Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Regionalism in the press – Spain'
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1
Schrijver, Frans Joachim. "Regionalism after regionalisation : Spain, France and the United Kingdom /." Amsterdam : Amsterdam : Vossiuspers UvA ; Universiteit van Amsterdam [Host], 2006. http://dare.uva.nl/document/90531.
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Machin-Autenrieth, Matthew. "Andalucía flamenca : music, regionalism and identity in southern Spain." Thesis, Cardiff University, 2013. http://orca.cf.ac.uk/49178/.
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In recent years, flamenco has been consolidated as a prominent symbol of regional identity in Andalusia, the southernmost region of Spain. In the late 1970s, Spain began to decentralise into seventeen autonomous regions. As a result, each region has been encouraged to foreground its own culture vis-à-vis national culture. Although associated with Spain in general, flamenco has fulfilled the role of regional identity building in Andalusia. Increasingly, the Andalusian Government has focused attention on the development of flamenco within and outside of the region. In this thesis, I explore this relationship between flamenco and regional identity in Andalusia. In doing so, I draw upon the theoretical tenets of political geography. Through scholarly exchange, I argue that political geographers and ethnomusicologists can learn much about the relationship between music and regional identity. I use flamenco as a pertinent case study of this relationship in the European context. In particular, I discuss the role that governmental institutions play in the ‘regionalisation’ (Schrijver 2006) of flamenco (that is, the institutional development of flamenco as an ‘official’ symbol of regional identity). However, I argue that at times the regionalisation process can be disputed and subverted. Accordingly, I contend that regionalism (that is, the bottom-up identification with a region) in Andalusia is a fragmented concept. By examining the contexts, the discourses and the styles associated with flamenco, I present alternative readings of regionalism in Andalusia. Drawing upon virtual ethnography and traditional ethnography in Granada, I examine the reception and the production of flamenco at a local level as well as at a regional level. Arguably, some flamenco scholars present a somewhat rigid understanding of the relationship between flamenco and regional identity. By offering different readings of regionalism through flamenco, I reveal the complex and contested relationship between flamenco and identity in southern Spain.
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Dudek, Carolyn Marie. "EU accession and Spanish regional development : winners and losers /." Bruxelles [u.a.] : Lang, 2005. http://www.gbv.de/dms/sub-hamburg/378644718.pdf.
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Solis, Fernando Leon. "Negotiating Spain : narratological analysis of discourses of national identity in the Spanish state." Thesis, Glasgow Caledonian University, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.364775.
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Stapell, Hamilton M. "Madrid and the Movida : national and regional identity in the center, 1979-1992 /." Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 2004. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3148257.
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Ferreira, Santos Luís Rita. "Spain and the Portuguese revolution of 1974-1975: the limits of a surveilled press." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/292733.
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The end of both Iberian Dictatorships, the New State in Portugal and Francoism is Spain, distanced more or less a year and a half. During this period, while Spain discussed a way out of Francoism, Portugal embarked on a Revolutionary journey searching for a Portuguese path towards Socialism, whose driving force was the Armed Forces’ Movement. The aim of the present dissertation is to understand how late-Francoist press dealt with this Portuguese Revolutionary process that followed the overthrown of the Portuguese Dictatorship and also how this process served as mediation to negotiate Spain’s internal tensions.El final de las dos dictaduras Ibéricas, el Estado Nuevo en Portugal y Franquismo en España, distó cerca de año y medio. Durante este periodo, mientras en España se discutía como lograr la salida del Franquismo, Portugal empezaba un proceso revolucionario, cuyo motor eran las Fuerzas Armadas, que tenía como objetivo lograr la vía Portuguesa al Socialismo. El objetivo de la presente tesis es entender cómo reaccionó la prensa tardo-franquista al proceso revolucionario portugués que se siguió al derrocar de la dictadura y también de qué forma este proceso sirvió como mediación para que España negociara sus tensiones internas.
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Ward, Kenneth John. "Section and silver: Editorial representations of political regionalism and bimetallism in the Cripple Creek mining district press, 1869-1904." Thesis, Wichita State University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10057/10986.
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This historical research explores two political issues, the silver movement and political regionalism, in select newspapers of the Cripple Creek Mining District in Colorado from 1896-1904. These two topics are not suitably studied in prior research on Colorado journalism, which has tended to explore minor press environments and has largely neglected press operations and editorialism during the Gilded Age. This research is grounded in concepts such as sectionalism, which is used to guide the study's investigation of silver and political regionalism. Primary research utilizes the Cripple Creek Citizen, Morning Times, Morning Times-Citizen, Times (weekly and daily), Evening Star, Mail, and Daily Press and the Victor Daily Record newspapers. Those sources are analyzed to better understand how Cripple Creek Mining District editors manipulated the battle for free silver and bimetallism in the 1890s and identified political boundaries to direct voters in elections surrounding the turn to the twentieth century. Such analysis expands media historian's understanding of Colorado journalism, explores the significant but poorly-researched influence of bimetallism on Gilded Age presses, and applies the critical concepts of political regionalism and sectionalism to mine camp and Colorado journalism. This research concludes with a number of observations intended to generate further study in related concepts by media historians and offers a potential gateway towards the development of cultural theory pertaining to sectionalism during the 1890s in the American West.Thesis (M.A.)--Wichita State University, Fairmount College of Liberal Arts and Sciences, Dept. of Communication
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Bousquet, Denis. "Rejet et acceptation des réalités homosexuelles en Espagne entre 1975 et 2005." Thesis, Paris 4, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA040220.
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Cette thèse porte sur une période qui va de la mort de Franco, en 1975, à la légalisation du mariage homosexuel en 2005. Sa source essentielle est la presse, notamment deux journaux aux orientations idéologiques opposées, à savoir El País et ABC. Le but du premier chapitre est à la fois de montrer ce qu’il en fut du rejet et de l’acceptation des réalités homosexuelles en Espagne, entre 1975 et 2005, aussi bien dans les textes que dans la vie quotidienne et d’expliquer pourquoi l’évolution de ces deux derniers n’est que partiellement comparable nonobstant leurs interactions en raison - en partie - des limites de la dichotomie « rejet et acceptation » sur un tel sujet, dans un tel pays et durant une telle période. Ces limites constituent l’objet du deuxième chapitre consacré justement aux faits à propos desquels il est difficile de dire clairement s’ils relèvent du rejet ou de l’acceptation - parce qu’ils témoignent d’un simple intérêt pour la question, d’une représentation réductrice des réalités homosexuelles faute - parfois - de connaissances suffisantes en la matière. Aussi le troisième chapitre consiste-t-il à expliquer comment cette aporie peut être surmontée en prenant en compte la dimension linguistique et ontologique des problématiques qui sont au cœur de cette thèse, notamment dans un pays comme l’Espagne qui traversa, entre 1975 et 2005, une période de transition en termes de relations avec l’homosexualité et qui donna lieu à une sorte de guerre des essences dans la cadre de laquelle l’existence de l’homosexualité ne fut plus - très tôt - en jeuThis thesis covers a period which begins at the death of Franco, in 1975, and finishes at the legalization of the homosexual marriage, in 2005. Its principal source is the Spanish press, first of all two newspapers whith opposite ideological leanings : El País and ABC. The aim of the first chapter is both to show which forms the rejection and the acceptance of the homosexual realities took in Spain between 1975 and 2005, in the texts and in daily life and to explain why the evolutions of these two aspects of the topic can only be partially comparable in spite of their interactions partially because of the limits of the dichotomy “Rejection and Acceptance” about such a topic, in such a country and during such a period. These limits are the object of the second chapter particularly dedicated to the facts for which it’s difficult to say if they are part of the rejection or part of the acceptance - because they can just show an interest in the topic, a simplistic representation of the homosexual realities sometimes in absence of a sufficient knowledge of them. Consequently, the third chapter consists in explaining how this aporia can be surmounted taking into consideration the linguistic and ontological dimension of the issues of this thesis, first of all in a country like Spain which went through a period of transition, between 1975 and 2005, in terms of relations to the homosexuality, provoking a sort of war of the essences which, rapidly, didn’t concern any longer the existence of homosexuality itself
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Waterman, G. Scott. "The Common Cause of All Advanced and Progressive Mankind: Proletarian Internationalism, Spain, and the American Communist Press, 1936 - 1937." ScholarWorks @ UVM, 2015. http://scholarworks.uvm.edu/graddis/421.
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In July 1936, units of the Spanish military, backed by a collection of domestic right-wing elements and by fascist governments elsewhere in Europe, staged a rebellion against the legally constituted national government that had been elected five months previously. The governing bloc, an ideologically broad coalition of liberal republicans, Marxists, and anarchists known as the People's Front, embodied the strategy formulated by Stalin and the Communist International (Comintern) in Moscow to stem the advance of international fascism and mitigate the danger it posed to the Soviet Union and, by extension, the communist movement and the global radical working class it represented. During the destructive and bloody civil war that ensued, the Comintern sponsored recruitment of anti-fascist volunteer fighters from around the world. Before the war ended, nearly 3,000 Americans had surreptitiously traveled to Spain to defend its republican government. This thesis addresses the question of how these volunteers came to develop an allegiance to their global political and social movement strong enough to motivate them to risk death in what they perceived to be its defense against fascism.
Drawing on the theoretical formulations of political scientists Benedict Anderson and David Malet, this thesis will demonstrate that over the course of a century, radical proletarian internationalism developed into a community of working-class revolutionaries, mostly within or allied to communist parties, whose shared ideological formulations and sociopolitical aspirations bound them together, irrespective of nationality. American members of that global community - whose numbers and influence had recently expanded in the context of the Great Depression and the People's Front strategy of liberal-left conciliation - had their perceptions and priorities about the Spanish crisis shaped by the American communist press. Examination and analysis of its coverage of the political, social, and military dimensions of the conflict there will demonstrate it to have been copious and persistent, imparting unmistakably to its readership the centrality of the Spanish people's struggle against fascism in the defense of the global working class, whose political and social survival was at stake. The thesis will argue, in the context of the contentious historiography of American communism, that although the messages conveyed to American proletarian internationalists via the communist press reflected policies and priorities determined in Moscow and designed to serve the interests of the Soviet state, American anti-fascists were for the most part well informed ideologues whose decisions reflected both the concerted influences of their movement's leadership as well as their own deep commitments to a more equitable world.
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Pardini, Melina Nobrega Miranda. "A narrativa da ordem e a voz da multidão: o futebol na imprensa durante o Estado Novo (1937-1945)." Universidade de São Paulo, 2010. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8138/tde-04022010-130259/.
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Essa dissertação objetivou analisar como o futebol de São Paulo e do Rio de Janeiro foi utilizado pelo Estado Novo para concretizar o seu projeto de construir uma nação ordenada e disciplinada, afim com os valores produtivos próprios do capitalismo e com o projeto de unidade nacional pensado pelo regime. Analisando-se os principais periódicos e jornais especializados em esportes desses dois estados, vislumbrou-se como o futebol auxiliou na concretização de alguns ideais engendrados no período estadonovista e, ao mesmo tempo, através do seu aspecto ritualístico, desafiou alguns princípios caros ao Estado Novo.This dissertation aimed to analise how soccer in São Paulo and Rio de Janeiro was used by the government to achieve the project of building an ordered and organized nation, connected to the capitalism productive values and to the project of national unity thought by the regime. Analysing the main periodicals ans newspapers specialized in sports of both states it was possible to understand how his sport, through its ritual aspects, helped building the ideal nation planned during this period and, meanwhile, challenged some of the principles within the regime.
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Hedrick, Jeffrey B. "A CONTENT ANALYSIS OF EDITORIAL REGIONALISM IN THE 1960s: MIDSIZE NEWSPAPER COVERAGE OF NEW YORK TIMES V. SULLIVAN (1960-1964)." Connect to this title online, 2006. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=bgsu1142533480.
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Clement, Andrew. "An Integration of Discord: How National Identity Conceptions Activate Resistance to EU Integration in the Popular Press Discourses of Poland, Spain and Great Britain." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/260121.
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The EU has widened and deepened the single market over time according to a transactionalist discourse of common-interests in integration. This rationale holds that as amounts of cross-border movement increase, Member State populations should perceive the single market as beneficial, thus leading to the creation of an affective European identity. Instead, as consequences of integration have become more visible, resistance to the EU has become more pronounced, especially with relation to the Union's right of free movement of persons. This thesis argues that interest-based theories of integration ignore prospects for resilient national identities to influence the accordance of solidarity ties, so as to color interest perceptions within national public spheres. Combining the literature on European identity, moral panic and communication studies on news framing, it maintains that the popular news media provide a conduit through which these interest perceptions can be taken up through the tendency of news outlets to report events that deviantly threaten underlying identity conceptions. Through content analysis of 'popular' press in the UK, Spain and Poland, it seeks to show how the inane tendency of news to report events in terms of an identity-based narrative can serve to foment moral panic within national publics. Contrary to interest based theories of integration, the EU's discourse clashes with national identity. Disintegration may be posited as the 'proper stance' to be supported on the part of the public in news narrative, if threatening deviance caused by EU migration is to be resolved.Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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Clement, Andrew A. "An integration of discord : how national identity conceptions activate resistance to EU integration in the popular press discourses of Poland, Spain and Great Britain." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2017. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/98850/.
