities of the Siberian regionalists and the connection of the issue of Siberian autonomy with the international situation given to the Omsk Gubchkom on the eve of his execution. The last source is introduced into the scientific turnover for the first time. The authors conclude that the Russian nationalist V. A. Zhardetsky was one of the most consistent opponents of «Siberian selfhood» similar to the Ukrainian nationalism. His arguments about Siberian regionalism are also relevant for modern Russia, which once again faces the potential threat of separatism in Siberia
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Sablin, Ivan, and Daniel Sukhan. "Regionalisms and Imperialisms in the Making of the Russian Far East, 1903–1926." Slavic Review 77, no. 2 (2018): 333–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/slr.2018.126.
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Tracing the emergence of the Russian Far East as a new region of the Russian Empire, revolutionary Russia, and the Soviet Union through regionalist and imperialist discourses and policies, this article briefly discusses Russian expansion in the Pacific littoral, outlines the history of regionalism in North Asia during the revolutionary and early Soviet periods, and focuses on the activities of the Far Eastern Council of People's Commissars (Dal΄sovnarkom), the Far Eastern Republic (FER), and the Far Eastern Revolutionary Committee (Dal΄'revkom). Inspired by Siberian regionalism and other takes on post-imperial decentralization, the Bolshevik Aleksandr Mikhailovich Krasnoshchekov and other regional politicians became the makers of the new region from within. Meanwhile, the legacies of the empire's expansionism, the Bolshevik “new imperialism” in Asia, and the Japanese military presence in the region during the Russian Civil War accompanied the consolidation of the Russian Far East.
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Melchior, Arne. "Russia in world trade: Between globalism and regionalism." Russian Journal of Economics 5, no. 4 (December 20, 2019): 354–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.32609/j.ruje.5.49345.
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The article examines Russia’s participation in world trade and trade policy, using trade data for 1996–2017 and simulations of a numerical world trade model where Russia is divided into domestic regions. Since the mid-1990s, Russia’s foreign trade has grown much faster than the world average. This was accompanied by rapid deterioration in the trade balance for manufacturing, and fast redirection of imports, with more from China and relatively less from others, especially Eastern Europe. Only 1/8 of Russia’s foreign trade in 2017 was with Eastern Europe. This is why Russia can gain more from trade integration with the world beyond Eastern Europe, according to the model simulation analysis. For Russian domestic regions, multilateral liberalization among all countries has a similar effect across all of them, with a welfare gain due to lower import prices. For the commodity-exporting regions of Russia, preferential free trade agreements (FTAs) have a similar impact. For the more industrialized Russian regions, on the other hand, FTAs lead to manufacturing growth, rising wages and higher prices, and a larger welfare gain. According to the model simulations, trade integration promotes industrial diversification, with manufacturing growth also in some commodity regions. The results indicate that external liberalization is particularly important for the central parts of Russia; with Volga and West Siberia generally obtaining the strongest manufacturing boost from trade integration.
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Spartak, A. "Contemporary Regionalism." World Economy and International Relations, no. 1 (2011): 3–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2011-1-3-15.
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The new trends in the field of regional economic integration, as well as the changing trade and the political configuration of the global economy cannot but affect integration processes within the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS). Russia seems to be somewhat late with the project of a “hard” regional integration involving supranational control formats. The globalization dictates economic feasibility of an open trade and this is increasingly becoming a significant centrifugal factor. Our main task now is to complete as soon as possible the institutional phase of the Customs Union and the Common Economic Space between Russia, Belarus and Kazakhstan. Only after accomplishment of this integration project we can start to position it as a full-fledged subject of the world trade policy. Simultaneously, we must emphasize our interest in expanding and deepening the cooperation with the third countries and their groupings, including the RTS format. The same consideration prompts us to be extremely careful and reserved concerning the prospects of enlarging the Customs Union. The only possible Commonwealth-wide integration project format can be “soft” integration. This supposes the establishment of a multilateral free trade area (MFTA) with the elements contained within the modern economic integration agreements.
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Sevast'yanov, S. "Regionalism in East Asia and Russia." World Economy and International Relations, no. 12 (2008): 102–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2008-12-102-105.
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Andrews, Josephine, and Kathryn Stoner-Weiss. "Regionalism and Reform in Provincial Russia." Post-Soviet Affairs 11, no. 4 (October 1995): 384–406. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1060586x.1995.10641409.
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Malanchuk, Oksana. "Social Identification versus Regionalism in Contemporary Ukraine." Nationalities Papers 33, no. 3 (September 2005): 345–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990500193204.
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Because of the historic separation of western and eastern Ukraine under Polish and Russian spheres of influence, respectively, regional subpopulations have been seen as an important factor in Ukrainian politics. Arel and Wilson argue that the division on the all-important “Russian question” in Ukraine (relations with Russia and with the Russian-speaking minority) is increasingly regional: east and south versus the center and west. Hesli calculated the level of russification and industrialization in the various regions of Ukraine and concluded that both, together with geographic location, although interrelated, have their own bearing on variation in public opinion. Markus, however, has argued that despite economic, political and ethnic differences among Ukraine's regions, these differences pose less of a threat to reform than has sometimes been suggested. She further points out that speculation that the Donbass wants to unite with Russia “stems more from Russian claims to the area than from genuine indigenous sentiment.” Miller and colleagues, on the other hand, dispute the notion of regional differences independent of the socio-demographic characteristics of the local populations, challenging the conventional wisdom that there are regional political cultures that supersede any underlying demographic differences. They argue that national, political, economic and class identities represent the important cleavages in post-communist societies. The regional divide in Ukraine is thus not a foregone conclusion but a factor that bears closer examination.
