Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Regionalism – Russia'

Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, Sept. 2001.
Thesis advisor(s): Tsypkin, Mikhail. "September 2001." Includes bibliographical references (p. 63-69). Also Available online.

This thesis addresses the question of how and why the function of regional organisations varies in different areas of the world. It contributes with insights from the post-Soviet space. A theoretically informed empirical study examines how two former Soviet republics conceptualise the function of two regional organisations: the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) and the Organisation for Democracy and Economic Development – GUAM (GUAM). The literature agrees that the two like other organisations in the post-Soviet space do not produce integration or other forms of regional governance. Nevertheless, the member states continue to actively participate in these organisations. The thesis inquires to which end the states continue their membership. The analytical perspective examines how the member states’ conceptualisations of an organisation’s function depend on the domestic political regimes. The thesis considers two members of the CIS and GUAM. One, Azerbaijan, has a hybrid regime with an authoritarian shape. The other, Ukraine, has a hybrid regime with stronger affinity towards democracy. It is argued that policy-makers conceptualise the function of a regional organisation according to the patterns of rule in their domestic political regimes. The ruling elite’s conceptualisation may diverge from the stated function of the organisation, if the stated function is not compatible with the domestic political regime.

This study is concerned with the influence of regionalism in the Congresses of People's Deputies of the USSR and Russia between 1989 and 1993 and its implications for future reform including the development of federal relations in Russia. In particular, emphasis will be placed on regionalist tendencies developed in Siberia and the Russian Far East. After perestroika, the discussion of federal relations showed varieties of possible developments, ranging from a unitary system to a confederation. Despite these varieties, it appears to be generally perceived that stable and 'genuine' federal relations are required in Russia. However, little attention has been paid to the role of the newly re-emerging political actor, the deputies of the central legislature, who are directly engaged in the establishment of such federal relations. This study reaches three main conclusions. First of all, regional socio-economic disparities affected the attitudes of deputies towards reform, including changes in centre-periphery relations. Secondly, the analysis suggests that at least two main streams of regionalism were developed during 1989-1993: one developed in the Congress by the regional deputy groups, and the other outside the Congresses by regional political leaders. Thirdly, despite growing regionalist tendencies in Russia at that time, regional political actors were not strong enough to initiate a federal structure of their preference, lacking horizontal and vertical coordination. This discussion of regionalism in the Congress leads us to a further conclusion that regional interest articulation was rather chaotic, hampering legislation of policies and thus facilitating the regionalisation of reform. Despite strong regionalist tendencies in some sub-national units, particularly based on ethno-nationalist sentiments, such a development may erode the legacy of reform as well as regional autonomy itself.

Créée en 1945, la petite oblast’ russe de Kaliningrad est une entité autonome ethniquement russe de la Russie, enclavée depuis la fin de l’URSS entre Pologne, Lituanie & Baltique. Territoire très stratégique depuis sa naissance & à nouveau dans le contexte des rivalités Est-Ouest depuis 2014, elle reste un symbole de la Victoire russe sur le Reich. Tout en portant paradoxalement l’héritage de l’ex-Prusse orientale allemande mais aussi polonaise & balte. Cette enclave est-elle alors une exception dans l’ensemble russe comme le montreraient sa taille, son isolement, sa jeunesse, son histoire ancienne non-russe & la carte,, ou n’est-elle pas plutôt l’archétype d’une Russie ultra-périphérique ethniquement russe? Après une présentation générale, l’auteur considère l’auto-représentation du territoire fédéral dans la culture russe, et d’autre part les représentations territoriales et maritimes locales héritées d’un peuple de marins; puis la politique de construction identitaire uniformisatrice de l’Etat fédéral, & l’identification régionaliste; enfin la perception de Kaliningrad par Moscou & l’OTAN comme un front majeur, & les interrelations très ambiguës entre l’Oblast’ & ses voisins, & il démontre que l’Oblast’ n’est qu’un cas extrême de région russe comparable à celui des extrémités les plus lointaines de la Russie
Created in 1945, Kaliningrad is an ethnically Russian autonomous entity of Russia but locked from its mainland since 1991 between Poland, Lithuania and the Baltic. A very strategic territory since its birth, it has become again a hot spot in the context of East-West new rivalry since 2014 & remains the symbol of the Victory over the Reich, though also claiming Prussian, Polish & Baltic legacy. Is it then an exception within Russia as might show its situation, youth & non-Russian old history, or isn’t it the archetype of an ultra-peripheral ethnically Russian Russia? The author considers the self-perception of the federal territory in Russian culture, & the territorial & maritime local perception of Kaliningrad inherited from its seamen; then the federal policy of uniformizing identity-building, & the regionalist identification; finally the perception by Moscow & NATO of Kaliningrad as a political-military front-line, & the very ambiguous interrelations between the Oblast’ & its neighbours, he shows that Kaliningrad's case is an extreme one but does belong to a peculiar type of Russian region to be compared to Russia's furthermost peripheries