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The EU has widened and deepened the single market over time according to a transactionalist discourse of common-interests in integration. This rationale holds that as amounts of cross-border movement increase, Member State populations should perceive the single market as beneficial, thus leading to the creation of an affective European identity. Instead, as consequences of integration have become more visible, resistance to the EU has become more pronounced, especially with relation to the Union's right of free movement of persons. This thesis argues that interest-based theories of integration ignore prospects for resilient national identities to influence the accordance of solidarity ties, so as to color interest perceptions within national public spheres. Combining the literature on European identity, moral panic and communication studies on news framing, it maintains that the popular news media provide a conduit through which these interest perceptions can be taken up through the tendency of news outlets to report events that deviantly threaten underlying identity conceptions. Through content analysis of 'popular' press in the UK, Spain and Poland, it seeks to show how the inane tendency of news to report events in terms of an identity-based narrative can serve to foment moral panic within national publics. Contrary to interest based theories of integration, the EU's discourse clashes with national identity. Disintegration may be posited as the 'proper stance' to be supported on the part of the public in news narrative, if threatening deviance caused by EU migration is to be resolved.
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Machado, Felipe Morelli. ""Morram" os cariocas! o regionalismo paulista nas páginas esportivas (1901-1938)." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2016. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/12910.
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This work consists in an analysis of Sao Paulo regionalism in the sports pages in the early years of Brazilian soccer, from the study of the first inter-state matches that opposed Sao Paulo and Rio de Janeiro and the Brazilian participation in large-scale international soccer episodes, such as the South American Championship 1919 (played in Rio de Janeiro), the C. A. Paulistano tour to Europe (in 1925), and the first World Cups, occasions that mobilized national sporting life. The appreciation of these facts contribute to a broader reflection about the own move of São Paulo's elites against the neighbors of the capital of the Republic in a dispute over the cultural vanguard position of the nation, passing it can be even better apprehended from look that relationship of the sports press of Sao Paulo with soccer
Este trabalho constitui-se em uma análise do regionalismo paulista nas páginas esportivas nos primeiros anos do futebol brasileiro, a partir do estudo das primeiras partidas interestaduais que opunham São Paulo e Rio de Janeiro e da participação brasileira em episódios futebolísticos internacionais de grande vulto, tais como o Campeonato Sul-Americano de 1919 (disputado no Rio de Janeiro), a Excursão do C. A. Paulistano à Europa (no ano de 1925), e as primeiras Copas do Mundo, ocasiões que mobilizaram a vida esportiva nacional. A apreciação de tais fatos contribui para uma reflexão mais ampla sobre a própria investida das elites de São Paulo contra os vizinhos da capital da República, em uma disputa pela posição de vanguarda cultural da nação, transcurso que pode ser ainda mais bem apreendido a partir do olhar sobre a relação da imprensa esportiva de São Paulo com o futebol
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Henningsgaard, Per Hansa. "Outside traditional book publishing centres : the production of a regional literature in Western Australia." University of Western Australia. English and Cultural Studies Discipline Group, 2008. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2008.0255.
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This thesis provides a study of book publishing as it contributes to the production of a regional literature, using Western Australian publishing and literature as illustrative examples of this dynamic. 'Regional literature' is defined in this thesis as writing possessing cultural value that is specific to a region, although the writing may also have national and international value. An awareness of geographically and culturally diverse regions within the framework of the nation is shown to be derived from representations of these regions and their associated regional characteristics in the movies, television and books. In Australia, literature has been the primary site for expressions of regional difference. Therefore, this thesis analyses the impact of regionalism on the processes of book production and publication in Western Australias three major publishing houses a trade publishing house (Fremantle Press), an Indigenous publishing house (Magabala Books), and an academic publishing house (University of Western Australia Press). Book history, print culture studies and publishing studies, along with literary studies and cultural studies, roughly approximate a disciplinary map of the types of research that constitute this thesis. By examining regional literature in the context of its 'field of cultural production', this thesis maintains that regionalism and regional literature can avail themselves of a fresh perspective that shows them to be anything but marginal or exclusive. Regionalism has been a topic of peripheral interest, at least as far as scholarly research and academia are concerned, because those who are most likely to be affected by and thus interested in the topic, are also those who are most disempowered as a result of its attendant dynamics. However, as this thesis clearly demonstrates, access (or a lack thereof) to the field of cultural production (which in the case of print culture includes writers, literary agents, editors, publishers, government arts organisations, the media, schools, book clubs, and book retailers, just to name a few) plays a significant role in establishing and shaping an identity for marginalised 3 constituencies. The implications for this research are far-ranging, since both Western Australia and Australia can be understood as peripheries dominated in their different spheres (the 'national' and the 'international', respectively) by literary cultures residing elsewhere. Furthermore, there are parallels between this dynamic and the dynamic responsible for producing postcolonial literatures. The three publishing houses detailed in this thesis are disadvantaged by many of the factors associated with their distance from the traditional centres of book publishing, while at the same time producing a regional literature that serves as a platform from which the state broadcasts its distinctive contributions to the cultural landscape and to a wider understanding of concepts such as space, place and belonging. These publishing houses changed the way in which Australians and others have come to know and think about 'Australia', re-routing public consciousness and the national imagination.
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Caminada, Díaz David. "La prensa nacionalista catalana y vasca ante la Constitución, los Estatutos de Autonomía y la consolidación del autogobierno en Cataluña y Euskadi (1977-1981)." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/667395.
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La presente tesis doctoral analiza el comportamiento político de la prensa nacionalista catalana y vasca durante la Transición a la democracia y en especial, en relación a la aprobación de la Constitución, los Estatutos de Autonomía de Sau y Gernika y la puesta en marcha del autogobierno catalán y vasco. El estudio cubre el periodo 1977-1981 y se centra en los diarios El Correo Catalán y Avui, por la parte catalana, y Deia y Egin, por la parte vasca. El estudio describe el papel jugado por estos cuatro medios de comunicación en el proceso de construcción de un nuevo Estado democrático, el cual dejase atrás el carácter centralista y unitario y diese cabida a nacionalidades históricas como Cataluña y País Vasco, que desde el franquismo habían luchado para preservar su identidad histórica, social y cultural. La investigación describe también el comportamiento político y profesional de periodistas relacionados con los medios estudiados.The following PhD investigation analyzes the political behavior of Catalan and Basque nationalist newspapers during the Transition to democracy in Spain and, especially, in relation to the approval of the new Constitution, the Statutes of Autonomy of Sau and Gernika and the launch of the Catalan and Basque self-governments. The study covers the period between 1977 and 1981, and is focused on the Catalan daily papers El Correo Catalan and Avui, and the Basques Deia and Egin. The aim of this investigation is to discuss the role played by these papers in the process of building a new democratic State, one which overcame centralism and a rigid united structure in order to include historical nationalities such as Catalonia and the Basque Country. During Franco’s regime, these nationalities had fought to preserve their historical, social and cultural identities. Furthermore, the paper examines the political and professional behavior of journalists which were linked to the mentioned nationalist newspapers.
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Orte, del Molino Andreu. "Model territorial, autonomia i votants : els reptes organitzatius del PSOE (2003-2011)." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/108041.
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Aquesta tesi doctoral està centrada en el funcionament dels partits
d'àmbit estatal (PAES) en estats compostos a través de tres
perspectives desenvolupades en quatre capítols: la dimensió
orgànica, la institucional i l’electoral.
Els PAE que operen en un context institucional multinivell han de
fer front a una nova realitat política que modifica el seu
funcionament ordinari, tant a les institucions de govern i oposició
com en el funcionament orgànic i electoral del partit.
Operar en estat compost implica per als partits la necessitat
d’establir uns espais de decisió interna entre el partit i les
organitzacions territorials del mateix partit, però també pot implicar
donar respostes a l’aparició d’arenes electorals diverses, fent front
a electorats que competeixen en clivelles electorals diverses i
Partits d’Àmbit No Estatal que reclamen nous mecanismes
d’autogovern o de govern compartit amb l’Estat.
Aquest context ha contribuït al sorgiment d’una literatura que
connecta la influència de l’element territorial en els partits.
Concretament, durant la dècada dels 2000 s’han donat les
primeres passes en la incidència de la descentraltizació en les
estructures orgàniques i els mecanismes de decisió interna;
l’impacte en l’arena electoral i l’evolució dels sistemes de partits en
diversos nivells territorials. Aquest treball es desenvolupa seguint
el camí iniciat durant la dècada dels 2000, amb l’interès de
conceptualització aquesta qüestió, a través de l’anàlisi de
continguts empírics en funció d’estudis de cas enfocats al cas del
PSOE.
Aquesta tesi contribueix a aquest debat presentant quatre capitols
que adrecen la qüestió de com s’adapten els PAES, i més
concretament el PSOE, a un context multinivell. La tesi analitza el
període 2003-2011 i planteja els mecanismes que contribueixen a
que les seccions subestatals dels PAES puguin dur a terme
estratègies pròpies.This doctoral thesis is focused on how Statewide Parties (SWP) operate in compound states. SWP operating in multi-level institutional contexts need to face a new political reality that modifies their regular activity. In this thesis three dimensions are considered in the four chapters, not including the conclusions: the organic dimension; the electoral dimension and the institutional one. Parties operating in a compound state need to stablish intern decision-making rules between the central organization and the regional branches of the organization. But it needs to find out new responses regarding the plurality of electoral arenas, confronting Non Statewide Parties claiming for more self-rule or share-rule dynamics. This context has fostered the proliferation of literature connecting the effect of the territorial issue on parties. More specifically, during the 2000s literature has paid attention on the effect of political decentralization on organic structures of the party, including intern decision-making; the impact on the electoral arena and the evolution of party systems on a plurality of territorial levels. This thesis responds to the literature on this question by presenting both conceptual and empirical contents on this topic. This doctoral thesis addresses the conceptual and empirical debate by presenting four chapters addressing this topic. The thesis addresses the mechanisms affecting the capacity of substate PSOE branches to develop their own strategies. The thesis focuses the analysis on an eight years period (2003-2011), including a comparative paper of the Statewide Parties capacity to drive to modify the Italian and Spanish Territorial Models.
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Mfoula, Nadège. "Miguel de Unamuno et la presse hispano-américaine (1898-1936)." Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015USPCA080/document.
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L’objet de cette étude est « Miguel de Unamuno et la presse hispano-américaine (1898-1936) ». A partir de ses innombrables articles de presse parus dans la presse ibéro-américaine au cours du premier tiers du XX e siècle mais aussi de son abondante correspondance privée et publique, nous avons tenté de cerner l’évolution de la pensée politique, sociale et religieuse de cet intellectuel face à l’histoire culturelle de tout un continent et plus particulièrement de pays comme l’Argentine et le Chili. Le but de ce travail est de redéfinir les rapports humains, sociaux et politiques entre Espagnols et Hispano-américains à partir de l’immédiat après désastre de 1898 jusqu’à la guerre civile de 1936. La vision américaniste de Miguel de Unamuno se fonde sur le concept fédérateur de « hispanidad » qui réunit l’ensemble des peuples hispano-américains autour d’une langue commune, l’espagnol. Unamuno entend lutter contre la vision rétrograde et traditionaliste d’une « mère-patrie » espagnole sclérosée face à ses enfants Hispano-américains ; grâce à des échanges intellectuels et culturels intenses il veut imposer à l’opinion publique une vision progressiste et novatrice des nouvelles relations entre Amérique et Espagne : « la hermandad », c’est-à-dire la fraternité, l’égalité de tous autour d’une langue commune et d’une culture, «el dia de la lengua» versus «el dia de la raza» (12 octobre)The object of this study is "Miguel de Unamuno and the Spanish-American Press (1898-1936)". From countless articles published in the Ibero-American press in the first third of the twentieth century but also its abundant private and public correspondence, we attempted to identify the evolution of political thought, social and religious intellectual face of this cultural history of an entire continent and particularly countries like Argentina and Chile. The purpose of this work is to redefine human relationships, social and political relations between the Spanish and Hispanic Americans from the immediate post disaster of 1898 until the Civil War of 1936. The Americanist vision of Miguel de Unamuno is based on the unifying concept of "Hispanidad" that brings together all the Hispanic peoples around a common language, Spanish. Unamuno intends to fight against the reactionary and traditionalist vision of a "homeland" Spanish sclerotic meet its Hispano-American children; through intense intellectual and cultural exchanges he wants to impose on the public a progressive and innovative vision of a new relationship between America and Spain: the "Hermandad", that is to say, fraternity, equality for all around a common language and culture, "el dia de la lengua" versus "el dia de la raza" (12 October)
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Ramon, Vegas Xavier. "Sports journalism ethics and quality of information: the coverage of the London 2012 Olympics in the British, American and Spanish press." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/393739.