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Novozhilov, A. M. "Political regionalism and regional aspects of transport development in Russia." Scientific notes of the Russian academy of entrepreneurship 20, no. 3 (October 5, 2021): 88–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.24182/2073-6258-2021-20-3-88-96.
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The upward development of the Russian economy determines the growth of production, a change in the specialization of economic activity both in Russia as a whole and in its regions. The scale and problems of the formation of the economy and transport system of the Russian Federation should be considered in the system of territorial and economic division of the country. Integral development of all elements of the national transport infrastructure in the sectoral and spatial dimensions is necessary.
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Novozhilov, A. M. "Political regionalism and regional aspects of transport development in Russia." Scientific notes of the Russian academy of entrepreneurship 20, no. 3 (October 5, 2021): 88–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.24182/2073-6258-2021-20-3-88-96.
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The upward development of the Russian economy determines the growth of production, a change in the specialization of economic activity both in Russia as a whole and in its regions. The scale and problems of the formation of the economy and transport system of the Russian Federation should be considered in the system of territorial and economic division of the country. Integral development of all elements of the national transport infrastructure in the sectoral and spatial dimensions is necessary.
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Tokmurzayev, Bakyt. "Siberian Regionalism as an intellectual and socio-political movement in the epistolary and scientific-journalistic heritage of G.N. Potanin." Genesis: исторические исследования, no. 6 (June 2022): 54–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2022.6.38021.
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The article is devoted to the problem of reception by the leader of the Siberian regionalism G.N. Potanin, factors of formation, circumstances of development and evolution of the regional movement as an ideology that was formed in the conditions of colonization in the outlying (Siberian) regions of the Russian Empire. The object of the research is the socio-political discourse of Russia in the second half of the 19th - early 20th centuries. The subject of the study is Siberian regionalism as an intellectual and socio-political movement in the epistolary and scientific-journalistic heritage of G.N. Potanin. The purpose of this article is to identify the ideas of G.N. Potanin about regionalism as an intellectual and socio-political movement that was formed in the active phase of his life biography. In methodological terms, the formulation of the problem, its solution and conclusions are provided by approaches and practices tested within the framework of the research direction new cultural and intellectual history, one of the problematic fields of which is intellectual biography and discursive practices. Within the framework of this article, the concept of “representation” is the semantic one, reflecting the subjective interpretation of the historical reality by G.N. Potanin in connection with the functioning of the regional movement as a sociocultural phenomenon. The sources of the research are the scientific and journalistic writings of G.N. Potanin and his extensive epistolary heritage, which captured the ideas of one of the leaders of the regionalists about the evolution of the movement in the wide chronological boundaries of the second half of the 19th - early 20th centuries. The author concludes that the history of regionalism as an intellectual and social movement was closely associated with the biographical context of the fate of the leaders of the movement. This fact, according to G.N. Potanin determined the evolution of the regional ideology, which has come a long way from manifestations of local patriotism, radical political delusions, to the construction of an original concept based on the recognition of Siberia as a colony of Russia.
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Obolenskiy, V. "Globalization of Regionalism: Challenges and Risks for Russia." World Economy and International Relations, no. 9 (2015): 5–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-9-5-13.
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TЕhe article deals with the intensive development of the process of regionalization of the world trade and analyzes grounds for this process. It traces the evolution of regional trade agreements which account for the constant growth of mutual deliveries. The author pays attention to the transformation of regionalism which acquires step by step transcontinental character. The article states that the regional integration apart from the positive influence on trade and investment flow also has negative effects, namely erosion of the regime of most-favored-nation treatment and threats of the beginning of chaos in the international trade and investment exchange. The author studies projects of the creation of global superblocks of the integration type – Transatlantic, Eastern Asiatic, Asiatic -Pacific. In author’s opinion, their emergence will lead to radical changes of the institutional configuration of the world economic space which will turn into a two-level structure. On the first level rules of the multilateral trade system (WTO) will be applied. On the second level principles and regulations fixed by global multilateral trade and economic agreements with participation of all leaders of the international trade will act. The author concludes that Russia has to choose optimal direction of its participation in the global economic. Correspondingly, attention is paid to the problems and risks inherent in its connection with transcontinental trade and economic agreements which are objects of multilateral negotiations at the present time. In particular, the author states that in case of establishment of “mild” forms of integration in the Asiatic -Pacific or European directions Russia will have to open – completely or to a great extent – its domestic market for goods from the countries of the regions mentioned. The losses caused by such a disclosure might outweigh the benefits from liberalization of the access to the markets of partner countries.
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Ishiyama, John T. "Regionalism and the nationalization of the legislative vote in post-communist Russian politics." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 35, no. 2 (June 1, 2002): 155–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0967-067x(02)00005-3.
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This study examines the extent to which the nationalization of the vote has occurred in Russia since 1993. To what extent is the Russian party vote “nationalized”, or in other words, to what extent are there differences between the national party vote and the party vote in the various regions of the country? What explains why such variations exist? To answer these questions, I examine a number of factors (the strength of the local executive, the degree to which local parties are entrenched, etc.) that explain why party politics in certain regions in Russia are characterized by a more “nationalized” vote than others.