Recent events within the Black Sea geopolitical environment reveal that Russia is taking extreme measures to retain its ‘strategic glacis’. Meanwhile, the EU maintains its vocal promotion of a neighbourhood that should be conflict-free, prosperous and well governed. Even if it is feasible to envision the potential for achieving the EU’s goal of promoting a ring of well governed countries to the East with which it can enjoy close and cooperative relations, in addition to a Russia-loyal near abroad comprised of countries which have ‘space’ as a main characteristic, this thesis argues that the two outcomes are mutually exclusive. Black Sea state leaders have become acutely aware that the nature of the EU makes balancing Russia both possible and impossible at the same time. Positioned within intersecting spheres of influence of a traditional and a modern great power, Black Sea small states are caught in a pragmatic limbo regarding their foreign policy orientation. Borrowing insights from Buzan and Waever (2003) and Neumann’s (2003) region-building approaches, this thesis finds that between 2003 and 2012 the Black Sea geopolitical environment has shifted from an environment sharing a ‘regional security’ logic to a (potentially transitory) ‘region’ per se. Through the case studies of Moldova and Georgia between 2003 and 2012, the thesis makes a cross-sectional historical comparison to put forth an ‘integrated approach’ to understanding how conflict, economic dependence, and foreign policy orientation serve as ‘triggers’ of change in the Black Sea geopolitical environment. The thesis concludes that the Black Sea has generated a new form of regionalism, a ‘reactive regionalism’ characterized by pragmatic responses to traditional and aggressive (albeit predictable) Moscow and the extremely appealing European model, which, however, provides no substantial geopolitical backing.

One of the more significant regional groupings to have emerged since the collapse of the Soviet Union is the wider Black Sea. Located at the jagged confluence of the Western, Orthodox and Muslim worlds, the region was quite frequently a violent meeting place, and thus instead of a bridge between civilizations, it has been a barrier. Even more compelling is how the presence of oil and gas has thrust the Black Sea into the world's view and contributed to the rush of external interest, and how this has helped develop a unique regional entity. Today, in an interconnected global economy, the region's position as a producer and conduit for fossil fuels makes it impossible to consider in isolation. More importantly, to succinctly define this dissertation's research question, it can be asked how does energy act as a transformational agent in the emergence of a Black Sea region?
Ph. D.

The aim of this paper is to reveal how the European – Russian political cooperation in the common Baltic Sea Region developed over the last twenty years, ending up at the recently adopted European Union Strategy for the Baltic Sea Region, which excludes Russian participation. This single case study is divided into two well-defined historical periods: starting from the fall of the Berlin Wall until the Eastern Bloc European enlargement and from 2004 to the adoption of the European Union Strategy for the Baltic Sea region in 2009; where comparison and process-tracing methods are applied to connect different variables that matter for clarifying the current state of relations. Furthermore, the analysis is conducted with the help of Constructivist and Neo-Realist theories for two purposes – to achieve stronger scientific explanation and to avoid too loose interpretation of the events. The results show that the Strategy for the Baltic Sea Region is often seen and understood differently by the various political actors, but consequently this leads to a situation in which the role of Russia in the common region remains unclear. When it comes to defining the Russian position today, the Baltic Sea Region provides a good climate for collaboration but so far, the European Union has failed to recognize that the Russian Federation although with a limited access to the sea, remains an actor that should not be ignored. Russia, as well appears confused about its overall foreign policy towards the European Union. Nevertheless, another significant outcome reveals that the levels of regional cooperation have been continuously increasing over the last twenty years, which is an indicator that the Russian presence did not diminish. Finally, the study suggests the European Union Strategy for the Baltic Sea Region is perhaps the beginning of a new tendency towards macro-regional policy development, which will play a future important role in the international relations.

Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, September 2003.
Thesis advisor(s): Edward A. Olsen, Jeffrey Knopf. Includes bibliographical references (p. 141-148). Also available online.

The main objective of this thesis is to evaluate the circumstances and transition of the socio-economic system of the Russian Federation. It is also focused on the regional economy of Sverdlovsk region as a socio-economic subsystem. Uralmash plant is presented here as an example of an economic player in a process of transition. The thesis is based on several specific theories: socio-economic system and its transition, evolution of the economic systems by J. Schumpeter, social choice between chaos and dictatorship based on the new comparative economics, regionalist theory and corporate finance. It is chosen comparative-historical and empirical-statistical methodology. The main finding of the thesis is the inability of the socio-economic system of the USSR to continue in development as a result of dictatorship. However, the new Russian economy fell into a structural shift. The contribution of the thesis is a comprehensive view on transition process in Russia both at national and at regional and local level. Both theoretical and practical sites of transition are reflected. Not only macroeconomic but also microeconomic point of view is taken into account.

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A Rússia empreendeu um processo de modernização das suas relações internacionais após o fim do período soviético. A transição democrática e econômica do país para maior inserção no sistema internacional do pós-Guerra Fria condicionou o processo de reformulação da posição russa no seu entorno e nas áreas consideradas estratégicas por Moscou. Na política externa, o entrave decorrente do condicionamento estrutural desfavorável levou à modificação na política externa, especialmente no governo Putin. Houve, por conseguinte, a transição de um momento de concessões e adequação à hegemonia estratégica americana, permeado por concepções liberais; para haver, posteriormente, um condicionamento reativo, com amadurecimento da postura perante a esfera internacional, após a constatação de um ambiente negativo, no qual o retraimento da assertividade na política externa, uma vez intensificado, constituiria ameaça aos interesses russos, principalmente no Cáucaso. A Geórgia tornou-se essencial nesse caminho russo de restabelecimento da esfera de influência no entorno. O posicionamento geográfico estratégico desse país transforma-o em ponto de transição e de conflito entre os interesses russos e de outros países. A efetivação da dependência econômica e política na Geórgia consubstanciaram a tentativa russa para o restabelecimento de zona de influência próxima àquela que outrora fora soviética. Os padrões utilizados pela política externa, contudo, revelam inovação no conteúdo e na forma de conduta externa, ao utilizar incisivamente instrumentos de poder duro e brando, ao retomar gradualmente a posição russa de grande potência no sistema internacional.

Russian Federation has reconsidered its foreign policy on the European Union and is now focusing more on Eurasian integration. This step aroused various reactions in the world, especially after the creation of the Eurasian Economic Union in January 2015. This work deals with the intention of the Union, examines the steps which preceded this event and the possible influence of the eurasianism on Eurasian integration. At the same time, based on the statements of both parties -- European and Eurasian -- the work analyzes potential point of possible cooperation between the European Union and the newly formed regional integration Eurasian Economic Union.