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This dissertation has examined to what extent six prestigious newspapers (The Guardian/The Observer, The Daily Telegraph/The Sunday Telegraph, The New York Times, The Washington Post, El País and La Vanguardia) complied with the fundamental principles of journalism ethics (truth, justice and responsibility) in their coverage of the London 2012 Olympics. The content analysis of 6,552 pieces, their correlation with the major codes of ethics, and the conduct of 41 interviews revealed that in many areas the coverage dispelled the long-held notion of sports journalism being the “toy department”. Significant strengths include the wide range of sources employed, the comprehensive examination of the larger framework of the Olympics, the recognition of errors and the fight against discrimination. Despite all of this, the research highlights that in other core aspects, the diversity of the sporting agenda, sensationalism, stereotyping and the use of warlike language, for example, there is much room for improvement.Aquesta tesi ha examinat fins a quin punt sis prestigiosos diaris (The Guardian/The Observer, The Daily Telegraph/The Sunday Telegraph, The New York Times, The Washington Post, El País i La Vanguardia) van complir en la seva cobertura dels Jocs Olímpics de Londres 2012 amb els principis fonamentals de la deontologia periodística: veritat, justícia i responsabilitat. L’anàlisi del contingut de 6.552 peces, el contrast amb els principals codis d’ètica i la realització de 41 entrevistes revelen que en moltes àrees la cobertura va dissipar l’arrelada noció del periodisme esportiu com a “departament de joguines”. Fortaleses significatives inclouen l’ús d’un ampli ventall de fonts, una anàlisi exhaustiva dels aspectes contextuals, el reconeixement d’errors i la lluita contra la discriminació. Malgrat això, la recerca ressalta que en altres aspectes essencials, com la diversitat de l’agenda esportiva, el sensacionalisme, els estereotips o l’ús del llenguatge bel·licista, hi ha un ampli marge de millora.
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Chartier, Chantal. "Entreprise de presse et journalisme économique en Espagne [1975-1990] [Étude de El País Negocios de 1985 à 1990]." Thesis, Paris 3, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010PA030130.
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Cette étude aborde l’évolution de l’entreprise de presse en Espagne pendant la Transition démocratique et sous le pouvoir socialiste de Felipe González. Renouveau démocratique et continuité en lien avec la tradition culturelle libérale du début du XXe siècle marquent les changements qui s’opèrent au sein du journalisme espagnol. Le milieu des années 1980 voit l’émergence du marché très convoité de la presse économique. El País, fondé sur un projet régénérationniste, parangon de la presse écrite dite de qualité, diversifie ses publications et crée El País Negocios, supplément économique hebdomadaire. Ce périodique de l’organe d’influence qu’est devenu El País s’adresse en priorité aux nouvelles élites socio-économiques, un public d’entrepreneurs et de cadres en quête de modernité économique. Politiques économiques, relations salariales, représentations managériales illustrent les modifications vécues dans le monde de l’entreprise au sein d’une Espagne qui intègre pleinement l’environnement européen et adopte les modèles néolibéraux. L’analyse du discours politique et économique éclaire l’évolution idéologique du périodique, reflet d’une démarche consensuelle et d’une société civile en constructionThis study focuses upon the press industry and its evolution in Spain during the Democratic Transition and under the Socialist power of Felipe González. Democratic renewal and continuity with early 20th Century culturally liberal tradition illustrate the changes which marked Spanish journalism. Markets emerging in the mid-1980s were highly coveted by the economic press. Founded upon a regenerationist project and making a claim to quality, El País diversified its publications to create the weekly economic supplement El País Negocios. A periodical of this media organ of influence, El País Negocios targets in particular socio-economic elites, a public of young executives and entrepreneurs in quest of economic modernity. Economic policies, employment relations just as managerial representations portray the transformations underway in Spain’s business world, one which fully integrates the framework of Europe and appropriates neo-liberal models. Our analysis of political and economic discourse sheds light upon the periodical’s ideology, an approach which enhances consensus and reflects the difficult construction of civil society
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Picco, Pauline. "Histoire entrecroisée des extrêmes droites françaises et italiennes : cultures politiques, itinéraires, réseaux (1960-1984)." Thesis, Paris 4, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PA040184.
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Le soutien des militants italiens au combat « Algérie française » puis OAS entraîne, à partir de 1960, la création de réseaux franco-italiens d’extrême droite. Les solidarités internationales qui se constituent à la faveur du combat OAS, les contacts et circulations militantes, l’émergence d’une pensée d’extrême droite qui place ses objectifs au-delà du cadre strictement national, l’apparition de combats communs liés au processus de décolonisation et des échanges intellectuels inédits contribuent à mettre en place des réseaux d’extrême droite initialement fondés sur des relations personnelles. L’institutionnalisation progressive de ces contacts, la difficile reconversion des activistes OAS en exil en Europe, leurs relations troubles avec certains services de renseignements déterminés à contrer l’avancée socialiste dans le Tiers-Monde entraînent la formation de réseaux européens qui lient notamment groupes français et italiens d’extrême droite. Au-delà des renouvellements générationnels qui affectent la période, ces relations étroites permettent aux terroristes italiens d’extrême droite qui prennent part à la « stratégie de la tension », de 1969 à 1982, de bénéficier du soutien constant de leurs camerati français. Parallèlement, le Movimento sociale italiano (MSI) entretient avec la nébuleuse française d’extrême droite, entre 1960 et 1984, des relations constantes et exerce sur elle une influence certaine qui n’exclut toutefois pas certaines formes de réciprocités en matière de circulations politiques et culturelles et d’échanges militantsThe support of Italian activists in the “Algérie française” fight, and then with the OAS, gave birth to French-Italian far-right networks from 1960. International alliances that favoured the OAS struggle were formed, contacts and militants were exchanging ideas, the emergence of a far-right way of thinking whose goals went beyond strict national frameworks, a common political outlook on the issue of decolonisation, and new intellectual debates contributed to the growth of far-right networks that were initially based on personal relationships. The gradual institutionalisation of these contacts, the difficult integration of OAS activists in exile in Europe, and their ambiguous relationships with intelligence services determined to counter the socialist movement in the Third World brought about the creation of European networks that united French and Italian far-right groups. Beyond generational changes during this period, these close relationships enabled Italian far-right terrorists who were involved in the « Strategy of Tension », from 1969 to 1982, to benefit from the consistent support of their French camerati. In parallel, the Movimento sociale italiano (MSI) maintained consistent relationships with French far-right cells between 1960 and 1984. Whilst they exerted a considerable amount of influence, they maintained reciprocal alliances with regards to their political and cultural agenda, and continued to exchange militant forces
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Madrid, Santos Francisco. "La prensa anarquista y anarcosindicalista en España desde la I Internacional hasta el final de la Guerra Civil." Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/284155.
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Fundamentalmente el objetivo de la presente tesis tiende a demostrar que la propaganda –y dentro de ella, ocupando un lugar de primerísima importancia, la prensa en sentido genérico (periódicos, revistas, etc.) – ha sido una de las principales bases de sustentación del movimiento anarquista en el sentido más amplio (grupos anarquistas, organizaciones específicas, movimiento obrero de tendencia anarquista, anarcosindicalismo, sindicalismo revolucionario, etc.) en nuestro país.
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Esta será la parte principal de la tesis cuyas ramificaciones estarán encaminadas a demostrar que la prensa era la manifestación más evidente de su fuerza en una coyuntura determinada, guardando una relación directamente proporcional. Como corolario la represión golpeaba casi siempre en primer lugar en los órganos de expresión del movimiento en la creencia, seguramente, de que desaparecidos sus medios de comunicación la consecuencia inmediata sería la desorganización y el hundimiento generalizado.
Para cubrir nuestro objetivo hemos dividido el presente trabajo en dos bloques perfectamente diferenciados. El primero analiza la evolución histórica de la prensa anarquista entre su surgimiento con la I Internacional y el final de la dictadura de Primo de Rivera. Esta primera parte va acompañada de un apéndice documental formado por una selección de escritos que tratan diversos aspectos de los periódicos anarquistas y escritos teóricos que analizan el papel de la propaganda en el seno de un movimiento que se pretende revolucionario, además de distintos gráficos en los que queda reflejada la evolución de la prensa anarquista y su desigual distribución geográfica.
La segunda parte de la tesis la compone un –pretendidamente– exhaustivo catálogo de la prensa anarquista aparecida en España entre el surgimiento de la I Internacional entre nosotros y el final de la guerra civil. Este catálogo (con 853 entradas) se presenta cronológicamente, individualizando cada título mediante una ficha técnica que nos proporciona una visión amplia del mismo, y cuenta con dos índices alfabéticos: uno general y otro por provincias.This doctoral dissertation is a study of the Spanish anarchist and anarcho.syndicalist press publications from 1869, i.e. the First International in Spain, to the end of the Spanish Civil War in 1939. The study shows the affective propagandistic output of an important social movement, without, however, going into detail as to the infrastructure involved in its production. Methodologically, the study was carried out in two different ways, though not fot that any the less related. First, a chronological ordering of anarchist anf anarcho-syndicalist press publications resulted in a catalogue, consisting of 853 entries, such of wich is accompanied by a brief summary of the most salient, relative information. Additionally, the catalogue includes two alphabetical ordered volumes, of which one list each item by name; while the order lists the provinces where each published document originated. Second, a detalied analysis was elaborated on the subject of anarchist and anarcho-syndicalist press publications, and in which the above mentioned time span was divided into periods –admittedly a subjective process, but necessary for the sake of expedience. Both methodological approaches avoided going itno an analysis of the propaganda apparatus of the anarchist and anarcho-syndicalist movement. The conclusion of the study point out the magnitude of press publications produced in Spain during over said periode of time clearly indicates that the social movement in question was indeed of vital, historical importance.
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Moreno, Calvo Mariola. "Le traitement de la crise économique par les agences de presse : une comparaison France / Espagne." Thesis, Toulouse 2, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018TOU20001/document.
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L’analyse des dépêches des agences de presse française (AFP) et espagnole (EFE) à l’aide du logiciel libre IRaMuTeQ permet de visualiser, d’une part la macrostructure qui montre une convergence entre les deux corpus, et d’autre part des microstructures qui distinguent des traitements spécifiques par les agences des deux pays, associant une classification du vocabulaire et une comparaison interprétative des structures lexicales, révèle une focalisation différente : lorsque l’AFP établit une distinction entre les aspects économiques (contexte mondial) et politiques (contexte national), l’EFE l’aborde davantage comme un problème politique en lien direct avec l’économie nationale et l’Europe. L’impact du vécu de la crise sur le discours médiatique est confirmé par une dernière analyse de la dimension chronologique qui révèle, dans les deux cas, l’impact d’un changement électoral. L’approche textométrique permet donc de reconstruire une histoire à partir des relations existantes entre textes, co-textes et contextes, c’est-à-dire entre les évènements socio-historiques, les producteurs de discours médiatiques et des structures lexicales formaliséesThe analysis of the news from the French Agency (AFP) and the Spanish (EFE) allows visualizing, on the one hand, a convergence in the macroestructure of the corpus and, on the other hand, a specific treatment of each country in the microstructure, a deeper analysis, combining a classification of vocabulary and an interpretive comparison of lexical structures, reveals a different focusing: while the AFP makes a distinction between the economic aspects (global context) and political ones (national context), the EFE takes it up more strenuously as a political issue directly related to the national economy and Europe. These results have been obtained with the help of the software IRaMuTeQ. The impact of the experience of the crisis on the media discourse is confirmed by the final analyses of the chronological dimension which reveals, in south cases, the impact of an electoral change. The use of textometric approach allows us the building of the story with the relations among the texts, the co-texts and the contexts, that is, among the socio-historical events, the producers of the media discourse and the lexical structures used
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Le, Stum Philippe. "La Bretagne dans la gravure sur bois (1850-1950)." Thesis, Paris 4, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA040019.
