Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Regionalism in the press – Scotland'

This thesis in social anthropology is based on the inner essence, manifestations and tendencies of Scottish nationalism and regionalism. The thesis intends to investigate how Scottish nationalism and regionalism are related to each other. It is meant to highlight the meaning of the Wallace-myth for maintenance of the Scottish national consciousness and to illuminate factors lying behind this myth. It is also meant to study how Turner, Lévi-Strauss, Anderson, Eriksen, Hobsbawm and Hettne’s theories work in the Scottish field. This thesis intends to contribute to a better understanding and deeper insight into Scottish nationalism.

Thesis (PH. D.)--Miami University, Dept. of Political Science, 2005.
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This is a claim, articulated by sections of the members of the Scottish press and the political elite, that racism does not exist in Scotland. The aim of this thesis is to draw on documentary evidence and secondary sources in order to demonstrate the myth of 'racial' tolerance in Scotland. Through developing a materialist and empirical method of investigation, which recognises how racialised discourses can articulate with discourses of the nation, a historical and comparative analysis was carried out. Secondary sources and existing research were used to examine the history of racialised discourses during the nineteenth and early twentieth century. The examination of the substance of postwar racialised discourses involved the content analysis for Scottish newspapers and their coverage of several key events was examined (the 1958 'race riots', the 1968 Kenyan Asian crisis, and the 1980s 'race riots'). The results were compared with existing research on the English press. Overall, this demonstrated that there were continuities and discontinuities in the substance of racialised discourses. Continuities in the sense that the substance of racialised discourses in Scotland and England are very similar. This stems from the fact that both Scotland and England are bound together within the common space of the nation-state. By discontinuities, I refer to the fact that there are subtle differences in the expression of racialised discourses. In Scotland's case, the major discontinuity is the myth of 'racial' tolerance. This discontinuity stems from the fact that the British nation state still contains a distinct Scottish national identity as well as a broader English/British identity. Racialised discourses have articulated with different national identities, leading to subtle differences in the expression of racism. In the Scottish case, it includes the myth of 'racial' tolerance. However, through drawing on secondary sources, evidence will be provided that contradicts this myth.

This historical research explores two political issues, the silver movement and political regionalism, in select newspapers of the Cripple Creek Mining District in Colorado from 1896-1904. These two topics are not suitably studied in prior research on Colorado journalism, which has tended to explore minor press environments and has largely neglected press operations and editorialism during the Gilded Age. This research is grounded in concepts such as sectionalism, which is used to guide the study's investigation of silver and political regionalism. Primary research utilizes the Cripple Creek Citizen, Morning Times, Morning Times-Citizen, Times (weekly and daily), Evening Star, Mail, and Daily Press and the Victor Daily Record newspapers. Those sources are analyzed to better understand how Cripple Creek Mining District editors manipulated the battle for free silver and bimetallism in the 1890s and identified political boundaries to direct voters in elections surrounding the turn to the twentieth century. Such analysis expands media historian's understanding of Colorado journalism, explores the significant but poorly-researched influence of bimetallism on Gilded Age presses, and applies the critical concepts of political regionalism and sectionalism to mine camp and Colorado journalism. This research concludes with a number of observations intended to generate further study in related concepts by media historians and offers a potential gateway towards the development of cultural theory pertaining to sectionalism during the 1890s in the American West.
Thesis (M.A.)--Wichita State University, Fairmount College of Liberal Arts and Sciences, Dept. of Communication