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Balzer, Marjorie Mandelstam. "Editor's Introduction: Islam in Russia: Regionalism, Gender, and Change." Anthropology & Archeology of Eurasia 53, no. 2 (April 3, 2014): 1–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10611959.2014.1022421.
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Natalia, Samsonova. "Spain at the End of the 19th – beginning of the 20th Century in the Russian Socio-Political Discourse." Latin-American Historical Almanac 29 (March 26, 2021): 40–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.32608/2305-8773-2021-29-1-40-62.
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The article studies the response of the Russian reading public to the socio-political situation in Spain at the end of the 19th – beginning of the 20th century (the Spanish-American War, Tragic Week of 1909, the manifestation of regionalism and anti-clericalism, caciquism, the development of the ideas of socialism, working class movement). The author analyses common and different things in socio-political processes that were taking place in Russia and Spain of that period as well as the pe-culiarity of Russia`s perception of the Spanish events. In the `90s of the 19th century the Spanish-American War of 1898 acted as an impedi-ment to the dynamics of the image of Spain. The similarity of the socio-political situation, social upheaval in Spain and Russia of the end of the 19th – beginning of the 20th century increase the urgency of the “vision” of Spain by Russian society, make its perception in Russia more fragmented.
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Lenton, Adam Charles. "Office Politics: Tatarstan’s Presidency and the Symbolic Politics of Regionalism." Russian Politics 6, no. 3 (July 29, 2021): 301–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/24518921-00603002.
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Abstract This article explores developments in center-region relations between the Russian federal government and the Republic of Tatarstan, a federal subject of the Russian Federation. I argue that instrumentalist accounts are unable to satisfactorily explain several key moments in Tatarstan’s relations with the federal center, and that a focus on symbolic politics provides important analytical leverage. I examine three such episodes: aborted plans to introduce a Latin script for the Tatar language in 1999, the expiration of treaty-based relations and the assault on the region’s Tatar-language education policy in 2017, and the institution of the presidency – which exists to this day. In all three cases, interest-based explanations alone fail to account for what actually happened, whereas ideational explanations can help explain and interpret regional leaders’ actions. This has important implications for how we understand regional political dynamics in Russia amidst conditions of centralization.
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Lagutina, Maria Lvovna, and Ekaterina Borisovna Mikhaylenko. "Regionalism in Global Era: Overview of Foreign and Russian Approaches." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 20, no. 2 (December 15, 2020): 261–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2020-20-2-261-278.
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This article is devoted to a review of the formation of the theoretical foundations of the modern generation of regionalism. In the article, the authors tried to provide an overview of the publications of foreign and Russian researchers on modern theories of regionalism, examined the evolution of theoretical approaches to the study of regionalism, and also tried to identify the main trends and niches in the development of regional studies abroad and in Russia. The current practice of regional development requires the development of new theoretical and methodological approaches to their study. There is a wide variety of different integration forms in modern world. There is an overlapping membership of a large number of states in various regional structures, and a supplement of formal interstate interactions at the regional level with expanding stable informal and private ties. Besides the formation of regional cooperation in various fields take place, and, finally, the intensification of direct relations between interstate unions of different regions and the creation of transcontinental blocks of cooperation. All of the above is a complex multi-level structure that is gradually developed in the evolution process of regionalism. The purpose of this article is to determine the theoretical foundations of the modern generation of regionalism, its problem field and the difficulties in its study. As a result, the authors came to the conclusion that modern regionalism is a multidimensional, eclectic approach to the study of various forms of regional ties, taking into account not only regional but also global contexts, the formation of the theoretical and conceptual foundations of which has not yet been completed.
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Hughes, James. "Regionalism in Russia: The rise and fall of Siberian agreement." Europe-Asia Studies 46, no. 7 (January 1994): 1133–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09668139408412222.
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Kirpichnikov, Ivan A. "Regionalism in the History of Muscovite Russia: Problems of Conceptualization." Prepodavatel XXI vek, no. 3-2 (2022): 272–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.31862/2073-9613-2022-3-272-285.
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Makeeva, Svetlana B. "The Modern Stage of the History of Inter-Regional Russian-Chinese Cooperation in the Conditions of Regionalization." Izvestiya of Saratov University. New Series. Series: History. International Relations 20, no. 3 (2020): 382–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.18500/1819-4907-2020-20-3-382-387.
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The article is devoted to the analysis of modern processes of interregional cooperation in the Far East in the context of regionalization. The analysis was based on Russian-Chinese interregional interaction. Based on the theory of new regionalism, the contemporary role of regions in the 21st century was determined. The Russian foreign policy strategy “Turn to the East”, outlined in 2014, has established new prospects for interaction between Russian and Chinese regions in the Far East. An analysis of the work of Russian and Chinese scientists, plans, programs for maintaining Russian-Chinese cooperation, annual reports of departments, committees for international cooperation under the administrations of the Russian regions allows us to highlight the general trade, economic, economic, socio-cultural and scientific-technical problems of interregional cooperation. The main ones include: spontaneity and randomness of interaction between the regions of Russia and China in the last decade of the twentieth century; mutual trust in Russian-Chinese interregional relations; imbalances in the development of transport and logistics infrastructure of the Northeast of China and the Far East of Russia; problems of sectoral complementarity of the border regions of Russia and China.