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De toutes les régions de France, la Bretagne est celle qui attira le plus les artistes entre le milieu du XIXe siècle et le milieu du suivant. Si sa présence dans la peinture est connue, il n’en va pas de même dans le domaine de l’estampe. L’objet de cette thèse est de combler cette lacune en analysant sa place, comme thème, chez les graveurs sur bois français et étrangers. L’étude s’appuie sur un corpus fondé sur le dépouillement des fonds publics et privés. Son analyse révèle l’importance de la thématique dans chaque phase de l’évolution de la gravure sur bois occidentale entre 1850 et 1950. Pour chacune sont étudiées les contributions des graveurs les plus représentatifs. L’apparition de la Bretagne dans la gravure professionnelle d’interprétation est retracée, puis précisée sa place dans la gravure sur bois originale entre 1880 et 1900. Les partis opposés des coloristes et des tenants du noir et blanc divisent en deux sections les chapitres suivants. L’étude des premiers met en évidence l’impact des procédés japonais de gravure et d’impression. Elle se poursuit par la résurgence du camaïeu puis le retour au coloriage après impression. L’analyse de la production en noir met en lumière les pôles autour desquels gravitent presque toutes les représentations de la Bretagne : inspiration maritime et thématique rurale. Elle souligne la contribution régionale à la vogue du livre illustré en gravure sur bois dans l’entre-deux-guerres. Enfin, la présentation d’une production militante constitue un épisode de ce panorama d’une production qui, pour être régionale dans son inspiration, n’en constitue pas moins un exemple représentatif de l’histoire d’un art et d’une techniqueBrittany is the region of France which attracted the greatest number of artists between the mid-19th and 20th centuries. The presence of painters is known, but the same cannot be said for the field of etching. The aim of this thesis is to contribute towards filling that gap.The study is based around the creation of a corpus. Its analysis reveals the importance of the theme adopted during each of the main periods of the development of western woodcut printing between 1850 and 1950. The definitions of these themes form the internal dynamic of the thesis.First of all the appearance of Brittany in professional interpretive etching is related. Then its place in the birth of original wood block printing is detailed. The following chapters are devoted to the opposing groups of artists, those who used colour and those who held to the aesthetic of black and white prints. The study of the colourists begins by highlighting the impact of Japanese wood-block techniques. It is followed by the resurgence of camaïeu and then the return to the western tradition of colouring after printing.Analysis of the more technically homogenous black print production focuses attention on the two themes around which almost all representations of Brittany revolve: the sea and the countryside. It underlines the regional contribution to the vogue for books illustrated with woodcut prints during the period between the wars. Finally, the presentation of militantly Breton works marks a specific episode of this panoramic overview of artistic output which, despite its regional origins, symbolises no less a part of the history of the art and technique of wood-block carving
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Silva, Claudia Valéria Sendra da. "Abigarrado país tropical: estudo comparativo da imagem do Brasil no noticiário do jornal espanhol El País em 1995 e 2005." Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro, 2008. http://www.bdtd.uerj.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=832.
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Essa pesquisa busca verificar, comparativamente, a imagem do Brasil colocada em circulação pelo noticiário do jornal espanhol El País, nos anos de 1995 e 2005. Esses períodos foram tomados, respectivamente, como marco do início da intensificação dos aportes financeiros espanhóis no Brasil e como a época em que a presença econômica da Espanha se solidificou, tornando o país ibérico o primeiro europeu em aportes financeiros no Brasil e o segundo maior investidor, no cômputo geral. A aplicação da metodologia de análise de conteúdo em uma amostra de notícias considerada satisfatória por Martin W. Bauer para esse tipo de pesquisa e a observação das principais idéias apresentadas nesses textos jornalísticos permitiram compreender, entre outros, os aspectos brasileiros mais enfocados pelo jornal espanhol. Por meio desse estudo pôde-se constatar aumento no interesse da Espanha pelo país, com a triplicação do número de notícias sobre o Brasil, e a diversificação da cobertura jornalística. Embora o Brasil tenha recebido uma cobertura mais ampla, em 2005, e as notícias econômicas tenham ganhado maior ênfase, o discurso sobre o país foi permeado por estereótipos relacionados a misticismo, exotismo e sexualidade. O aspecto negativo brasileiro mais recorrente no noticiário foi a desigualdade econômico-social.Through this research we try to verify, comparatively, the image of Brazil put into circulation by the Spanish newspaper El País in the years of 1995 and 2005. These dates were considered, respectively, as a landmark for the beginning of the intensification of Spanish financial aports in Brazil and as the time when the economic presence of Spain was solidified, ranking this iberian country in the first position in Europe concerning financial aports in Brazil, and as the second biggest investor, in the general account. The application of the content analysis approach in a news sample, considered by Martin W. Bauer as satisfactory for this kind of research, as well as the observation of the main ideas presented in these news texts, allowed us to understand, among other things, the brazilian issues most frequently focussed by the Spanish newspaper. Throughout the study we were able to find the increasing interest of Spain towards the country, with the triplication of the number of news about Brazil, and the diversification of news coverage. Although there was a wider coverage on Brazil in 2005, and the economic news were greatly emphasized, the discourse about the country was permeated by stereotypes which related to mysticism, exoticism and sexuality. The most recurrent negative aspect on the news was the social economic inequality.
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Toll, Gil 1963. "El Diluvio y la Segunda República: La perspectiva político social de un diario popular, repubicano y federalista." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/668778.
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El Diluvio fue un periódico barcelonés con una vida superior a las ocho décadas que representaba un punto de vista republicano, federalista, laico y partidario de la justicia social. Unas ideas que estuvieron perseguidas durante la mayor parte de su existencia, de 1858 a 1939. La Segunda República, en cambio, fue el marco perfecto para el desarrollo del periódico, que vivió un gran crecimiento en su tirada y tuvo una influencia muy notable en la política catalana. Fue el diario popular en la llamada Cataluña populista. Los artículos de El Diluvio marcaron diversos hitos desde inicios de 1931 hasta el fin de la guerra civil en 1939 y su impacto fue reconocido por las figuras políticas de la época. El periódico también enfrentó un periodo de dificultades al formarse los gobiernos de derechas y desencadenarse una serie de acontecimientos que implicaron la suspensión de su publicación y censura previa. Jaime Claramunt, nacido en Cuba, fue su director hasta 1938, cuando fue apartado por la Unión General de Trabajadores, que incautó el periódico. El final llegó con la entrada de las tropas franquistas en Barcelona, que cerraron El Diluvio y reprimieron a los hombres del periódico que no marcharon al exilio.El Diluvio was a newspaper from Barcelona with a life of more than eight decades that represented a republican, federalist, secular and social justice point of view. Ideas that were persecuted for most of its existence, from 1858 to 1939. The Second Republic, on the other hand, was the perfect framework for the development of the newspaper, which experienced a great growth in its circulation and had a very significant influence on Catalan politics. It was the popular newspaper in the so-called populist Catalonia. The articles of El Diluvio marked several milestones from the beginning of 1931 until the end of the civil war in 1939 and its impact was recognized by the political figures of the time. The newspaper also faced a period of difficulties in forming right-wing governments and triggering a series of events that involved the suspension of its publication and prior censorship. Jaime Claramunt, born in Cuba, was its director until 1938, when he was separated by the Unión General de Trabajadores, which seized the newspaper. The end came with the entry of Franco's troops in Barcelona, which closed El Diluvio and repressed the newspaper men who did not march into exile.
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Guidi, Flavio. "Il dopo-franco è già rosso! : la transizione spagnolla nella stampa della sinistra rivoluzionaria italiana." Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/398656.
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La tesi “Il dopo Franco è già rosso! - La transizione spagnola nella stampa della sinistra rivo-luzionaria italiana” si occupa della transizione spagnola (1973-1978) dal punto di vista dell'estre-ma sinistra italiana. Per estrema sinistra si intendono qui i gruppi a sinistra del movimento operaio “ufficiale” (PCI, PSI, PSIUP), già presenti, seppur ultraminoritari, ben prima dell'esplosione del '68, ma sviluppatisi ampiamente negli anni settanta del XX secolo, al punto da costituire una seria con-correnza, per lo meno tra i giovani, all'egemonia della sinistra maggioritaria (soprattutto del PCI). Trattandosi di un numero enorme di partiti, gruppi e gruppuscoli, è stata fatta la scelta di privilegia-re da un lato le organizzazioni maggiori, quelle dotate di un quotidiano (nell'ordine Il Manifesto, Lotta Continua e il Quotidiano dei Lavoratori), e dall'altro quelle più rappresentative di una corrente “storica”: per il maoismo il MS-MLS (Movimento Studentesco-Fronte Popolare), per l'anarchismo la FAI (Umanità Nova), per il trotskismo i GCR (Bandiera Rossa) e per il bordighismo (seppur sui generis) Lotta Comunista. Dal punto di vista cronologico, si è scelto di considerare il periodo tra la morte di Carrero Blanco e l'approvazione della Costituzione post-franchista. Un primo capitolo è stato però dedicato alla fase precedente (1969-1973), considerata già da questi gruppi come “l'inizio del dopo Franco”. La tesi segue gli sviluppi della percezione soggettiva delle dinamiche di questa transizione, dai primi anni (in cui le posizioni dei vari gruppi apparivano piuttosto omogenee) in cui l'ipotesi ritenuta più probabile era quella di una rottura rivoluzionaria. Rottura che, tramite una sol-levazione popolare, avrebbe dovuto seppellire, con la dittatura, anche ogni eredità del franchismo (compresa la monarchia) e, almeno per quanto riguarda la maggioranza dei gruppi, anche la stessa struttura capitalistica della Spagna. A partire dal 1974-75 crescono le differenziazioni all'interno dell'estrema sinistra italiana, sia sulle dinamiche sia sui probabili sbocchi della crisi del regime. Da un lato emergono sempre più le posizioni “moderate” (in particolare del PdUP-Manifesto) che, av-vicinandosi alla posizione del PCE-PSUC (la rottura democratica), individuano nella restaurazione della II Repubblica lo sbocco auspicabile e prevedibile (in questo condivise anche dal MLS), e ten-dono a problematizzare lo schema precedente “franchismo-rivoluzione”. Dall'altro si continua a scommettere (con qualche distinguo da parte di Avanguardia Operaia – Quotidiano dei Lavoratori) sulla precedente ipotesi rivoluzionaria. Il punto più “caldo” viene raggiunto tra la ripresa delle mo-bilitazioni dopo la morte del Caudillo e l'eccidio di Vitoria del marzo 1976. In questa ondata, vista dai più come la tanto attesa spallata rivoluzionaria, iniziano a venire al pettine i nodi di un'analisi che, col senno di poi, sottovalutava le capacità trasformistiche dei settori più importanti della bor-ghesia spagnola e dello stesso apparato franchista e nel contempo sopravvalutava le potenzialità ri-voluzionarie del proletariato spagnolo ed il peso dell'estrema sinistra al suo interno. L'ipotesi ini-zialmente esclusa e comunque temuta dall'estrema sinistra, quella di una transizione sostanzialmen-te indolore dalla dittatura ad una democrazia borghese più o meno classica, acquista via via sempre più consistenza durante l'estate e l'autunno del 1976, fino alla doccia fredda del referendum voluto da Suarez nel dicembre del '76. Anche se il cambiamento di prospettiva avviene con ritmi diversi tra i vari gruppi, si può dire che le elezioni del giugno '77 costituiscano un po' la pietra tombale delle speranze rivoluzionarie, per lo meno sui tempi brevi. Le differenze restano profonde nell'analisi del ruolo della sinistra riformista (PCE-PSUC in testa), ritenuta dalla maggioranza (escluso il Manife-sto) come principale responsabile del successo dell'operazione “gattopardesca” di Suarez-Juan Carlos.The thesis “Il dopo Franco è già rosso! - La transizione spagnola nella stampa della sinistra rivoluzionaria italiana” concerns the spanish transition (1973-78) from the point of wiew of italian revolutionary left. With this expression I mean all the groups placed on the left of the major parties of the “official” left (PCI, PSI, PSIUP). This “far left” was already present before 1968, but only in the Seventies became a real problem (above all among the youth) for the consolidated hegemony of the PCI. Among theese numerous groups only seven have been chosen. The most important three, all of them with a daily newspaper (Il Manifesto, Lotta Continua and Il Quotidiano dei Lavoratori), of course, and one group for every political area: one for the maoists (Movimento Studentesco-Fronte Popolare), one for the anarchists (Umanità Nova), one for the trotskysts (Bandiera Rossa) and one for the bordiguists (even if sui generis), Lotta Comunista. After a first investigation about the period 1969-73 (so called pre-transition), the thesis analyses the evolution of italian far left perception, from the “revolution vs franchism” of the first half of the Seventies, when more or less all the groups staked that the revolutionary rupture was the most probable scenery (even if some thinking that the restauration of the Second Republic was the aim, while the majority believing in an an-ticapitalistic, social rupture), to the second half of the decade (above all after summer 1976), when almost all the groups (with different rythms) realized that the possibility of a painless transition was going to be the realistic way out. An open self criticism was made above all by Il Manifesto and Lotta Continua (while other groups, like MLS, simply operated a 180° turning), laying stress on their undervaluation of the transformist abilities of spanish bourgeoisie and franchist establishment and their overvaluation of the maturity and revolutionary potentialities of spanish working class. Most of the groups underlined PCE-PSUC fault, with his exagerate social and political moderation that helped the establishment to defeat the hope of a new, socialist (or just republican) Spain.
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Saldana, Esther. "Concha Espina, du journalisme au roman engagé (1880-1955)." Thesis, Pau, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019PAUU1066.