This thesis examines and compares newspaper coverage of the first two general elections after Scottish devolution, looking at both the Scottish and English/UK press. By considering the coverage of a major political event which affects both countries, it contributes to debates regarding the performance of the Scottish press within an arguably distinct Scottish public sphere as well as that of the press in England within a post-devolution context. The research is based on a content analysis of all the coverage of the 2001 and 2005 elections in seven Scottish and five English and UK daily morning newspapers, a critical discourse analysis of a sample of the coverage of the most mentioned issues in each campaign and a small set of interviews with Scottish political editors. As a framework for its analysis, this thesis focuses on theories of national identity and deliberative democracy in the media. It finds that the coverage of elections in the two countries has a similar issue agenda, however Scottish newspapers appear less interested in the UK aspect of the elections and include debates on Scottish affairs which are discussed in isolation, within an exclusively Scottish mediated space. These issues are constructed as particularly relevant to a Scottish readership through references to the nation, inclusive modes of address to the reader and the inclusion of exclusively Scottish sources, which contrast with the Scottish coverage of “UK” issues. This distinction between “Scottish” and “UK” topics emerges as the key differentiating factor in the discursive construction of election issues in the Scottish press, rather than that between devolved and reserved issues. Newspapers in England on the other hand, report on the two campaigns without taking into consideration the post-devolution political reality. These core questions are contextualized within the thesis by reference to relevant dimensions of Scottish culture and politics, and interpreted in the light of events since 2005.

Essa dissertação objetivou analisar como o futebol de São Paulo e do Rio de Janeiro foi utilizado pelo Estado Novo para concretizar o seu projeto de construir uma nação ordenada e disciplinada, afim com os valores produtivos próprios do capitalismo e com o projeto de unidade nacional pensado pelo regime. Analisando-se os principais periódicos e jornais especializados em esportes desses dois estados, vislumbrou-se como o futebol auxiliou na concretização de alguns ideais engendrados no período estadonovista e, ao mesmo tempo, através do seu aspecto ritualístico, desafiou alguns princípios caros ao Estado Novo.
This dissertation aimed to analise how soccer in São Paulo and Rio de Janeiro was used by the government to achieve the project of building an ordered and organized nation, connected to the capitalism productive values and to the project of national unity thought by the regime. Analysing the main periodicals ans newspapers specialized in sports of both states it was possible to understand how his sport, through its ritual aspects, helped building the ideal nation planned during this period and, meanwhile, challenged some of the principles within the regime.

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Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico
This work consists in an analysis of Sao Paulo regionalism in the sports pages in the early years of Brazilian soccer, from the study of the first inter-state matches that opposed Sao Paulo and Rio de Janeiro and the Brazilian participation in large-scale international soccer episodes, such as the South American Championship 1919 (played in Rio de Janeiro), the C. A. Paulistano tour to Europe (in 1925), and the first World Cups, occasions that mobilized national sporting life. The appreciation of these facts contribute to a broader reflection about the own move of São Paulo's elites against the neighbors of the capital of the Republic in a dispute over the cultural vanguard position of the nation, passing it can be even better apprehended from look that relationship of the sports press of Sao Paulo with soccer
Este trabalho constitui-se em uma análise do regionalismo paulista nas páginas esportivas nos primeiros anos do futebol brasileiro, a partir do estudo das primeiras partidas interestaduais que opunham São Paulo e Rio de Janeiro e da participação brasileira em episódios futebolísticos internacionais de grande vulto, tais como o Campeonato Sul-Americano de 1919 (disputado no Rio de Janeiro), a Excursão do C. A. Paulistano à Europa (no ano de 1925), e as primeiras Copas do Mundo, ocasiões que mobilizaram a vida esportiva nacional. A apreciação de tais fatos contribui para uma reflexão mais ampla sobre a própria investida das elites de São Paulo contra os vizinhos da capital da República, em uma disputa pela posição de vanguarda cultural da nação, transcurso que pode ser ainda mais bem apreendido a partir do olhar sobre a relação da imprensa esportiva de São Paulo com o futebol