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Kim, Seongjin. "Regionalism in the Russian CPD: Its Implication for the Future of Federal Relations in Russia." Pacific Focus 17, no. 1 (October 2, 2008): 109–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1976-5118.2002.tb00265.x.
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Makarychev, Andrey, and Alexandra Yatsyk. "Russian “Federalism”: Illiberal? Imperial? Exceptionalist?" Slavic Review 77, no. 4 (2018): 912–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/slr.2018.289.
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Relations between the center and regions in Russia, being always in the limelight of attention in political science literature, remain a battlefield of different scholarly interpretations. Several narratives shape the current debate on Russian subnational regionalism or, in very legalistic terms, “federalism.” One is bent on applying to Russia such normatively-loaded concepts as multilevel and networked governance, meta-governance, indigenous governance, civil society participation, and others with strong liberal and institutional pedigrees. In this vein, Russia might be referred to—for example, along with Germany and France—as a “post-imperial democracy,” with an implicit anticipation of the prefix “post-” to signify Moscow's commitment to a democratic, rather than imperial, future. Seen from this perspective, with all its specificity Russia still conforms to basic standards of democratic rule and therefore can be approached, described, and analyzed in the language applicable to the liberal west, where institutions mitigate controversies over interests and create consensus over rules of the game.
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Ivan Davydov. "PUTIN AS THE PROBLEM: NEW REGIONALISM AND THE TOTALLY OTHER RUSSIA." Current Digest of the Russian Press, The 72, no. 014-015 (April 12, 2020): 10–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.21557/dsp.58947036.
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Stulberg, Adam N. "Nuclear regionalism in Russia: Decentralization and control in the nuclear complex." Nonproliferation Review 9, no. 3 (September 2002): 31–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10736700208436902.
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PEREIRA, N. G. O. "THE IDEA OF SIBERIAN REGIONALISM IN LATE IMPERIAL AND REVOLUTIONARY RUSSIA·." Russian History 20, no. 4 (January 1, 1993): 163–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633193x00117.
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Vavilov, A. "Current Political Manifestations of Regionalism in the Context of the Power Crisis in Ukraine." International Trends / Mezhdunarodnye protsessy 19, no. 2 (2021): 85–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.17994/it.2021.19.2.65.5.
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This article analyzes the manifestations of regionalism in the context of a deep socio-political crisis in Ukraine. With the development of the political crisis that followed the coup d'etat in February 2014 in Ukraine, there was a noticeable actualization of issues and problems related to regionalism, society as a whole demonstrated a request for the redistribution of powers between the power center and the regions. This is reflected in numerous initiatives of regional authorities and public organizations aimed at expanding the financial base, functions and rights of local authorities and self-government, as well as in policy documents of political forces. At the same time, in some cases, the idea of establishing a contractual relationship between the Central government and the regions was put forward, which is typical for the Federal model of government. In response to this request, the Executive branch made another attempt to implement local government reform under the slogan of decentralizing the country's state structure. Since 2014, Ukraine has developed two multidirectional trends – centrifugal and centripetal, the ratio of which will determine the dynamics and severity of political manifestations of regionalism. Despite numerous autonomist statements, Ukrainian regionalism remains within the "rigid" model formed in the post-Soviet period. The conflict in the South-East of the country and the deep involvement of the leading powers – Russia, the United States and the European Union-are the determining factor that predetermined the "freezing" of regionalization processes in Ukraine after 2014. After the signing of the Minsk agreements, the implementation of which means for Ukraine to introduce elements of Federal relations into the system of state structure, the reform of the state structure and territorial administration has become inextricably linked with Kiev's strategy towards the self-proclaimed republics of Donbass. Manifestations of regionalism were perceived by Kiev to a large extent in the context of threats to the territorial integrity of the country, which significantly limited the possibility of implementing the policy of decentralization. In addition, Russia and the United States have demonstrated in practice different approaches to the interpretation and implementation of the Minsk agreements, which has had a negative impact on the regionalization processes in Ukraine. The nature of the processes of regionalization in Ukraine allows to draw Parallels with the situation in Transnistria and around him, and to talk about common Moldovan and Ukrainian models hard regionalism, the hallmark of which is the transformation of the regionalization processes in a tool to achieve political goals of Russia and the West in conflict with the nature of their interaction on post-Soviet space.
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NURMUKHANOV, Zhansultan. "Effect of regionalism on human security in Kazakhstan." Public Administration and Civil Service, no. 4 (December 30, 2020): 5–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.52123/1994-2370-2020-75-4-5-13.
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In a rapidly changing world, human security is a very important issue. And locating between Russia and China, the impact of regionalism on Kazakhstan and the need to adapt national security to human security is a requirement of the modern world. That is why this article is very important. Examples of this are the policies of President Nursultan Nazarbayev since independence, as well as the current policy of President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev, in particular, the establishment of the Eurasian Economic Union, the leadership of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe and Kazakhstan's multi-vector policy.
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Leskina, Natalia. "Higher Education Regionalism in Europe: from Bologna Process to Sorbonne." Contemporary Europe 102, no. 2 (April 30, 2021): 158–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/soveurope22021158166.