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Du fait de sa trajectoire particulière et d’engagements parfois controversés, la production littéraire de Concha Espina (1869-1955) a été trop souvent oubliée. Ce travail de recherche a pour ambition de se pencher sur l’œuvre de Concha Espina, qui a défendu avec passion ses convictions socio-politiques dans la première moitié du XXème siècle. Son écriture, née dans la presse à la toute fin du XIXème, a été influencée par les nombreux courants littéraires qui ont traversé son temps. Concha Espina s’approprie et fait siennes ces influences.Cette thèse propose de porter un regard nouveau sur les engagements sociaux d’une écriture qui s’inscrit pleinement dans une époque empreinte de bouleversements profonds. Les premières publications dans la presse régionale servent de socle sur lequel prendra appui la production romanesque, fortement tournée vers l’étude du paysage et les revendications sociales qui en découlent dont La Esfinge maragata (1914), El metal de los muertos (1920) et El cáliz rojo (1923) font partie.Les convictions politiques de Concha Espina, son adhésion aux idées fascistes dans les années 1930 et son soutien au régime franquiste résultent de cette trajectoire. Elles sont également à l’origine du silence qui entoure le nom de cette femme écrivain qui a travaillé sans relâche afin de mener une existence libérée de toute dépendance personnelle et professionnelle. Ce travail de recherche prétend contribuer ainsi à la reconstruction de l’image d’un auteur injustement relayé au second plan de la sphère littéraire espagnoleConcha Espina’s literary production has too often been neglected because of her particular background and controversial beliefs. The aim of this piece of research is to highlight the work of a writer who passionately defended her socio-political convictions during the first half of the 20th century. Her writing, which first appeared in the press at the very end of the twentieth century, was influenced by the numerous literary currents of her time. Concha Espina made those currents her own.This thesis proposes a different outlook on the social engagement of her work, which is fully in keeping with en era of deep societal change.The first publications in the regional press formed the foundations of her novels, mainly centered on the observation of the landscape and the resulting social claims as in La Esfinge maragata (1914), El metal de los muertos (1920) and El cáliz rojo (1923).Concha Espina’s political beliefs, her support of the fascist ideals in the 1930s and of the Franco regime, result from her background. They are also at the origin of the silence around the name of a woman who wrote relentlessly in order to lead a life free from any personal or professional dependence.This research work aims at improving the image of an author unjustly relegated to the background of the Spanish literary scene
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Gili, Ferré Ricard. "Els Mitjans de comunicació com a legitimadors o deslegitimadors d'un projecte polític per mitjà dels frames i les estructures narratives: el cas del procés català en el període 2006-2015." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/460895.
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Aquesta recerca es focalitza en el tractament periodístic que els mitjans de comunicació realitzen d’un determinat projecte polític i com, de retruc, aquest tractament contribueix a legitimar-lo o deslegitimar-lo. I és que es parteix de la base que els mitjans tenen un paper privilegiat en el procés de construcció social i d’objectivació social del sentit. El projecte polític que s’analitza és l’anomenat Procés català, un moviment sociopolític iniciat l’any 2006 que reclama el dret a decidir o dret a l’autodeterminació de Catalunya per aconseguir la seva independència. La recerca abasta el període 2006-2015 –una dècada completa– i pren com a mostra sis diaris, tres editats a Madrid per al conjunt d’Espanya (El País, El Mundo i ABC) i tres editats a Barcelona per a Catalunya (La Vanguardia, El Periódico de Catalunya i El Punt Avui). S’utilitza una metodologia que combina l’anàlisi del frames i l’anàlisi d’estructures narratives.Esta investigación se focaliza en el tratamiento periodístico que los medios de comunicación realizan de un determinado proyecto político y como, en consecuencia, este tratamiento contribuye a legitimarlo o deslegitimarlo. En este sentido se parte de la base que los medios tienen un papel privilegiado en el proceso de construcción social y de objetivación social del sentido. El proyecto político que se analiza es el denominado Proceso catalán, un movimiento sociopolítico iniciado el año 2006 que reclama el derecho a decidir o derecho a la autodeterminación de Cataluña para conseguir su independencia. La investigación abarca el período 2006-2015 –una década completa– y toma como muestra seis periódicos, tres editados en Madrid para el conjunto de España (El País, El Mundo y ABC) y tres editados en Barcelona para Cataluña (La Vanguardia, El Periódico de Catalunya y El Punt Avui). Se utiliza una metodología que combina el análisis de frames y el análisis de estructuras narrativas.
This research focuses on media handling of a political project and its knock-on effect in terms of legitimating or delegitimazing the project. It starts from the basis that the media play a crucial role in social construction processes and in the social objectivization of meaning. The political process analysed is the Procés català, a sociopolitical project dating from 2006 that defends Catalonia’s right to decide or right to self-determination regarding its independence. The research, covering the entire decade of 2006-2015, is based on sampling from six newspapers: three newspapers published in Madrid covering Spain (El País, El Mundo and ABC) and three newspapers published in Barcelona covering Catalonia (La Vanguardia, El Periódico de Catalunya and El Punt Avui). The methodology combines frame analysis and narrative structure analysis.
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Lopata, Marine. "Le journal satirique El Papus (1973-1987) : expressions de la contre-culture dans la bande dessinée de la Transition espagnole." Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017USPCA175.
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Au cours des années soixante et soixante-dix, des mouvements de contestation sociale, politique et culturelle voient le jour dans différents pays occidentaux. Les nombreuses similitudes que présentent ces mouvements, en dépit de leur éloignement géographique, conduisent à s’interroger sur la circulation de pratiques et d’idées contre-culturelles. La présente étude apporte une pierre à cet édifice en construction à travers l’analyse de la partie graphique de la revue « satirique et neurasthénique » El Papus, qui voit le jour le 20 octobre 1973. Le parti pris dans cette étude est de considérer que la contre-culture ne se manifeste pas uniquement dans sa dimension underground et que des formes d’expression empruntent les circuits de production et de diffusion classiques. Pour atteindre l’objectif assigné dans ce travail, le concept de « contre-culture » sera le point de départ de notre réflexion. Nous retracerons dans la première partie le contexte de diffusion de la contre-culture en Espagne et proposerons des pistes de réflexion pour comprendre comment les collaborateurs de El Papus se sont familiarisés avec de nouvelles idées et esthétiques venues de l’étranger, et tout particulièrement de France et des États-Unis. L’analyse que nous proposons dans la deuxième partie reposera sur un double objectif : montrer dans quelle mesure El Papus présente les caractéristiques esthétiques de la contre-culture (transgression, laideur et « mauvais goût »), et mettre en lumière la façon dont les collaborateurs de la revue se sont appropriés trois sources d’inspiration esthétique : la revue satirique française Hara-Kiri, le magazine américain Mad, et la bande dessinée underground américaine égalementDuring the Sixties and the Seventies several social, political and cultural movements appear in different Western countries. The many similarities that these movements shared in spite of the geographical distance among them lead to wonder about the flows and exchanges of countercultural ideas and practices. This study adds its bit by means of the analysis of the « satirical and neurasthenic » magazine El Papus, which is born the 20th October 1973. The stance in this study is to consider that counterculture does not manifest only in its underground dimension and that some expression forms use classical production and distribution circuits. In order to attain the aim assigned to this work the concept of « counterculture » will be the starting point of our analysis. In the first part, we will explore the context of counterculture circulation in Spain and will propose clues to understand how El Papus cartoonists had access to the new ideas and aesthetic features coming from abroad, particularly from France and the United States. The analysis that we propose in the second part will have a double aim: to show how El Papus presents the aesthetic features belonging to counterculture (transgression, ugliness and « bad taste ») and demonstrate how the magazine cartoonists had three sources of aesthetic inspiration: the French satirical magazine Hara-Kiri, the American magazine Mad and also the American underground comic strip scene
Durante los años sesenta y setenta en diferentes países occidentales aparecen movimientos de contestación social, política y cultural. Las numerosas similitudes entre ellos, a pesar de la distancia geográfica que los separaba, suscitan reflexiones sobre la circulación de prácticas e ideas contraculturales. El presente estudio es una contribución a este edificio en construcción a través del análisis de la parte gráfica de la revista « satírica y neurasténica » El Papus, que aparece por primera vez el 20 de octubre de 1973. Este estudio considera que la contracultura no se manifiesta únicamente en su dimensión underground y que ciertas formas de expresión circulan a través de vías de producción y de difusión clásicas. El concepto de « contracultura » será el punto de partida de nuestro estudio. En la primera parte expondremos el contexto de difusión de la contracultura en España y propondremos pistas de reflexión para entender cómo los colaboradores de la revista llegaron a conocer las nuevas ideas y estéticas provenientes del extranjero, en particular de Francia y Estados Unidos. El análisis de la segunda parte tendrá un doble objetivo: mostrar en qué medida El Papus presenta las características estéticas de la contracultura (transgresión, fealdad y « mal gusto ») y poner de relieve de qué manera los colaboradores de la revista se apropiaron de tres fuentes de inspiración estética: la revista satírica francesa Hara-Kiri, la americana Mad y también el cómic underground americano
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Istúriz, Gisela Díez. "Weibliche Lesekultur als Spiegel der sozialen und kulturellen Entwicklung in Spanien im 19. Jahrhundert." Doctoral thesis, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, Philosophische Fakultät I, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.18452/15641.
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Das 19. Jahrhundert wird in den westlichen Ländern Zeuge tiefer Veränderungen auf dem Bereich des Buchdruckes, der dank der Fortentwicklung der Technik ihre handwerklichen Herstellungsverfahren in eine industrialisierte Produktion umwandelt. Es erlebt den Ausbruch und die Entfaltung des Pressewesens und die rasante Steigerung der Konsumentenzahl von Druckerzeugnissen. Diese Entwicklung, die als Revolution – die zweite Revolution des Buchdruckes – bezeichnet wird, resultiert aus den parallel laufenden soziokulturellen Veränderungen – wie die Demokratisierung der Bildung –, die sich schon im 18. Jahrhundert ihren Weg anbahnten und die sich kraft des Vorantreibens und der Verbreitung einer schriftlichen Kultur fortwährend entwickeln konnten. Die Etablierung liberalen Gedankengutes treiben auch in Spanien eine neue Konzeption des Individuums voran, das Bildung, Information, öffentliche Meinungsäußerung, die eine schriftliche, gedruckte Kommunikationsform implizieren, als seine elementaren Rechte betrachtet. Infolge dieses Hergangs wird der Leserkreis stetig größer und differenzierter; nicht nur neue gesellschaftliche Schichten erringen für sich den Zugang zur Schrift, sondern auch die geschlechtsspezifischen, aus der traditionellen, patriarchalischen, spanischen Mentalität resultierenden Defizite hinsichtlich der Bildung der Frau nehmen, ihren Eintritt in die Lesergemeinschaft ebnend, konstant ab. Die Wandlung der Frau zur Teilhaberin und sogar zur Mitgestalterin der schriftlichen Kultur in Spanien erfolgt abhängig von den historischen und politischen Gegebenheiten und nicht konstant und in gleichem Maße im ganzen Land. Der schwierige Weg zur Bildung, der Einfluss der katholischen Kirche, die sozialen Unterschiede, sind entscheidende Faktoren für die Geschwindigkeit, mit der sich diese Veränderung vollzieht. Ziel dieser Arbeit ist eine geschichtliche Veranschaulichung der Entstehung und Konsolidierung einer weiblichen Leserschaft und der begleitenden Umstände auf den Bereichen des Buch-, Bibliotheks-, und Bildungswesens.In the course of the 19th century deep changes take place in the world of printing, mostly due to the improvements of the techniques and the industrialisation of the production. But this revolutionary development, known as the second revolution of the printing, results itself from the cultural, political and social transformations which happen contemporaneously. The advance of liberal ideologies with their new conception of the individual, who regards education, information and freedom of speech - which imply a written, a printed communication form - as his elementary rights, strengthens the spreading of a written culture, so that many countries experience a rapid increase of the number of consumers of printed products. These innovations will also reach Spain and deeply influence its society and culture. The alphabetised population increases, the number of readers becomes constantly larger and the readership more differentiated. New social groups achieve the right of education and become in this way potential readers, the women being the most important of them. The traditional, patriarchal, catholic Spanish mentality changes slowly allowing them to be alphabetised and educated. Women begin in the 19th century to take actively part on the cultural live of the country and not only as readers but also as authors. This transformation does not take place continually and in the same measure all along the country, due to the influence of the historical and political conditions. The difficult way to education, the power of the Catholic Church and the social differences become for instance crucial factors which define the rapidity and the significance of the development. This thesis presents the process of the emergence and consolidation of a female readership during the 19th century, illustrated with a description of the evolution on the ranges of the book production, of the library and education system and many examples of reading materials and publications for and of women.
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Treffot, Anne-Elisabeth. "L'Espagne, un nouveau pays d'immigration : l'exemple des immigrées roumaines (analyse comparative)." Phd thesis, Université de Bourgogne, 2013. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00998655.