This thesis examines the politics of local, governance in the Scottish Highlands, taking the Highlands and Islands Enterprise (HIE) network - made up of a central core and 10 Local Enterprise Companies (LECs) - as its institutional focus. It synthesises regulationist approaches and neo-Marxist state theory to explain LECs as part of a broader process of re-regulation under consecutive Conservative governments. LECs are unelected, business-led agencies operating at the local level. The political discourse through which LECs were established and promoted created expectations of local autonomy among business representatives that clashed with the centralising tendencies of Thatcherism. The thesis examines how the resultant tension between local initiative and central control has been worked out within the HIE network. It relies on data collected from seventy semi-structured interviews with representatives of HIE, LECs, local authorities, businesses and community groups. The initial chapters introduce the research and consider key methodological issues, set out the theoretical framework, and review the practices of the Highlands and Islands Development Board (HIDB, HIE's successor). The thesis then explores the key tension between local initiative and central control, explaining how it has been mediated and resolved through routine institutional practices. It also examines HIE-LECs relations with other key agencies, notably local authorities, through selected examples of multi-agency partnerships and assesses LECs' local accountability and representativeness. Finally, a concluding chapter sets out the main findings and considers their implications. While key managerial 'technologies' such as targeting, audit and financial controls allow central government to monitor and steer the HIE network, the thesis argues that the authoritative resources of the HIE core - grounded in the combination of local knowledge and technical expertise inherited from the HIDB - enables it to adapt key aspects of the operating regime to its own purposes. Local autonomy is limited by the relative centralisation of the Network, and LECs operate in a system of structured flexibility in which their scope to adapt policy to local conditions is constrained by state rules and procedures. In emphasising that local autonomy is limited by hierarchical mechanisms of control, the thesis argues that local governance in the Scottish Highlands continues to be underpinned by government. It also points to the limits of the regulation approach and neo-Marxist state theory as theoretical perspectives, suggesting that neo-Foucauldian writings on govemmentality are useful in providing stronger analytical purchase on the specific mechanisms and procedures through which state regulation is practised.

This thesis provides a study of book publishing as it contributes to the production of a regional literature, using Western Australian publishing and literature as illustrative examples of this dynamic. 'Regional literature' is defined in this thesis as writing possessing cultural value that is specific to a region, although the writing may also have national and international value. An awareness of geographically and culturally diverse regions within the framework of the nation is shown to be derived from representations of these regions and their associated regional characteristics in the movies, television and books. In Australia, literature has been the primary site for expressions of regional difference. Therefore, this thesis analyses the impact of regionalism on the processes of book production and publication in Western Australia’s three major publishing houses— a trade publishing house (Fremantle Press), an Indigenous publishing house (Magabala Books), and an academic publishing house (University of Western Australia Press). Book history, print culture studies and publishing studies, along with literary studies and cultural studies, roughly approximate a disciplinary map of the types of research that constitute this thesis. By examining regional literature in the context of its 'field of cultural production', this thesis maintains that regionalism and regional literature can avail themselves of a fresh perspective that shows them to be anything but marginal or exclusive. Regionalism has been a topic of peripheral interest, at least as far as scholarly research and academia are concerned, because those who are most likely to be affected by and thus interested in the topic, are also those who are most disempowered as a result of its attendant dynamics. However, as this thesis clearly demonstrates, access (or a lack thereof) to the field of cultural production (which in the case of print culture includes writers, literary agents, editors, publishers, government arts organisations, the media, schools, book clubs, and book retailers, just to name a few) plays a significant role in establishing and shaping an identity for marginalised 3 constituencies. The implications for this research are far-ranging, since both Western Australia and Australia can be understood as peripheries dominated in their different spheres (the 'national' and the 'international', respectively) by literary cultures residing elsewhere. Furthermore, there are parallels between this dynamic and the dynamic responsible for producing postcolonial literatures. The three publishing houses detailed in this thesis are disadvantaged by many of the factors associated with their distance from the traditional centres of book publishing, while at the same time producing a regional literature that serves as a platform from which the state broadcasts its distinctive contributions to the cultural landscape and to a wider understanding of concepts such as space, place and belonging. These publishing houses changed the way in which Australians and others have come to know and think about 'Australia', re-routing public consciousness and the national imagination.