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This research refers to the artistic and cultural production of Cornelius Pires (1884-1958) and the historical context of the country from the effects of colonization in the socio-economic and cultural, the presence of different ethnic groups and their inter-relations that have contributed to the formation of the regional culture paulista, the rustic. This background is relevant in the light of the stigmas attached to the rustics in view of "poverty" of São Paulo and its inhabitants by the end of the nineteenth century compared to other national locations and the downside of these distorted views with the resumption of popular culture on the part of intellectuals and artists by means of movements such as regionalism and the Modernism in search of a possible national identity. The justifications of these questions relate to historical tension that exists between popular culture and erudite culture and in the mediation of these two notions the contribution of laughter, humor as a way to smoothen the communication and insertion of the popular space in hegemonic society. Thus did Cornelius Pires, with his style facing the rural theme plus the humor in its production and penetrated hegemonic spaces allowing communication between the antagonisms present in our society such as: rural and urban, tradition and modernity, popular and erudite
A presente pesquisa refere-se à produção artística e cultural de Cornélio Pires (1884-1958) e ao contexto histórico do país a partir dos efeitos da colonização no campo socioeconômico e cultural, da presença de diferentes etnias e suas inter-relações que contribuíram para a formação da cultura regional paulista, a caipira. Essa contextualização é relevante em função dos estigmas atribuídos ao caipira em vista da pobreza de São Paulo e seus habitantes até fins do século XIX, comparado a outras localidades nacionais e o reverso dessas concepções distorcidas com a retomada da cultura popular por parte de intelectuais e artistas por meio de movimentos como o Regionalismo e o Modernismo, na busca de uma possível identidade nacional. As justificativas dessas questões referem-se à tensão histórica que existe entre cultura popular e cultura erudita e na mediação dessas duas concepções, a contribuição do riso, do humor como forma de suavizar a comunicação e inserção do popular no espaço hegemônico da sociedade. Assim fez Cornélio Pires, com seu estilo voltado para a temática rural acrescido do humor em sua produção, adentrando espaços hegemônicos e possibilitando a comunicação entre os antagonismos presentes em nossa sociedade como: rural e urbano, tradição e modernidade, popular e erudito

This thesis investigates the formation of power structures in a revolutionary setting. It takes as a case study the central Siberian city of Krasnoiarsk, in which a powerful Soviet of Workers’ and Soldiers’ Deputies emerged during the period March-October 1917. The Krasnoiarsk Soviet was an elective council established during the overthrow of Tsarist authorities. Throughout 1917, it became a vital component of an emerging local and regional power structure, assuming growing responsibility for a number of core state tasks. As well as providing a new empirical case study to English-language literature on 1917, the thesis employs a nuanced analytical approach which challenges existing conceptualisations of state power in revolution and the role played by local soviets. State power in revolutionary Russia has often been viewed as something to be contested between different political groupings and organisations seeking to assert their own outright control. This view is captured neatly by the formulation of “dual power”, in which soviets and Provisional Government organisations constructed alternative power bases in an attempt to wield outright control. Accordingly, the soviets’ growing political strength indicated an ability to marginalise other groups and organisations seeking to wield power. By contrast, this thesis does not seek to explain how power in revolutionary Krasnoiarsk was “captured” or otherwise controlled by the Soviet alone. Instead, it applies a critical interpretation of state power proposed by Bob Jessop and other theorists, who view the state as a site of interaction and negotiation between multiple autonomous organisations and social actors, all of which have a stake in the way it operates in practice. It focuses on the emergence of a “soviet power” writ small, in which the Krasnoiarsk Soviet became an authoritative organisation within a broader constellation of revolutionary actors. Without denying the Soviet’s centrality within this power structure, the thesis does not explain its role simply as the monopolisation of authority over other would-be contenders. Rather, it sees the Soviet’s importance in its ability to establish itself as a focal point for interactions between multiple actors which, collectively, shaped state power at a local and regional level. It considers how the forms and practices of revolutionary power developed through these interactions and how these interactions in turn transformed the roles of actors and organisations engaging them. In order to unpick the complex and dynamic processes of revolutionary power, the thesis employs three core methodological concepts: institutions, mobilisation, and ideology. It makes several important and original arguments. Firstly, it emphasises the autonomy of social actors which supported the Soviet and engaged in its politics, demonstrating the extent to which they were able to shape its political functions and structures according to their own concerns. Secondly, it reveals the importance of skilled administrative personnel to Soviet work, highlighting the invaluable practical roles they played in the regulation of provisions and their ability to influence Soviet policy measures on this issue. Thirdly, it demonstrates the close cooperation between the Soviet and other local governmental and administrative bodies, including the city Duma and provisions regulatory organisations, which remained vital to fulfilling state functions throughout 1917. Finally, it discusses how the Soviet and socialist activists challenged established power relationships between Krasnoiarsk, as a locality, and all-Russian state authorities, revealing the growing importance they attached to securing greater local autonomy in revolution and the changing ways local actors viewed their role in wider all-Russian politics.