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Ce travail porte sur le phénomène de l'immigration en Espagne et son impact dans la société espagnole contemporaine. L'étude de l'arrivée de nombreux migrants en Espagne permet en effet de rendre compte de l'évolution de la société espagnole: D'une part en analysant comment et pourquoi un pays traditionnellement exportateur de main d'œuvre a pu attirer des immigrants; d'autre part en observant ce que l'Espagne a fait pour intégrer ces flux migratoires. L'analyse de ce phénomène se fait à travers un prisme particulier, celui des femmes roumaines. Les Roumains sont depuis quelques années la première nationalité étrangère en Espagne. Je présente ici les différentes étapes de l'immigration roumaine et ses caractéristiques, et enquête auprès de migrantes roumaines. Je veux en effet, à travers leur expérience, mettre en lumière certains aspects importants de la société espagnole contemporaine (dans la mesure où ils sont révélateurs de l'attitude de cette société face à des problèmes nouveaux). Je m'intéresse également à quelques cas particuliers, afin de présenter l'immigration roumaine dans toute sa diversité: j'analyse l'immigration des Roumaines roms et reviens également sur la situation de femmes roumaines en situation de marginalisation: les Roumaines victimes de réseaux de proxénétisme, et les Roumaines détenues en Espagne. Par ailleurs, il m'a semblé tout aussi essentiel de déterminer la vision que la société espagnole a des immigrés, et en particulier des Roumains à travers l'analyse d'un corpus journalistique qui reflète la période comprise entre la fin des années 90 et 2013, et complète cette analyse de l'immigration roumaine. Dans les années 50, des flux migratoires d'un tout autre ordre se sont dirigés vers l'Espagne franquiste: J'évoque l'exil en Espagne, sujet encore très inédit et très rarement objet de recherches. Ce travail, qui porte essentiellement sur l'immigration en Espagne, présente, en outre une comparaison ponctuelle avec la situation en France Cette brève analyse permet de comparer et de nuancer ce qui, dans l'expérience migratoire des Roumaines en Espagne et en France est semblable ou foncièrement différent.
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François, Noémie. "Concha Alós , une remise en lumière nécessaire." Thesis, Pau, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016PAUU1001.
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Le présent travail propose une remise en lumière de l’écrivaine Concha Alós (19222011) et une réévaluation de sa production. Écrivaine révélée sous le Franquisme, elle a joui d’une reconnaissance médiatico-culturelle importante dans les années 1960 et 1970, mais souffre aujourd’hui d’une indifférence presque généralisée. Cette thèse s’attache à étudier exhaustivement, pour la première fois, le parcours personnel et professionnel de Concha Alós et, de manière plus affinée, son œuvre esthétique. À partir de l’examen d’une somme de documents (publiés, édités, inédits, etc.) et d’archives privées, ce travail recompose la trajectoire d’une écrivaine dans une Espagne bridée par la dictature. Il s'évertue à la positionner parmi ses contemporains, à déterminer les raisons de son oubli et analyse ses productions, tant narratives que journalistiques et scénaristiques. Notre étude vise à actualiser la connaissance d’une femme engagée, dont la plume tranchante, le style direct et les thèmes percutants méritent, aujourd’hui, une réhabilitationThis thesis aims at placing the writer Concha Alós (1922-2011) in the limelight again and at reevaluating her production. As a writer revealed under Franco’s regime, she received an important media and cultural recognition in the 60s and 70s but suffers today from an almost general indifference. The purpose of this PhD dissertation is to provide – for the first time – a comprehensive study of Concha Alós’s personal and professional path and, in a more fine-grained way, her aesthetic work. After a careful review of a large number of documents (published or not, edited, etc.) and private archives, I retrace the trajectory of a Spanish woman writer in a country shackled by dictatorship, position her amongst her contemporaries, determine the reasons for her oblivion and analyze her productions which appear under the form of narratives, newspaper articles and scenarios. The study’s aim is to update our knowledge of a committed woman, whose caustic pen, direct style and powerful themes today deserve to be rehabilitated
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Trancart, Vinciane. "Accords et désaccords. Pratiques et représentations de la guitare à Madrid et en Andalousie de 1883 à 1922." Thesis, Paris 3, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA030100/document.
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À la charnière entre les XIXe et XXe siècles, alors que la question de l’identité nationale se pose avec acuité en Espagne, la guitare y est à maintes reprises évoquée comme « l’instrument national ». Ce lieu commun se révèle finalement être un symbole paradoxal d’une identité encore en débat. Tandis que le cliché caricature la réalité en la simplifiant, les pratiques de la guitare se diversifient au contraire pendant la Restauration, en raison des transformations techniques de l’instrument et de l’évolution de la musique populaire, classique et flamenca. La composition en 1920 par Manuel de Falla de la première pièce pour guitare soliste (Hommage à Debussy) et l’organisation du Premier Concours de Cante Jondo à Grenade en 1922 attestent la progressive reconnaissance de l’instrument. Pourtant, la multiplication des imprimés, favorisée par la loi de liberté de la presse (1883), donne lieu à de nombreuses représentations littéraires et plastiques de la guitare qui ne reflètent pas fidèlement ces mutations. Elles mettent surtout en lumière son caractère populaire, andalou, voire flamenco, et sa capacité à imprégner l’imaginaire. Publiées dans des périodiques andalous ou madrilènes, ces œuvres influencent la réception de l’instrument : celui-ci est à la fois apprécié par un public de plus en plus large, méconnu car il est absent des musées et des institutions, et rejeté selon des critères sociaux et moraux en raison de sa présence dans des lieux décriés. Pourtant, même lorsque le stéréotype est contesté, la guitare revêt une dimension symbolique originale, ancrée dans le quotidien, qui se manifeste à travers l’émotion qu’elle susciteDuring the transition from the nineteenth to the twentieth centuries, when the question of national identity is continuing to develop in Spain, the guitar is repeatedly mentioned as the “national instrument”. This platitude ultimately proves to be a paradoxical symbol of an identity that is still under debate during this period. While stereotypical descriptions caricature the reality by oversimplifying it, on the contrary, guitar practices diversify during the Restoration, because of technical changes in the instrument and the evolution of folk, classical and flamenco music. The composition in 1920 by Manuel de Falla of the first piece for solo guitar (Homenaje a Debussy) and the organization of the First Contest of the Cante Jondo in Granada in 1922 testify to the gradual recognition of the instrument. Yet the proliferation of printed matter, favored by the freedom of the press law (1883), gives rise to numerous literary and visual representations of the guitar that do not accurately reflect these changes. They mostly bring out its popular, Andalusian and even flamenco character, and its ability to impregnate the imagination. Published in periodicals in Madrid or Andalusia, these works influence the reception of the instrument: it is both appreciated by an increasingly wide audience, disregarded for being absent from museums and institutions, and rejected by social and moral standards because of its presence in decried places. Yet, even when this stereotype is disputed, the guitar takes on an original symbolic dimension, rooted in everyday life, which manifests itself through the emotions it provokes
En la bisagra entre los siglos XIX y XX, cuando la cuestión de la identidad nacional se planteaba con intensidad en España, se aludió muchas veces a la guitarra como el “instrumento nacional”. Este lugar común aparece como un símbolo paradójico de una identidad todavía en debate. Mientras que el cliché caricaturiza la realidad simplificándola, las prácticas de la guitarra, por el contrario, se diversificaron durante la Restauración, debido a las transformaciones técnicas del instrumento y a la evolución de la música popular, clásica y flamenca. La composición en 1920 por Manuel de Falla de la primera obra para una guitarra solista (Homenaje a Debussy) y la organización del Primer Concurso de Cante Jondo en Granada en 1922 dan fe del progresivo reconocimiento del instrumento. Sin embargo, la multiplicación de los impresos, favorecida por la Ley de Policía de Imprenta (1883), dio lugar a numerosas representaciones literarias y plásticas de la guitarra que no reflejaban fielmente esas mutaciones, sino que destacaban, sobre todo, su carácter popular, andaluz e incluso flamenco, y su capacidad de impregnar todo el imaginario colectivo español. Publicadas en periódicos andaluces o madrileños, estas obras influyeron en la recepción del instrumento que, apreciado por un público cada vez más amplio, resultaba también desconocido, por su ausencia en museos e instituciones, al mismo tiempo que era rechazado según criterios sociales y morales por su presencia en lugares considerados deshonrosos. No obstante, incluso cuando se critica el estereotipo, la guitarra posee una dimensión simbólica, enraizada en lo cotidiano, que se manifiesta a través de la emoción que suscita
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Stefanelli, Marco. "Un chapitre dans l'histoire des représentations phonologiques : les transcriptions des "coplas flamencas" au tournant des XIXe et XXe siècles." Thesis, Paris 3, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019PA030004.
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Les transcriptions des strophes des chants flamencos soulèvent des problèmes liés à leurs spécificités linguistiques et à leur portée symbolique. Cette thèse propose d’étudier les représentations phonologiques sous-jacentes aux graphies des premiers recueils consacrés à ce type de chants, publiés en Espagne entre la fin du XIXe et le début du XXe siècle. Ces graphies extra-normatives sont envisagées selon trois perspectives différentes et complémentaires : métalinguistique, historico-culturelle et historico-épistémologique.Les systèmes de transcription étudiés supposent des phonologies, donc des discours sur la langue, qui se rattachent aux diverses représentations culturelles sur le « peuple andalou » véhiculées dans ces mêmes ouvrages. Celles-ci sont analysées dans le contexte mouvementé de réorganisation politique et sociale – et de quête identitaire et symbolique – qui avait lieu en Espagne et dans ses régions à l’époque en question. On étudie donc le rôle qu’ont joué les folkloristes espagnols dans la recherche des particularités andalouses.L’élaboration de ces systèmes de transcription s’est faite dans un cadre scientifique caractérisé par l’institutionnalisation des études folkloriques, en Espagne comme ailleurs en Europe, et par l’émergence de nouveaux savoirs en linguistique. Linguistes européens et folkloristes espagnols échangeaient idées et matériaux, non sans engendrer des erreurs d’interprétation qui ont perduré pendant plusieurs décennies.De la sorte, les représentations linguistiques sous-jacentes acquièrent le statut de prototypies, participant à des constructions culturelles et légitimées par leur rattachement à un réseau scientifique international et interdisciplinaireThe transcription of flamenco songs raise various issues connected to their linguistic features and their symbolic value. This thesis addresses the phonological representations underlying the written forms found in the first collections, published in Spain between the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th century. We approach these non-orthographical spellings from three different and complementary perspectives: a metalinguistic one, a cultural-historical one, and an epistemological-historical one.They imply phonological descriptions of the language of flamenco songs that are linked to different cultural representations about the “Andalusian people” conveyed by the authors themselves. These cultural representations are studied in the tumultuous context of the social and political reorganization and the symbolic and identity-related search that took place in Spain both at a national and at regional or local level at that time. Thus, this work focuses on the role played by the Spanish folklorists in the search for Andalusian peculiarities.The establishment of these transcription systems emanated from a scientific framework featuring the institutionalization of folk-studies in Spain and Europe, and the rise of new knowledge areas in linguistics. European linguists and Spanish folklorists shared ideas and materials, a process that led to some misunderstandings that were perpetrated through the following decades.In this way, the underlying linguistic representations acquire the status of prototypes, that participate to cultural constructions and that are legitimated by their connection to an international and interdisciplinary scientific network
Las transcripciones de las letras de los cantes flamencos plantean problemas vinculados a sus particularidades lingüísticas y a su valor simbólico. Esta tesis se propone estudiar las representaciones fonológicas subyacentes a las grafías de las primeras colecciones de este tipo de cantos, publicadas en España entre finales del siglo XIX y principios del siglo XX. Se contemplan estas grafías extra-normativas bajo tres perspectivas diferentes y complementarias: la metalingüística, la histórico-cultural y la histórico-epistemológica.Estas transcripciones suponen fonologías, esto es, discursos sobre la lengua que están relacionados con las diferentes representaciones culturales sobre el “pueblo andaluz” concebidas en las mismas obras. Éstas son examinadas en el marco tumultuoso de la reorganización política y social y de la búsqueda identitaria y simbólica que se registra en España y sus regiones en la época mencionada. Por lo tanto, se estudia el papel que desempeñaron los folkloristas españoles en la búsqueda de las especificidades andaluzas.La elaboración de estos sistemas de transcripción se hizo en un marco científico caracterizado por la institucionalización de los estudios folklóricos, tanto en España como en el resto de Europa, y por la aparición de nuevas áreas de conocimiento en lingüística. Lingüistas europeos y folkloristas españoles se intercambiaban ideas y materiales, generando a veces errores de interpretación que persistieron durante varias décadas.De este modo, dichas representaciones lingüísticas adquieren la condición de prototipos que participan a las construcciones culturales y son legitimados por su vínculo a un marco científico internacional e interdisciplinar
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Бочарова, А. И., and A. I. Bocharova. "Корпоративные университетские издания как инструмент продвижения: редакторский аспект : магистерская диссертация." Master's thesis, б. и, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10995/71954.