De toutes les régions de France, la Bretagne est celle qui attira le plus les artistes entre le milieu du XIXe siècle et le milieu du suivant. Si sa présence dans la peinture est connue, il n’en va pas de même dans le domaine de l’estampe. L’objet de cette thèse est de combler cette lacune en analysant sa place, comme thème, chez les graveurs sur bois français et étrangers. L’étude s’appuie sur un corpus fondé sur le dépouillement des fonds publics et privés. Son analyse révèle l’importance de la thématique dans chaque phase de l’évolution de la gravure sur bois occidentale entre 1850 et 1950. Pour chacune sont étudiées les contributions des graveurs les plus représentatifs. L’apparition de la Bretagne dans la gravure professionnelle d’interprétation est retracée, puis précisée sa place dans la gravure sur bois originale entre 1880 et 1900. Les partis opposés des coloristes et des tenants du noir et blanc divisent en deux sections les chapitres suivants. L’étude des premiers met en évidence l’impact des procédés japonais de gravure et d’impression. Elle se poursuit par la résurgence du camaïeu puis le retour au coloriage après impression. L’analyse de la production en noir met en lumière les pôles autour desquels gravitent presque toutes les représentations de la Bretagne : inspiration maritime et thématique rurale. Elle souligne la contribution régionale à la vogue du livre illustré en gravure sur bois dans l’entre-deux-guerres. Enfin, la présentation d’une production militante constitue un épisode de ce panorama d’une production qui, pour être régionale dans son inspiration, n’en constitue pas moins un exemple représentatif de l’histoire d’un art et d’une technique
Brittany is the region of France which attracted the greatest number of artists between the mid-19th and 20th centuries. The presence of painters is known, but the same cannot be said for the field of etching. The aim of this thesis is to contribute towards filling that gap.The study is based around the creation of a corpus. Its analysis reveals the importance of the theme adopted during each of the main periods of the development of western woodcut printing between 1850 and 1950. The definitions of these themes form the internal dynamic of the thesis.First of all the appearance of Brittany in professional interpretive etching is related. Then its place in the birth of original wood block printing is detailed. The following chapters are devoted to the opposing groups of artists, those who used colour and those who held to the aesthetic of black and white prints. The study of the colourists begins by highlighting the impact of Japanese wood-block techniques. It is followed by the resurgence of camaïeu and then the return to the western tradition of colouring after printing.Analysis of the more technically homogenous black print production focuses attention on the two themes around which almost all representations of Brittany revolve: the sea and the countryside. It underlines the regional contribution to the vogue for books illustrated with woodcut prints during the period between the wars. Finally, the presentation of militantly Breton works marks a specific episode of this panoramic overview of artistic output which, despite its regional origins, symbolises no less a part of the history of the art and technique of wood-block carving

In the 90´s, Europe used to be depicted as the most privileged political arena for regional nationalist political parties to access for “more” political power. In that sense, whereas formal channels of regional interest representation were taken for granted by those standing within federal political systems; informal channels of regional interest representation were highly valued by regional nationalists standing in decentralized or devolutionary constitutional settlements. In spite of nuanced institutional preferences, Europe was rationally inspired (Ostrom 2005) as it used to be perceived as an aggregation of formal-legal structures that could be used as a means to prescribe, proscribe and permit a certain behavior in exchange of a personal utility. Moreover, regional nationalists were policy “maximizers” who acted in isolation, away from the center, using their own limited political resources to maximize their policy gains by pursuing distinctive forms of political autonomy. However, by the end of the 90’s, both categories of regional nationalists plunged into European disillusion due to the limits of a sovereign logic prevailing in Europe.

However, in the 21st century, as soon as a new European policy cycle started to emerge and the economic crisis started to cripple, experienced regional nationalists realized that they could use the benefits of regional economic resources in face of the European Economic strategy to justify further concessions of policy competences that are still shared, either in theory or in practice, as well as to argue for new ones. The political plan would consist of using the reference of the European Economic targets to deliver policies, which would allow them to legitimize their nationalist aspirations, in both layers of governance, as well as to induce regional citizens into their political plan so they can finally reach the legal threshold to endorse a new state reform. Moreover, since they were rationally bounded, in the sense that they were lacking the policy expertise to perform these goals, they have learned to rely on a policy narrative (Shabahan et al 2011; Jones and Beth 2010; Radaelli 2010) embedded in a territorial economic argument to make sense of an advocacy coalition framework (Sabatier and Jenkins-Smith 1993), using informal channels of regional interest intermediation as “cognitive” structures (Scot 1995a) to articulate a policy strategy to be implemented in Europe and at the regional level of governance.