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In 2017, the launch of Sorbonne process aimed at the creation of European Education Area by 2025 in parallel to the Bologna process existing since 1999 led to the emergence of two regional initiatives sharing mandate and membership. This study presents new empirical and conceptual insights into the ways in which a higher education regionalism can emerge and nest within another one as well as and their interplay. To this end, the paper compares the constellation of actors, competences, membership and driving forces of the two overlapping projects in higher education. It investigates plausible impact of the changes in European educational integration on Russia as a participant of the Bologna process. The results suggest that while the intergovernmental Bologna process was launched in the context of EU enlargement and embodied Pan-European vision, the EU-coordinated Sorbonne process was brought forth in the wake of multiple crises in the EU. It prioritizes the deepening of integration among a delineated group of EU members and candidates. Hence, the European regionalism in higher education is structured in concentric circles: the inner core of EU countries pursuing deeper integration and an outer circle comprising the rest of the Bologna countries, representing a geopolitical dimension for the core. The emergence of the inner core might lead to the shift in Bologna rationale towards diffusion of EU norms among countries of the outer circle. Although Russia find itself in the outer circle, there a low probability of substantial negative changes in the conditions of its participation in EU programmes, because some restrictive measures are already in force since 2014 and their expansion is unlikely due to the „selective engagement‟ in cooperation between the EU and Russia.
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Mamysheva, E. P. "Russian Empire and Indigenous People of Siberia: From Paternalism to Imperial Regionalism." Bulletin of Irkutsk State University. Series History 42 (2022): 122–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.26516/2222-9124.2022.42.122.
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It is emphasized that in the monograph reviewed the author proved at a high scientific level the importance of the ethnic factor in the government policy of the Russian Empire in relation to the Siberian outskirts. It notes that application by the author of a comparting method contributes to the understanding of the significance and features of the ethnic factor in the marginal policy of the Empire in the Siberian region. Attention is focused on the fact that the author drew attention to the importance of covering a foreign issue on the pages of periodicals. A special advantage of the work is the intention of the author of the monograph to give a complete modern assessment of various forms of entry of the indigenous people of Siberia into the system of state unity of Russia at a boundary of the 19th – 20th centuries.
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Dameshek, L. M., and I. L. Dameshek. "The Siberian Reform of M. M. Speransky in 1822 as a Manifestation of the Principles of Imperial Regionalism." Bulletin of Irkutsk State University. Series History 40 (2022): 5–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.26516/2222-9124.2022.40.5.
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On the basis of normative materials, clerical sources, literature of the issue, there is the analysis of the content of the main legislative acts of the M.M. Speransky’s reform in 1822 in Siberia in the field of administrative structure, management of foreigners and exile. The “binding” of the reform to the geopolitical, geographical, economic and ethno-confessional features of Siberia is noted. The authors come to the conclusion that this was the first experience of imperial legislation in Russia, based on the regional peculiarities of the Russian region, and I name this policy “the policy of imperial regionalism”.
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Rodgers, Peter. "Understanding Regionalism and the Politics of Identity in Ukraine's Eastern Borderlands." Nationalities Papers 34, no. 2 (May 2006): 157–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990600617730.
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The results of the 2004 Ukrainian presidential elections highlighted the continued existence of regional diversity across Ukraine and the huge task the Ukrainian state faces in reconciling divisions and creating an all-encompassing modern Ukrainian identity. This article seeks to examine perceptions and understandings of identity change in Ukraine from three cities, namely Luhans'k, Kharkiv and Sumy, all adjacent to the Russian-Ukrainian state border, in an effort to deconstruct the mega-region of ‘eastern Ukraine’ and in doing so, argue for the need for further academic scrutiny of inherent nuances within ‘east’ and ‘west’ Ukraine, differences, which more large-scale quantitative research fails to uncover. Data generated from in-depth interviews in schools with school directors, history teachers and schoolchildren are analysed to demonstrate how individuals reflect on the importance of the ‘region’ in Ukraine and secondly the role of Russia in Ukraine's identity politics. The impact of these results on Ukrainian politics and society as well as our understandings of regional diversity across Ukraine is outlined in the conclusions.
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Vorobyeva, Veronika S. "Phenomenon of regionalism and regional identification in Russia in the 1990-2000s." Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Istoriya, no. 74 (December 1, 2021): 25–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/19988613/74/3.
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Streletsky, Vladimir N. "Ethnic, confessional and cultural patterns of regionalism in the post-Soviet Russia." Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 66, no. 3 (October 5, 2017): 219–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.15201/hungeobull.66.3.3.
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Rasoulinezhad, E. "REGIONALISM APPROACH UNDER THE COVID-19 CIRCUMSTANCES." Transbaikal State University Journal 27, no. 5 (2021): 126–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.21209/2227-9245-2021-27-5-126-133.
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The outbreak of Covid-19 disease since late 2019 has led to fundamental changes in the process of globalization and liberalization of the world economy. In order to prevent the spread of this disease and control its negative consequences, many countries have implemented policies such as urban quarantine, cutting off passenger communication with neighboring countries and the world, closing tourist and tourist places, and implementing policies to protect domestic industries. In general, it led to the phenomenon of reverse globalization. According to the development of new economic convergence, which is based on the role of the market in economic relations between countries can play an important role in improving the productive capacity of countries in a region and create economic integration in different parts of the world. Such a state of integration in different parts of the world could be the solution to the process of globalization and in the post-Corona era, the concept of “one for all, all for one” was created at the regional and global level. As policy implications, the paper recommended some points to make a greater integration between Iran and Russia in the region
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Patnaik, Ajay. "Regionalism and Regional Cooperation in Central Asia." International Studies 56, no. 2-3 (April 2019): 147–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020881719852567.