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Цель магистерской диссертации заключается в выявлении редакторских маркетинговых стратегий наполнения университетских корпоративных СМИ с последующим составлением рекомендаций. Редакторский подход к изучению проблем функционирования корпоративной прессы и, прежде всего, создания качественного контента определяет новизну исследования. Работа проведена на примере русскоязычного и испаноязычного изданий, что обусловило введение в научный оборот нового корпуса текстов и позволило определить эффективные стратегии формирования материалов корпоративного издания в разных лингвокульутрах. В исследовании на разных этапах был использован следующий материал. Для понимания процесса и тенденций моделирования коммуникативных стратегий и тактик в вузовских, российских и зарубежных СМИ методом сплошной выборки было проанализировано свыше 1500 текстов разных жанров из газет «Уральский федеральный» и «Gaceta UNAM» из 80 номеров за 2016–2018 г. Для уточнения портрета аудитории был проведен опрос, результатами которого стали 438 реакций 100 респондентов. Также материалом для исследования послужило свыше 1500 структурных элементов (заголовочный комплекс, концовки) журналистских материалов газет «Уральский федеральный» и «Gaceta UNAM» для анализа архитектоники СМИ. Магистерская диссертация состоит из введения, двух глав, заключения и библиографического списка. В первой главе рассматривается место корпоративных СМИ в системе инструментов брендирования и продвижения вуза, теоретические подходы изучения аудитории СМИ, в частности, через результаты опроса раскрывается образ целевого читателя университетской газеты «Уральский федеральный». Его основные характеристики были распределены в четыре обобщающие группы по степени важности для участников социологического опроса. Во второй главе представлен анализ коммуникативной, тематической и структурно-содержательной стратегий формирования контента корпоративных университетских изданий. В процессе исследования было выделено две доминирующих коммуникативных стратегии «свой круг» и «апелляции к ценностям», которые были подразделены на тактики. И газета «Уральский федеральный», и «Gaceta UNAM» стремятся к позитивной самопрезентации. К общим относятся тактики «свой-чужой», «территориального признака», «аббревиации», «кооперации», у которых, однако, иногда может быть разная подача в зависимости от издания. Например, «Уральский федеральный» описывает своего через местоимение мы, а «Gaceta UNAM» характеризует других. То же касается и импликатур, которые в газете «Уральский федеральный» отталкивают читателя от чужих, а в газете «Gaceta UNAM» привлекают к своим. «Gaceta UNAM» обладает индивидуальными тактиками, отличающими ее от газеты «Уральский федеральный». К ним относятся тактика формирования активной гражданской позиции и тактика постановки гендерного вопроса. Таким образом, мексиканский университет стремится объединить аудиторию еще и рассматриваемым кругом тем. Проведенный анализ заголовочного комплекса в газетах «Уральский федеральный» и «Gaceta UNAM» позволяет судить о наличии четырех характерных элементах: заголовки, подзаголовки (надзаголовки), вставки, рубрики. Газета УрФУ стремится к сочетанию информативных и эмотивных составляющих заголовочной системы, использует в качестве наименований цитаты, вопросы, а также иллюстративные и оценочные высказывания. Газета UNAM избегает использования экспрессивных заголовков, из чего становится видно редакторскую политику, а именно стремление позиционировать СМИ как деловое издание, представляющее аналитические материалы. Концовки текстов поддерживают заданный тон изложения. У материалов UNAM всегда есть подведение итогов, финальное мнение и оценка. А в «Уральском федеральном» частотна концовка-напоминание, а также концовка-отсылка к информации на других ресурсах. В проведенном исследовании также предложен общий алгоритм работы современного редактора над материалами вузовских медиа и индивидуальные рекомендации для каждой рассматриваемых газет.The purpose of the master's thesis is to identify editorial marketing strategies for filling the University corporate media, followed by recommendations. The editorial approach to the study of the problems of the corporate press functioning, and, above all, the creation of high-quality content, determines the novelty of the research. The work is carried out on the example of Russian and Spanish-language publications, which led to the introduction of a new set of texts into scientific usage and allowed to determine effective strategies for the formation of corporate publications in different linguocultures. The following material was used in the study at different stages. To understand the process and trends of modeling communicative strategies and tactics in higher education Russian and foreign mass media, by the method of continuous sampling over 1,500 texts of different genres from the Newspapers «Ural Federal» and «Gaceta UNAM» of 80 numbers for 2016-2018 were analyzed. For determining the profile of a typical student of the Ural Federal University a survey has conducted, the results of which were 438 responses of 100 respondents. More than 1500 structural elements (headline complex, endings) of journalistic materials of the newspapers «Ural Federal» and «Gaceta UNAM» for the analysis of architectonics of mass media also served as a material for research. The master's thesis consists of an introduction, two chapters, conclusion and bibliography. The first chapter displays the place of corporate media in the system of branding tools and promotion of the University, theoretical approaches to the study of the media audience, in particular, through the results of the survey reveals the image of the target reader of the University newspaper «Ural Federal». Its main characteristics were divided into four generalizing groups according to the degree of importance for the participants of the sociological survey. The readers of the University media consider the communicative and cognitive needs to be fundamental for a typical student, therefore, the speech impact will be effective and communication successful if the corporate media will take into account certain interests during preparation of the materials. The second chapter represents an analysis of communicative, topical, structural and content strategies of corporate University publications, as well as a general algorithm of the modern editor's work on the materials of University media and individual recommendations for each of the examined newspaper. In the process of the research two dominant communicative strategies “the circle” and “appeal to values” were identified and subdivided on tactics. Both the the corporate newspaper of the Ural Federal University («Ural Federal») and the National Autonomous University of Mexico («Gaceta UNAM») crave for positive self-presentation. The common tactics include “friend-stranger”, “territorial attribute”, “abbreviation”, “cooperation”, which, however, can sometimes have a different presentation depending on the publication. For instance, the “Ural Federal” describes us through a pronoun we, and “Gaceta UNAM” characterizes others. The same applies to implicatures, which in the newspaper "Ural Federal" repel the reader from others, and in the newspaper "Gaceta UNAM" attract to theirs. «Gaceta UNAM» has individual tactics that distinguish it from the Ural Federal newspaper. These include the tactics of forming an active citizenship and the tactics of raising the gender issue. Thus, the University of Mexico seeks to unite the audience with the range of topics covered. The analysis of the headline complex in «Ural Federal» and «Gaceta UNAM» newspapers makes it possible to judge about the presence of four characteristic groups of elements: headings, subheadings (overheads), insertions, headings. UrFU newspaper strive to the combination of informative and emotive components of the heading system and uses quotations, questions, illustrative and evaluative statements as titles. UNAM newspaper avoids the use of expressive headlines, from which it becomes apparent editorial policy, namely the desire to position the media as a business media presenting analytical materials. The endings of the texts maintain a given tone of presentation. UNAM materials always have a summary, final opinion and evaluation. And in «Ural Federal» ending reminder, as well as ending, sending information to other resources, can be encountered frequency. The study also proposed a general algorithm for the work of a modern editor on the university media materials and the individual recommendations for each of the newspapers, which were taken into consideration.
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BOOS, Verena. "Bypassing regional identity : a study of identifications and interests in Scottish and Catalan press commentary on European integration, 1973-1993." Doctoral thesis, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5720.
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Defence date: 12 September 2005Examining board: Prof. Bo Stråth, European University Institute (Supervisor) ; Prof. Michael Keating, European University Institute (Second Supervisor) ; Prof. Enric Ucelay-Da Cal, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona ; Prof. David McCrone, University of Edinburgh
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
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MORATA, Francesc. "Autonomie regionale et integration européenne : L'Espagne face aux experiences italienne et allemande." Doctoral thesis, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/4716.
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詹昭明. "The press in contemporary Spain 1966-1990." Thesis, 1991. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/93126188905680449375.
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HERNANDEZ, FERREIRO Carlos. "Regions and international aid : an inquiry on the origins of decentralized aid for development programs in two European regions." Doctoral thesis, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5149.
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Defence date: 5 December 2005Examining board: Prof. Iñaki Aguirre Zabala, Departemento de Derecho Internacional Público, Relaciones Internacionales e Historia del Derecho y de las Instituciones, UPV/EHU ; Prof. Leonardo Morlino, Dipartimento di Scienze della Politica e Sociologia, Università degli Studi di Firenze ; Prof. Friedrich Kratochwil, Department of Social and Political Sciences, European University Institute ; Prof. Michael Keating, Department of Social and Political Sciences, European University Institute (Supervisor)
First made available online 9 September 2016
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李宜芳. "Ancillary Copyright for Press Publishers in the Case of Spain." Thesis, 2016. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/95659631807553843918.
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GRAU, Mireia. "The effects of institutions and political parties upon federalism :the channelling and integration of the Comunidades Autonomas within the central-level policy processes in Spain (1983-1996)." Doctoral thesis, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5130.
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Defence date: 6 November 2000Examining board: Prof. Yves Mény (EUI-Supervisor) ; Prof. Michael Keating (EUI) ; Prof. Luis Moreno (Consejo Superiori de Investigaciones Científicas) ; Prof. Juan Subirats (Universitat Autónoma de Barcelona)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
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Tanner, SJ. "Parochialism, politics and the Tasmanian press : a study in the politics of journalism." Thesis, 1991. https://eprints.utas.edu.au/21919/1/whole_TannerStephenJohn1991_thesis.pdf.
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Newspapers are generally ascribed an important role within the community. With media attention becoming increasingly focussed on the reporting of conflict, this role can be an influential one. A great deal of research has been conducted into the relationship between the media and the broader community. Michael Gurevitch et al. have described the relationship as symbiotic - that media organisations draw on their environment both for economic survival and for the raw data needed to fulfill editorial requirements. The media is said to be a powerful influence on the formation of public opinion. According to Tod Gitlin the earliest studies have demonstrated that the media played a central role in, "consolidating and reinforcing the attitude of people." Newspapers have been said to, "both reflect public opinion and influence public opinion." Said Hertz: "People identify closely with their newspaper and actively use it." It is a two-way relationship; one in which media content may influence our behaviour and our behaviour may influence the content that is offered.
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DALMAU, PALET Pol. "Clientelism, politics and the press in modern Spain : the case of the Godó family and the founding of 'La Vanguardia'." Doctoral thesis, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/40884.
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Defence date: 28 September 2015Examining Board: Professor Bartolomé Yun Casalilla, EUI/Universidad Pablo de Olavide; Professor Lucy Riall, EUI; Professor Isabel Burdiel, Universitat de València; Professor Renato Camurri, Università degli Studi di Verona.
This thesis investigates the links between politics and the press during the crisis of the liberal state in Europe. During the 19th century, one of the biggest challenges facing the liberal state was how to give voice to local concerns. In countries with a centralised state-model and where liberal principles coexisted with other forms of authority that originated in the Old Regime, local elites (or notables) emerged as intermediaries between the state and the territory. However, while the literature has emphasised that these elites secured their position via patron-client relationships, little is known about how they also used the public sphere as a way to reinforce their legitimacy. Focusing on the press as one of the strategies used by elites to secure their advantaged position in society and embrace new spheres of influence, this thesis will focus on the Godó family, a dynasty of politicians, manufacturers and press proprietors who founded what is Spain's oldest (still active) newspaper and Barcelona's top-selling paper today: La Vanguardia. Divided into three parts, the thesis will first examine the role of newspapers in political systems where clientelism was the main means of distributing public office. The case of the Godó family and La Vanguardia is used to throw light on this, and on the importance of transnational media transfers in transforming the newspapers' raison d'être. The second part explores how the Godó family tried to engineer public opinion to advance their private agenda during the colonial wars in Morocco and Cuba. The family underwent a serious reversal of fortune in the early 20th century, when the demise of the Spanish empire and the ensuing climate of national introspection led journalists to be accused of wilfully misguiding the public and denounced as collaborators in the corrupt regime of elections. Yet contrary to the downfall of the notables narrative, which sees the demise of Europe's traditional elites as the outcome of the crisis of liberal politics, this thesis shows that elites had a wide room for manoeuvre to maintain their influence in the new mass society. The final part of the thesis examines the strategies the Godó family designed to adapt to this new scenario, and the function that the press played in them. Drawing on the emerging field of media history, the interdisciplinary perspective adopted here will redress the traditional lack of dialogue between historians and media scholars, providing a novel perspective on the crisis of liberalism in Europe – where press editors are interpreted as political actors, and changes in communicative channels are understood as intricately connected to changes in the nature of power.
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Chen, Yun-Ting, and 陳韻婷. "In the Market Failure of Platform Era, Who Should Pay for News? In the Case of an Ancillary Copyright for Press Publishers in Germany and Spain." Thesis, 2018. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/22936g.
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碩士國立臺灣大學
新聞研究所
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After the digitalization, the internet users gradually choose to go on digital platforms to read news, and platforms have become the main places for news websites to receive the view numbers. Many European news publishers do not satisfy with the phenomenon that digital platforms use their news contents and get most of the digital advertising without paying anything to them, because of that, the European publishers propose that digital platforms should pay for news contents. Germany and Spain enacted the new copyright for news publishers in 2013 and 2014. In chapter 2, the paper analyzes the character of news media, the effect of digital platforms and the discussion of using copyright to protect news products. By using the document analysis method, the paper analyzes the background of the legislation, the regulation of the new copyright and how the stakeholders view this new copyright for news publishers. The paper found out that even though the new right can regulate small digital platforms; it cannot make large digital platforms such as Google news pay for news products. The paper suggests that the local government should develop a public digital platform for news publishers to reduce the international digital platform’s impact on news publishers.