Defence date: 30 September 2006
Examining board: Prof. Michael Keating (European University Institute - supervisor) ; Prof. Philippe Schmitter (European University Institute - co-supervisor) ; Prof. Arthur Demchuk (Moscow Lomonosov State University) ; Prof. Stephen White (University of Glasgow)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017

Defence date: 12 October 1998
Examining board: Prof. Andrea Ichnio, EUI; Prof. Richard Jackman, London School of Economics; Prof. John Micklewright, EUI and UNICEF, Florence, Supervisor; Prof. Stephen Smith, University College London
-- Are intergovernmental transfers equalizing? -- The impact of decentralization on regional equity of education financing -- Financing education at the local level : a study of Novgorod Oblast

In the work on the example of Shanghai Cooperative Organization we try to discover what impact execute globalization and regional integration on the world policy, how such associations promote the economic environment of the involved countries and what benefits could be obtained through such cooperation in the view of safety. Region of Central Asia has its peculiarities because of the differences in culture, mentality and economic development that should be taken into consideration at planning of the joint activities. The potential of SCO is defined, first of all, by participation in it of such countries as Russia and China. Both of these states are interested in stable political and economic development of the Eurasian region, and ensuring its safety.

Celem prezentowanej pracy jest przedstawienie procesu ewolucji Szanghajskiej Organizacji Współpracy (SOW), od momentu powołania jej do życia w 2001 r., aż do pierwszego rozszerzenia o nowe państwa członkowskie w roku 2015, w wymiarze regionalnym i globalnym.Tłem dla analizy ewolucji SOW jest przedstawienie specyfiki geopolitycznej Azji Centralnej, poszerzone o analizę kształtowania zmiennych relacji między Rosją a Chinami. Oprócz identyfikacji determinantów politycznych i ekonomicznych poradzieckich republik będących członkami SOW, przedstawione też zostały zagadnienia związane z regionalną rolą neutralnych politycznie Turkmenistanu i Mongolii, a także Afganistanu - strategicznie ważnego dla bezpieczeństwa regionalnego i kontynentalnego.Rdzeniem pracy jest identyfikacja i analiza poszczególnych etapów kreowania obecnego kształtu SOW, zwłaszcza przyczyn jej powstania oraz jej założeń i celów, jak też postrzegania tego procesu w świecie zachodnim. Analizę podzielono na trzy obszary: kształtowania struktury wewnętrznej tej organizacji, jej rozbudowy i wzmacniania potencjału militarnego oraz wzrostu roli czynnika ekonomicznego w jej funkcjonowaniu.Znaczny obszar pracy poświęcono rozważaniom w zakresie identyfikacji szans i barier rozwojowych SOW w aspekcie regionalnym i globalnym. Szczególnie znacząca dla przyszłej pozycji globalnej organizacji zdaje sie być skuteczność w rozwiązywaniu problemów o zasięgu globalnym, oczywiście jak dotąd jedynie w wymiarze regionalnym. Stąd wydzielenie w pracy kluczowych obszarów w tym zakresie, jak walka z separatyzmem i ekstremizmem religijnym, zróżnicowanymi problemami społecznymi, zagrożeniami ekologicznymi i programami przeciwdziałania ich skutkom, jak też problemowi niedostatku wody pitnej jako źródłu potencjalnych konfliktów międzynarodowych. Ze względu na rangę, oddzielnie przedstawione zostało zagadnienie surowców energetycznych w regionie, ich rozmieszczenia i zasobów, roli w kształtowaniu politycznych i ekonomicznych relacji regionalnych oraz wykorzystywaniu jako strategicznego narzędzia dla wzmacniania roli politycznej w regionie, jak również jako mechanizmu napędowego dla gospodarek.Obszernej analizie poddano stopniowe wychodzenie SOW z roli regionalnej organizacji, której głównym kierunkiem działań było bezpieczeństwo regionalne w oparciu siłę militarną jej członków (głównie Rosji), jak też wzmacnianie roli znaczącego gracza na kontynencie azjatyckim oraz na świecie również na płaszczyźnie ekonomicznej. Jak wykazano w pracy, proces ten odbywa się nie tyle poprzez bezpośrednie oddziaływanie SOW, lecz pośrednio, poprzez inicjatywy i działania państw członkowskich. Jest to zarazem szansa i bariera dla rozwoju organizacji jako platformy politycznego i ekonomicznego porozumienia ponadnarodowego, ukierunkowanego na wzmocnienie siły przetargowej państw członkowskich w relacjach z BRICS, UE, NATO czy ASEAN.W pracy wskazano też na bardzo ważną kwestię, będącą szansą dla włączenia SOW w globalne procesy polityczne i ekonomiczne. Stanowią ją nowe chińskie inicjatywy ekonomiczne - Azjatycki Bank Inwestycji Infrastrukturalnych (AIIB) oraz projekt reaktywacji Jedwabnego Szlaku, pod nazwą Jeden Pas Jedna Droga (OBOR, obecnie Inicjatywa Pasa i Drogi). Realizacja tych dwóch geostrategicznych projektów, jak wskazują przedstawione w pracy fakty, może skutkować przebudowaniem istniejącego światowego porządku finansowego i ekonomicznego, a zarazem stanowić szansę na wzmocnienie globalnej roli SOW.