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In the post-Soviet period, Central Asia has lost the cohesiveness it had in the Soviet period. The states of the region have since been seeking outward linkages to pursue their economic and security interests. In the process, the relation between the Central Asian countries weakened and, in some cases, became adversarial. The nation-building process undertaken by the national leaders alienated ethnic minorities and neighbouring states. As a result, the regional mechanisms or organizations that have come up in the region are led or initiated by powers such as Russia, China and the USA. The competing interests of these powers have not helped in promoting cooperation among the Central Asia countries though some of these organizations are useful for member states. However, a new trend is visible since 2016 when a new leader became president in Uzbekistan. Improved bilateral relations and summits of leaders of the region create hope for a new regionalism in Central Asia that is based on the internal cooperative dynamics within the region. This may not replace the already existing mechanisms or organizations. However, the process itself is conducive for intra-regional cooperation and would be helpful in keeping the region free from the geopolitical competition of external powers.
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Mamedov, Ilgar. "ON THE QUESTION OF THE FOREIGN POLICY DOCTRINE OF TURKEY: BETWEEN EUROPE AND ASIA." Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 26, no. 2 (April 1, 2022): 128–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran22022128139.
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The author investigates traits of foreign policy which is based on ideological principles and values. Osmanism was a cosmopolitan doctrine and extended to all subjects of the empire. It meant that regardless of religious, confessional, ethnic or other affiliation, all subjects of the Osman Empire have equal rights and responsibilities and belong to a single Osman nation. Mustafa Kemal replaced Osman cosmopolitanism with Republican nationalism. He established good-neighborly relations with Russia/USSR – Eurasia, the Balkans – Europe and the Middle East – Asia. After the war, Turkey joined NATO and became part of Europe. T. Ozal supplemented unilateral orientation towards the West during the Cold War with relations with neighboring regions and restored the approaches of Kemalism proceeding however from more extended understanding of nationalism. A. Davutoglu conceptually rationalized foreign policy regionalism in the concept of «strategic depth». Relying on the evolving ideology – neokemalism, T. Ozal and the Justice and Development Party, through their transformations, created a new republic, which restored Ataturk’s regionalism in foreign policy. Therefore, «Neo-Republicanism», «Turkish Regionalism» and «Neokemalism» seem to be more appropriate terms for the issue under study.
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Slider, Darrell. "The Decline of Regionalism in Putin’s Russia: Boundary Issues by J. Paul Goode." Region: Regional Studies of Russia, Eastern Europe, and Central Asia 2, no. 1 (2013): 137–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/reg.2013.0001.
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Buzogány, Aron. "Europe, Russia, or both? Popular perspectives on overlapping regionalism in the Southern Caucasus." East European Politics 35, no. 1 (January 2, 2019): 93–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21599165.2019.1588117.
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Golovinov, A. V., and Yu V. Golovinova. "“The Russian Community in Prison and Exile” by N. M. Yadrintsev as a Source for Studying the Penitentiary Policy of Pre-Revolutionary Russia: Experience of Historical and Political Science Actualization." Bulletin of Irkutsk State University. Series Political Science and Religion Studies 42 (2022): 34–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.26516/2073-3380.2022.42.34.
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The purpose of the publication is to emphasize the first major work of the founder of the Siberian regionalism N. M. Yadrintsev “The Russian community in prison and exile” in 1872 as a journalistic and scientific source for studying the penitentiary policy of pre-revolutionary Russia. This monumental and relevant work in the 21st century can be safely put on a par with such similar bestsellers as “Notes from the Dead House” by F. M. Dostoevsky, “Sakhalin Island” by A. P. Chekhov and “Siberia and Hard Labor” by S. V. Maksimova. The publication shows the main socio-political ideas of the leader of the movement of Siberian democratic regionalists in the field of state penitentiary policy. The authors found that, sharing the basic provisions of populist political philosophy, N. M. Yadrintsev attached a special role to the community in the re-education of the criminal element. The authors come to the conclusion that the value of the material of the book under consideration for the historical and political analysis of the penitentiary policy is determined by the range of problems presented in it. First of all, these are unique data and reflections on the organization of prison life, the situation of guards, the tasks of correcting a criminal, etc.
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Kalmina, L. V. "The Important Factor of Political Stability." Bulletin of Irkutsk State University. Series History 41 (2022): 117–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.26516/2222-9124.2022.41.117.
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The article under review was written by famous Siberian scientist professor L. M. Dameshek and devoted to the ethnic factor aspect in the frontier policy of Russian Empire in connection with Siberia. It is stated that the author in Siberian region integration into imperial area distinguishes two stages: initial regionalism providing for managerial models diversity over newly acquired territories and severe centralism assuming unification and standardization of management. The scientist compares similar processes in other frontier territories for defining common tendencies and regional peculiarities of different peoples’ inclusion into business life and social-cultural area of Russia, comparativism ideology having been professed. The attention is paid to the controversial problem of Russian status as a colonial power. The researcher sticks to the point of view that Siberia was not European Russia’s colony in reality because indigenous peoples were integrated into all-Russian system of economic and cultural relations.
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KUBICEK, PAUL. "The Commonwealth of Independent States: an example of failed regionalism?" Review of International Studies 35, S1 (February 2009): 237–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s026021050900850x.