Therefore, and irrespectively of nuanced constitutional settlements, all experienced regional nationalists have returned to the center, using informal channels as an instrument of governance (Salamon 2002) to clarify the best policy options to be implemented in both layers of governance. In other words, regional nationalists have become “policy satisficers” (Simon 1954) who have learned to forgo immediate satisfaction in Europe to collect major gains of political power across multiple layers of governance. If the term “usage” can be defined as the act of using something to achieve certain political goals (Jacquot and Wolf 2003), in this research, we will apply the concept of “usage” to demonstrate that experienced regional nationalists in government have moved from a rational to a cognitive “usage” of the European institutions to perform renewed political preferences across multiple layers of governance.

Departing from an actor centered institutionalist approach (Mayntz and Sharp 1997), we will demonstrate that the N-VA in Flanders, since 2004, and the SNP in Scotland, since 2007, have become new pragmatic nationalists. In that sense, we will argue that, in a clear contrast with pragmatic nationalists of the 90’s who expected to legitimize their nationalist aspirations in Europe by the means of a rational “usage” of the European institutions; experienced regional nationalists have become new pragmatic nationalists as they have learned to rely on a cognitive “usage” of the European institutions to legitimize their nationalist aspirations, no longer in Europe, but through Europe.

We will then conclude that in the 21st century, and against traditional dogmas of the 90’s, the “usage” of Europe by regional nationalists is cognitively twisted, economically driven and collectively performed. It embraces all experienced regional nationalist political parties in government, irrespectively of their constitutional settlement or nationalist credo, as long as they possess the ability to anchor a political strategy embedded in “identity” without sticking to strict politics of nationalism.

Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

The decades before the Scottish Reformation Parliament of 1560 witnessed the unprecedented use of a range of different media to disseminate the Protestant message and to shape beliefs and attitudes. By placing these works within their historical context, this thesis explores the ways in which various media – academic discourse, courtly entertainments, printed poetry, public performances, preaching and pedagogical tools – were employed by evangelical and Protestant reformers to persuade and/or educate different audiences within sixteenth-century Scottish society. The thematic approach examines not only how the reformist message was packaged, but how the movement itself and its persuasive agenda developed, revealing the ways in which it appealed to ever broader circles of Scottish society. In their efforts to bring about religious change, the reformers capitalised on a number of traditional media, while using different media to address different audiences. Hoping to initiate reform from within Church institutions, the reformers first addressed their appeals to the kingdom's educated elite. When their attempts at reasoned academic discourse met with resistance, they turned their attention to the monarch, James V, and the royal court. Reformers within the court utilised courtly entertainments intended to amuse the royal circle and to influence the young king to oversee the reformation of religion within his realm. When, following James's untimely death in 1542, the throne passed to his infant daughter, the reformers took advantage of the period of uncertainty that accompanied the minority. Through the relatively new technology of print, David Lindsay's poetry and English propaganda presented the reformist message to audiences beyond the kingdom's elite. Lindsay and other reformers also exploited the oral media of religious theatre in public spaces, while preaching was one of the most theologically significant, though under-researched, means of disseminating the reformist message. In addition to works intended to convert, the reformers also recognised the need for literature to edify the already converted. To this end, they produced pedagogical tools for use in individual and group devotions. Through the examination of these various media of persuasion, this study contributes to our understanding of the means by which reformed ideas were disseminated in Scotland, as well as the development of the reformist movement before 1560.