The purpose of this paper is to present the process of regional and global evolution of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), from its inception in 2001 until its first expansion through the accession of new member states in 2015.The evolution of the SCO will be analyzed in the context of geopolitical specifics of Central Asia as well as the changing relations between Russia and China. In addition to identifying the political and economic determinants of the post-Soviet republics - current SCO members, the paper presents issues related to the regional role of the neutrally political Turkmenistan and Mongolia as well as Afghanistan – strategically important for regional and continental security.The core of the paper is identification and analysis of the individual stages in the creation of the present shape of the SCO, in particular the reasons for its establishment, its goals and objectives as well as perception of this process in the Western world. The analysis is divided into three areas: shaping the internal structure of the organization, its expansion and increasing the military potential as well as the growing role of the economic factor in its functioning.A considerable part of the paper is devoted to the considerations in the scope of identifying the SCO's develoment opportunities and barriers in regional and global aspects. Particularly significant for the future position of the global organization seems to be efficiency in solving global problems, so far only in regional dimension. Hence the separation of such key areas as fighting separatism and religious extremism, diverse social problems, ecological threats and counteracting measures as well as water scarcity problem as the source ot potential international conflicts. Due to its significance, the issue of regional energy resources, their location, the role they play in shaping regional political and economic relations and their use as a strategic tool to increase political influence in the region as well as a driving force for the economies, has been presented separately.SCO's gradual evolution from the role of regional organization whose main focus was regional security based on the military power of its members (mainly Russia) as well as strengthening the role of a significant player in Asia and the rest of the world, also in the economic aspect, was subject to an extensive analysis. As demonstrated in the paper, such process takes place not through the SCO's direct impact but indirectly, through initiatives and actions of its member states. It is both a chance and a barrier to the organization's development as a platform for political and economic transnational understanding, aimed at strengthening the bargaining power of the member states in relations with BRICS, EU, NATO and ASEAN.The paper also points to a very important issue that is a chance to integrate SCO into global political and economic processes, namely the new Chinese economic initiatives – the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) and the Silk Road reactivation project called One Belt One Road (OBOR, now the Belt and Road Initiative). Implementation of these two geostrategic projects, as indicated by the facts presented in the paper, may result in transformation of the existing financial and economic world order as well as give SCO the chance to strenghten its global role.

The Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) first came into being as a result of border negotiations between Russia and China but evolved shortly thereafter into more than this. A regional organization comprised of Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Russia, and China the SCO’s mandate now encompasses trade and security. Most secondary literature on this organization tends to detail the interests of its constituent members, while overlooking the historical relationships underlying the SCO’s growth and evolution. This thesis argues that Russia’s long-standing relationships with the states of Central Asia created the conditions making the SCO a necessary tool of Russian foreign policy, while Moscow’s relations with China and the US have driven the development of the group. It concludes that the SCO has become the most viable of Central Asia’s regional organizations because it has effectively resolved contradictions and conflicts in Russia’s relationships with the other SCO members.