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AbstractThe Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) was designed to manage the collapse of the Soviet Union and foster post-Soviet cooperation in political, economic, and security spheres. Over a decade into its existence, most analysts would rate it a failure: many post-Soviet states do not participate in CIS ventures, the institutional machinery of the CIS is weak, and Russia, the most dominant post-Soviet state, has tended to favour bi-lateral relationships over multi-lateral institutions. Why is this the case? This article looks at the CIS through the prism of theories of regionalism, demonstrating that the CIS was handicapped on many fronts, including emergent multi-polarity in the post-Soviet space and domestic-level political considerations in many post-Soviet states.
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Musiał, Kazimierz. "The integrative potential of science and research cooperation for suturing the Baltic Sea region in the 21st century." Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej 19, no. 3 (December 2021): 9–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.36874/riesw.2021.3.1.
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The aim of the article is to demonstrate how science and researchcooperation may help to reintegrate the Baltic region in the 21st century withthe participation of Russia. This is done through the analysis of documentsand strategies of Baltic Sea regionalism in the context of the regional knowledgeregime. Attention is paid to different positionalities of the regional actorsand their narratives. The theoretical framework is secured by an analysis ofcritical junctures drawing on case studies from the years 1989-91 and 2014 andthe subsequent reconfiguration of the power / knowledge nexus. The analysisshows that this reconfiguration actively contributes to creating and changingthe content and context of the Baltic Sea regionalism as based on new symbolic,economic, and political capitals. The conclusion points to the potentialof Russia’s involvement in the co-creation of the regional knowledge regimeand defines the conditions and methods of possible cooperation.
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MIKHAYLENKO, VALERY, and RUSTAMI SUHROB. "CENTRAL ASIA AS AN INTEGRATION PROJECT IN THE FACE OF UNCERTAINTY." History and modern perspectives 2, no. 3 (September 30, 2020): 44–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.33693/2658-4654-2020-2-3-44-53.
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Purpose of the study. The article examines the factors influencing the integration processes in Central Asia. The processes of substantiation, formation and institutionalization of Central Asia as a region are analyzed. A brief comparative analysis of the state of research in Russia and abroad of the processes of regional construction in Central Asia is given. To substantiate theoretical and methodological research tools, the authors turn to the theories of «old» and «new» regionalism, especially noting the heuristic potential of «non-Western» theories. The authors seek to justify the choice of integration models in the Central Asian region depending on the civilizational paradigm of regional actors. In this regard, the article analyzes the processes of the formation of the national identity of the Central Asian states. In connection with Kazakhstan's appeal to the Turkic origins of identity, the article draws attention to the foundations of the worldview in Turkish Islamic thought. The strengthening of China's role in infrastructure projects in the Central Asian states raises the question of the specifics of this state's global and regional policies. Russia relies on normative power in the region. The authors come to the conclusion that the main external and internal promoters of integration processes in Central Asia have different views on regionalism and different approaches to how the regional order should be organized. Conclusions. The authors share the point of view of A. Achariya, B. Buzan and J. Lawson that the global transformation of the system influences the formation of «non-Western» approaches to the theoretical substantiation of integration models and the practical design of integration projects. The experience of regional construction in Central Asia provides extensive empirical material for the theoretical understanding of «non-Western» regionalism and for politicians to take into account the specific features of regional construction and the implementation of integration projects.
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Sakwa, Richard. "The revenge of the Caucasus: Chechenization and the dual state in Russia." Nationalities Papers 38, no. 5 (September 2010): 601–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2010.498468.
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Post-communist development in Russia has been characterized by the development of a dual state in which the constitutional order is balanced by the consolidation of an arbitrary prerogative state. This horizontal dualism has taken root in Russia's regions; and this is accompanied by the establishment of a form of vertical dualism in relations between the regions and the center. Attempts to overcome this form of segmented regionalism under president Vladimir Putin have been undermined by the development of Chechenization, which represents not only the repudiation of dualism in this republic, but threatens to undermine the precarious balance between the constitutional and prerogative states at the federal level as well. Chechenization has its opponents in Moscow as well and its fate is defined by the struggle between the factions at the center. The process of “separatism without secession” is a highly ambiguous one and reflects broader developments in the Russian state as president Dmitry Medvedev seeks to strengthen the constitutional pillar of the dual state.
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Ali, Hashim, Muhammad Muhammadi, Yasir Masood, and Sarfaraz Ali. "The Grand Strategy of China Towards Central Asia: An Assessment of Chinese New Regionalism Strategy and its Geopolitical Implications for US in the Post-9/11 Era." Journal of South Asian Studies 9, no. 3 (December 30, 2021): 225–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.33687/jsas.009.03.3906.
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The main objective of this study is to investigate ‘why does China adopted the strategy of new regionalism, and is it looking for an era of US decline in the region in the post 9/11 era’? Both US and China have made noticeable diplomatic, foreign policy, and cultural advances in their appeal and influence in the region since the 9/11 era. In addition, the Chinese regional integration approach (SCO) with the Central Asian states and Russia and its implication for US geopolitical interest are closely analyzed in this paper. It is markedly considered that Beijing has adopted a couple of measures to undermine the US attention in the region, either in the form of a new regionalism policy (SCO), soft power, to the advanced multipolar system, to promote mutual and multifaceted dealings with its bordering countries. The results of this descriptive study indicate that the dynamic role of China has ultimately weakened the emerging role of the US in the region where Washington has already triggered and enhanced its bilateral relations with the Central Asian states. Moreover, this inclusive study examined China’s regionalism approach from distinguishing perspectives such as Economic assistance, oil diplomacy, and economic and political strategies in its rapid ascendance in world politics.