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Fusková, Iva. "Role regionálních politických stran na španělské politické scéně v období 1993-2010." Master's thesis, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-312589.
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Diploma thesis "The role of regional political parties within the Spanish political scene in the period of 1993-2010" presents an analysis of the role of Spanish regional political parties, which play within the national political scene since 1993. The preliminary chapter of this thesis provides a brief description of the contemporary Spanish political system, the regional organization of Spain and the Spanish electoral system, which has considerable influence especially on the party system. I consider this general introduction relevant and important for a better understanding of the whole issue. The next section is devoted to the Spanish party system, its development, the typology and the main national political parties. Here I come to the conclusion that due to the specific configuration of the electoral system in Spain happens relatively complicated interpenetration of the national party system with the regional party systems. The final and the most important chapter deals with the regional political parties, which after 1993 came to the Spanish parliament, and especially about those that have influence on the government formation and the government policy. At the beginning of this chapter I define the regional political party, the regionalist and the nationalist political party and I try to...
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Ionita, Ovidiu Cristian V. "Nationalisme, construction nationale et «action extérieure» : les entités nationales non souveraines espagnoles et l’Union européenne (1992-2008)." Thèse, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/11124.
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Cette thèse porte sur l’évolution des relations des « nationalités historiques » espagnoles avec l’Union européenne dans les années 1992-2008. L’analyse se concentre sur la genèse d’une paradiplomatie nationaliste européenne dont l’objectif est la reconnaissance de l’identité nationale de ces communautés au sein de l’Union européenne. Après avoir obtenu une certaine reconnaissance nationale et un statut privilégié en Espagne, les élites de ces « nations sans État » ont remarqué que le processus de construction de l’Union européenne a des conséquences négatives sur leur autonomie et, dans ce contexte, ces élites nationalistes sont obligées à concevoir une vraie politique européenne pour protéger leurs intérêts nationaux en Espagne et dans l’Union européenne.
À partir de l’étude des rapports établis entre les « nationalités historiques » espagnoles avec l’Union européenne, nous démontrons que l’involution autonomique (en Espagne) et le manque d’empathie de l’Union européenne envers ces communautés nationales sont les principales causes de la genèse de leur politique européenne. Loin d’être simplement associée à une forme de régionalisme ou de néo-régionalisme, cette politique étrangère (« action extérieure ») de ces entités envers l’Union européenne fait partie d’un processus de construction nationale et pourrait être définie comme une paradiplomatie nationaliste.
La présente thèse, basée sur une analyse de la politique européenne des « nationalités historiques » entre 1992 et 2008, soutient que les limites du dessein institutionnel de l’Union européenne représentent la principale raison d’être de l’évolution de la paradiplomatie nationaliste vers une protodiplomatie apparemment incohérente. Dans une telle situation, l’inaptitude institutionnelle de l’Union européenne à accommoder les demandes nationalistes serait une cause majeure de l’échec des initiatives nationalistes autonomistes et, en même temps, une cause de l’émergence d’un nouveau courant nationaliste au sein des élites des « nations sans État » occidentales, dont le but est la construction d’un propre État national à l’intérieur de l’Union européenne.This tesis deals with the story of the relationship between the Spanish "historical nationalities" and the European Union in 1992-2008. The analysis is focusing on the birth of EU-centred nationalist paradiplomacy with the aim of achieving national identity recognition for these communities within the European Union. After having obtained some national recognition and a privileged status within Spain, the elites of these "nations without state" have noted that the process of building the European Union has a negative impact on their autonomy and, in this context, these nationalist elites are forced to conceive a genuine European policy in order to protect their national interests in Spain and within the European Union. Based on the research on the relationship between the Spanish "historical nationalities" and the European Union, we argue that the autonomic involution (within Spain) and the EU lack of empathy for these national communities are the main causes of the birth of their European policy. Far from being simply associated with some kind of regionalism or neo-regionalism, this foreign policy ("external affairs") is a part of a process of national construction and could be defined as a nationalist paradiplomacy. Furthermore, based on an analysis of this EU-centred foreign policy between 1992 and 2008, our tesis claims that the limits of institutional design of the EU represent the main reason for the evolution of this nationalist paradiplomacy towards an apparently incoherent protodiplomacy. In such a situation, the EU institutional inability to accomodate the nationalist demands seems to be responsible for the failure of some Home Rule nationalist projects and stimulates the growth of a new wave of nationalists whose objective is a national State-building within the European Union.
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Czajkowska, Katarzyna. "System medialny współczesnej Hiszpanii." Doctoral thesis, 2015. https://depotuw.ceon.pl/handle/item/1507.
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Główną podstawę teoretyczną rozprawy doktorskiej z zakresu nauk o mediach zatytułowanej „System medialny współczesnej Hiszpanii”, która zawiera opis i analizę współczesnego systemu medialnego Królestwa Hiszpanii, stanowi wpływowa klasyfikacja trzech modeli systemów medialnych D. C. Hallina i P. Manciniego, przedstawiona w publikacji pod tytułem „Systemy medialne. Trzy modele mediów i polityki w ujęciu porównawczym”. W analizie uwzględnione zostały cztery kryteria porównawcze: 1) zakres interwencji państwa w system medialny, w tym głównie jego wpływ na funkcjonowanie krajowych publicznych mediów elektronicznych; 2) paralelizm polityczny; 3) profesjonalizm dziennikarski i stopień autonomii dziennikarskiej; oraz 4) kondycja sektora prasy w dobie rozwijających się mediów online, takich jak dzienniki cyfrowe i portale informacyjne. Celem pracy i zarazem główną hipotezą było wykazanie, iż pomimo zaawansowanych procesów konwergencji i digitalizacji współczesny hiszpański system medialny w znacznym zakresie odpowiada cechom modelu spolaryzowanego pluralizmu, inaczej śródziemnomorskiego. Sformułowano też hipotezy szczegółowe, które umożliwiały weryfikację kryteriów porównawczych w odniesieniu do wpływu nowych technologii na media tradycyjne i dziennikarstwo. W celu weryfikacji hipotez zastosowane zostały metody: opisowa, ilościowa i jakościowa. W dysertacji zastosowano także analizę systemową, przedstawiającą system medialny jako organizm złożony z zależnych od siebie i wzajemnie oddziałujących elementów. W analizie sektora prasowego, radiowego i telewizyjnego, zastosowano elementy metody historycznej i porównawczej, aby wykazać związki między aktualną sytuacją a przeszłymi uwarunkowaniami, które wywarły bezpośredni wpływ na obecną specyfikę analizowanego systemu medialnego. Dane ilościowe zaczerpnięto z publikowanych cyklicznie raportów sporządzanych przez instytucje publiczne i prywatne zajmujące się monitoringiem mediów, takie jak: Narodowy Instytut Statystyczny (INE), Biuro Kontroli Rozpowszechnienia (OJD), Związek Badania Mediów (AIMC), Generalne Stowarzyszenie Autorów i Wydawców (SGAE), Związek Madryckiej Prasy (APM), Instytut Reutersa oraz instytucji naukowych. W analizie teoretycznej poza teorią D. C. Hallina i P. Manciniego, powołano się także na prace Denisa McQuaila, Henry’ego Jenkinsa, Paula Levinsona i Gustavo Cardoso, dotyczące teorii i uwarunkowań normatywnych, ontologicznych, ekonomicznych i społeczno-politycznych systemów medialnych, teorii konwergencji oraz nowych mediów. Dysertacja składa się z pięciu rozdziałów. Rozdział pierwszy przedstawia: model śródziemnomorski w odniesieniu do koncepcji D. C. Hallina i P. Manciniego, uwarunkowania prawne, media publiczne, podmioty regulujące funkcjonowanie rynku, agencje informacyjne oraz zmiany w hiszpańskim krajobrazie medialnym, dotyczące audytoriów mediów, sytuacji ekonomicznej mediów, a także dziennikarstwa w epoce cyfrowej. Rozdział drugi poświęcony jest sektorowi prasy. Rozdział trzeci dotyczy współczesnej hiszpańskiej radiofonii. Rozdział czwarty przedstawia hiszpański sektor telewizyjny. Rozdział piąty poświęcony jest sieci i mediom online, między innymi rosnącej roli informacyjnej prasy cyfrowej i portali informacyjnych oraz dziennikarstwu obywatelskiemu.The thesis „Media system of contemporary Spain” contains a description and analysis of the current media system of the Kingdom of Spain. The purpose of the thesis is to show that despite the convergence and digitalization process, the current Spanish media system significantly corresponds to the model of polarized pluralism (Mediterranean model) defined by D. C. Hallin and P. Mancini. Four criteria were taken into account: 1) scope of the state's intervention in the media system, including most of all its influence on the functioning of the public domestic electronic media; 2) political parallelism; 3) journalist professionalism and the scope of the journalist autonomy; 4) condition of the press sector at the time of developing online media, such as digital journals and information portals. Detailed hypothesis helped to verify the influence of new technologies on traditional media and journalism. Descriptive, quantitative and qualitative methods were applied to verify the hypotheses. Elements of historical and comparative method were used to conduct the analysis of the press, radio and television sector in order to show relations between the current situation and the past determinants that directly affected the current specificities of the media system under analysis. System analysis, which presents the media system as a complex organism composed of dependent and mutually interacting elements, was also applied in the thesis. In theoretical analysis, apart from the theory of D. C. Hallin and P. Mancini, other theories by Gustavo Cardoso, Denis McQuail, Henry Jenkins, Paul Levinson and Roger Fidler were applied. Quantitative data was taken from cyclically published reports prepared by public and private institutions involved in media monitoring such as Instituto Nacional de Estadística, (INE), Asociación para la Investigación de Medios de Comunicación (AIMC), Oficina de Justificación de la Difusión (OJD), Sociedad General de Autores y Editores (SGAE), Asocciación de la Prensa de Madrid (APM), Reuters Institute and academic institutions.The first chapter presents the Mediterranean model based on distinctive features specified by D. C. Hallin and P. Mancini, as well as law norms, including sector relations and license granting system, state bodies responsible for supervision of the audiovisual market's functioning, associations, domestic and international journalist awards and information agencies. It presents as well changes in media landscape, that refer to the media audience, media economic situation and journalism in the digital age. The second chapter describes the Spanish press sector. The third chapter includes a description of the current Spanish radio broadcasting sector. The fourth chapter describes the television sector. The fifth chapter presents the increasing significance of the Web and new technologies used for information and communication purposes and a description of online press and information portals that currently constitute one of the main sources of information and supplement the offer of traditional sectors. The last chapter contains as well the description of civil and alternative media.
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Michálková, Helena. "Mediální krajina ve Španělsku." Master's thesis, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-298523.
Full textAbstract:
The diploma thesis "The media landscape in Spain" aims to describe the contemporary Spanish media scene and apply the basic characteristics and particularities of the "polarized pluralist model" media system which was described by Hallin and Mancini in their book Comparing Media Systems and whose features are also allocated to other South European countries (Italy, Portugal, Greece and marginally also France) in addition to Spain. The description of the press and audiovisual media market itself is preceded by three extensive chapters dealing with press media development in Spain from its beginnings in the 17th century until today, media legislation and the concentration of media ownership. It was the development of the press (and, in the 20th century, the development of audiovisual media) which, due to its exceptionally close ties to politics, determined the shape of the contemporary Spanish media landscape, which is why the thesis focuses primarily on this topic. The historical and political development of the country and constantly changing systems of government led to frequent changes in law (press laws in particular), which makes Spain very different from other European countries in this aspect. The chapters dealing with the press and audiovisual media market refer to the weak tradition of...
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Coufalová, Kateřina. "Regionální politické strany a Evropská unie: Případová studie Španělsko." Master's thesis, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-298312.
Full textAbstract:
Regional political parties and the European Union: Case study of Spain Abstract The diploma thesis "Regional political parties and the European Union: Case study of Spain" focuses on the area of the regional parties on the stage of the European Parliament, a subject which has not been analysed thoroughly in the past. Special emphasis is placed on the analysis of this phenomenon on the case of the Spanish historical regions (Catalonia, Basque Country, Galicia) which are a recognizable proof of the remarkable institutional strengthening in the framework of a regionalized unitary state. The methodology of triangulation was used for the analysis of this issue as the data of the diverse type (i.e. electoral results, party's material etc.) have been put together through different methods (as a qualitative and quantitative content analysis, deductive and comparative approaches) with the aim to reveal the complete character of the issue and to reach the objective results as possible. The study focuses on the analysis of the regional parties on the European level through their cooperation in the European federations of the political parties as well as the framework of the political groups in the European Parliament. The emphasis is also placed on the analysis of the own work of the members of the European Parliament...