L’action extérieure du Parlement écossais est l’objet de notre étude. D’abord, nous avons identifié la capacité opérationnelle de cette institution au sein du système institutionnel britannique, sur la scène communautaire et dans les échanges internationaux. Puis, nous avons détecté les facteurs structurant cette action. Selon notre étude, trois pôles prennent forme dans l’action parlementaire tels que les îles Britanniques, l’Europe qui couvre l’espace géographique européen, l’environnement institutionnel communautaire. Enfin, le troisième pôle est l’espace hors d’Europe, notamment les pays du Commonwealth et les Etats-Unis d’Amérique. Nous avons également établi une certaine spécialisation des méthodes et des moyens d’action dans les trois pôles évoqués
The focus of my dissertation is the external action of the Scottish Parliament. My study identifies the operational capacity of this institution within the British institutional system, on the European Union arena and in international relations. I have identified the factors structuring the parliamentary action that shaped three poles such as the British Isles, Europe and outside the geographic European space. The pole of Europe covers both Continental Europe and the EC institutional environment. I have also identified the specialisation of methods and tools of action within the above mentioned poles

Defence date: 12 September 2005
Examining board: Prof. Bo Stråth, European University Institute (Supervisor) ; Prof. Michael Keating, European University Institute (Second Supervisor) ; Prof. Enric Ucelay-Da Cal, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona ; Prof. David McCrone, University of Edinburgh
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017

Newspapers are generally ascribed an important role within the community. With media attention becoming increasingly focussed on the reporting of conflict, this role can be an influential one. A great deal of research has been conducted into the relationship between the media and the broader community. Michael Gurevitch et al. have described the relationship as symbiotic - that media organisations draw on their environment both for economic survival and for the raw data needed to fulfill editorial requirements. The media is said to be a powerful influence on the formation of public opinion. According to Tod Gitlin the earliest studies have demonstrated that the media played a central role in, "consolidating and reinforcing the attitude of people." Newspapers have been said to, "both reflect public opinion and influence public opinion." Said Hertz: "People identify closely with their newspaper and actively use it." It is a two-way relationship; one in which media content may influence our behaviour and our behaviour may influence the content that is offered.

Defence date: 20 April 2007
Examining board: Prof. Michael Keating, European University Institute (Supervisor) ; Prof. Peter Mair, European University Institute ; Prof. Charlie Jeffery, University of Edinburgh ; Prof. Simona Piattoni, Università degli Studi di Trento
European integration has upset many assumptions regarding the distribution of power, functions and authority across and within states. Scholars have bewailed or rejoiced the ‘emptying’ of the state – the erosion of its competences by supranational integration and decentralisation. However, there are few examinations of how substate actors have responded to state and European structural change, and none that have analysed how substate political parties have sought to enhance regional powers and influence during a period in which state boundaries have become permeable. This research fills this lacuna by exploring how substate parties in Scotland, Bavaria and Sardinia have pursued territorial strategies to secure autonomy and capacity in Europe since 1979. The choice of comparing dissimilar regions enables us to explore the uneven effects of European integration in different places, and to examine why some parties have used Europe to advance their territorial projects whilst others have not. Territorial strategies – which include demands for constitutional recognition as well as policy capacity – differ across territories and party systems, owing to a variety of local and statewide factors. They also change over time in response to perceived opportunities for action in Europe. For instance, from 1988-95 the possibilities of a Europe of the Regions led to a convergence of territorial demands, causing nationalist parties to moderate claims to independence and pro-centralist parties to support greater substate autonomy. However, the closing of opportunities for regions from the late 1990s caused some parties to revert back to previous – or more Eurosceptical – positions, or to trade-off autonomy for more access to the state. This indicates that substate party support for European integration is often tactical, whilst pressures for autonomy are motivated by the perception of policy benefits to be obtained, with or without Europe.

There is a constant trend in the European Union for heightened pride, desire of extended autonomy and even national independence of regions. The master thesis intends to investigate the relations of selected regions in the EU member states with the European policy level. The general research question to answer is "Which regions are more successful in representing their interests vis-à-vis the European policy level?" The investigation is undertaken in a form of a comparative case study combining qualitative and quantitative research; the examined regions are - following the research hypotheses and intention to provide a multi-perspective analysis of the problem - Scotland (United Kingdom), Hessen (Germany), Trentino-Alto Adige/Südtirol (Italy) and Středočeský kraj (Czech Republic). Based on the comparative analysis the thesis concludes that "regions with wide scope of powers on the national level (usually coming from federal or regionalized member states) with strong economic background are generally more successful in representing their interests vis-à-vis the European policy level."