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Kazakova-Apkarimovа, Elena. "The 85th Anniversary of Academician V.V. Alekseev." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 5 (October 2019): 281–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2019.5.21.
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In the article dedicated to the 85th anniversary of Doctor of Historical Sciences, Professor and Academician of the Russian Academy of Sciences Veniamin V. Alekseev, the author traces the main milestones of the scientific biography of the prominent historian who is a well-known specialist in the field of national history and the theory of historical process and the founder of the Institute of History and Archaeology of the Ural Branch of the Russian Academy of Sciences. The paper considers the main stages of the formation of the scientist, his scientific, organizational and administrative activities in the field of historical science. The author highlights the scientific results of Academician V.V. Alekseev that made him well known in Russia and abroad, his theoretical and methodological studies and such large blocks of scientific research as the history of Russian modernizations, the phenomenon of Russian regionalism, the history of metallurgy of the Urals and industrial heritage. The article also focuses on the features of the scientific method of V.V. Alekseev and his merits in the formation of the documentary base for historical research.
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Tokmurzayev, Bakyt, and Myrzabay Meirbekov. "Actors of agrarian colonization of Asian Russia in the second half of the XIX – early XX centuries in the scientific and journalistic discourse of the Siberian regionalism." Genesis: исторические исследования, no. 2 (February 2022): 24–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2022.2.37553.
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The authors pay special attention to the problem of inclusion and identification of the colonization potential of the peasantry, the Cossacks and the indigenous population of Asian Russia in the second half of the XIX – early XX centuries. in the views of the Siberian oblasts. The object of the work is the socio-political thought of Russia in the post-reform period. The subject of the research is the representation of the actors of agrarian colonization of Asian Russia in the scientific and journalistic discourse of the Siberian oblastnichestvo. The purpose of this article is to reveal the content of the ideas of Siberian oblasts about the status and opportunities of social groups and ethnic communities in the colonization of the eastern outskirts of the Russian Empire. In the context of this article, it is important to understand how the community of Siberian oblasts "imagined" the actors of agrarian colonization, developing the foundations of the ideology of the movement and constructing, on this basis, projects for the incorporation of Asian territories into the national space.   Methodologically, the course and results of the research are provided by research practices and approaches developed in the field of new cultural and intellectual history, appealing to the special role of language and narrative in the reflection of any forms of mental activity. The article makes a conclusion, according to which, in the representations of the texts of the Siberian oblasts, the specifics of the lifestyle, economic and cultural interests of the Cossacks, indigenous peoples and Russian settlers in the colonization process were taken into account. In general, representatives of the Siberian oblastnichestvo came to the conclusion about the gradual decline in the potential and socio-cultural role of the Cossacks in the colonization process and the decisive importance of joint farming practices of Russian settlers and settled representatives of indigenous peoples.
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Romanova, N., А. Zhukov, and S. Kononov. "IMAGES OF SOCIAL AND RELIGIOUS SECURITY OF THE RUSSIAN-CHINESE BORDER REGION IN CHINESE RESEARCH." Transbaikal State University Journal 27, no. 4 (2021): 97–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.21209/2227-9245-2021-27-4-97-106.
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The article is devoted to identifying the specifics of ideas about the social security of the territories of the Russian-Chinese border area in Chinese studies of Russian-Chinese interaction. The analysis of Chinese research of Russian-Chinese interaction for the identification of ideas about social security is carried out by the method of historical introspection and conceptualization of ideas about social security and the factors of its formation. The result of the study is the conceptualization of social security aspects in Chinese descriptions of Russian-Chinese interaction in the period up to 70ties of the XX century within the framework of the Imperial Concept, where the key importance had a relationship between China and Russia, as a threat to security. The second result is to identify aspects of the Imperial Concept transformation in the period of 80-90ties of the XX century as a part of ideas proving the existence of a “Russian threat” and ideas, according to which Russia can have both negative and positive impact on the formation of the social security of the Russian-Chinese border. The third result is to determine the understanding specifics of social security in Chinese studies of Russian-Chinese interaction in the XXI century, where, along with the “Imperial Concept,” under the influence of the Western methodology, the concept of “social regionalism” was formed, which as the factors of the social security of the border region consider a wide circle of social processes, such as economic development, integration of the region, a policy aimed at resolving social problems and contradictions, strategies for the formation of regional consciousness and identity
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Ehsan Rasoulinezhad and Fatemeh Motamedi Sedeh. "THE IRANIAN MODEL OF THE RESILIECY ECONOMY: LESSONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS FOR RUSSIA." TRANSBAIKAL STATE UNIVERSITY JOURNAL 28, no. 8 (2022): 132–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.21209/2227-9245-2022-28-8-132-142.
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The term of the resistance economy has been one of the most important topics of interest in Iran over the past decade, which is addressed as the main strategy of Iran to neutralize the negative consequences of the imposed sanctions by the West. The purpose of this research is to investigate the concept of resistance economy in the economic literature of Iran and Russia, to investigate the policies of the resistance economy of these two countries against economic sanctions. Also, in this article, the examined similarities and differences of the concept of resistance economy in two countries are described. The main conclusions highlight the positive impact of this strategy in order to mitigate the negative consequences of the financial and economic sanctions imposed by the western block. However, Iran and Russia should pay more attention to the advantages of multilateralism and regionalism in economic intreactions beyond the western sanctions