Journal articles on the topic 'Regionalism – European Union countries'
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1
Nacewska-Twardowska, Aleksandra. "Regionalism and multilateralism in trade policy of the European Union." Equilibrium 4, no. 1 (June 30, 2010): 153–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/equil.2010.012.
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Foreign trade is one of the main expressions of international cooperation in the world, which indicates the specific location of trade policy in the policy of the countries or organizations. The history of trade shows the existence of two opposite trade coordinating practices: regional and multilateral. In the post-war history, there can be seen the coexistence of both trends. An excellent example of this is the European Union, where both practice of coordination the trade policy unite. On the one hand, the Community is in itself an exception to the principle of trade liberalization on a multilateral basis, on the other hand for many years it has actively participated in the creation of a common commercial policy for all at the forum of GATT and the WTO. Common commercial policy of the Union is one of the pillars of its existence, affecting significantly the region's economic development. Therefore, in a time of crisis it is important to question how the common commercial policy is being shaped today and whether changes in the global economy affect the change in its formation? Last years point out the increasing trend of regionalism in Community. The difficulties increasing in the formation the trade policy in the WTO effects in many changes. Even enthusiastic proponents of the idea of multilateralism in trade seek for new solutions. In this situation the European Union looks of possibilities to form of the widest possible bilateral relations with other countries or organizations.
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Elistania, Elistania, Farandy Nurmeiga, and Agung Permadi. "Strategy To Strengthen Cooperation Between The European Union And The Mediterranean Countries Through The Union For Mediterranean (UfM)." Global: Jurnal Politik Internasional 21, no. 2 (December 26, 2019): 242. http://dx.doi.org/10.7454/global.v21i2.398.
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The European Union is an example of regional cooperations that represents regional identity. In the midst of the process of integration and expansion of membership, the European Union has an interest in building good relations with non-member countries in the immediate region, including the Mediterranean. The process of establishing cooperation between the European Union and the Mediterranean countries continues to change. The Euro-Mediterranean Partnership (EMP) in 1995 was the place for regional cooperation with most member countries and had a well-structured pillar of cooperation. However, the two entities re-formed a new cooperative platform, The Union for Mediterranean (UfM) in 2008. This study aims to explain why the European Union and Mediterranean countries changed the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership (EMP) into The Union for the Mediterranean (UfM) in 2008. Using the theory building approach in the Alex Warleigh-Lack regionalism concept, the findings in the research resulted in an answer that EMP has negative values that are not in accordance with the development of the issue so that it becomes a reason for the formation of UfM.
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Asante, S. K. B. "Overcoming the development problem of the Nation-State in Africa through regionalism." South African Journal of Economic and Management Sciences 3, no. 1 (March 31, 2000): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/sajems.v3i1.2596.
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Regionalism, of which the European Union is a successful example, has also been adopted by several African countries. The economic problems to be overcome here, more often than not include a sparse population, small internal markets, deficient infrastructure and economies vulnerable to fluctuating world prices. A further rationale for regionalism is more explicitly political in nature. Meeting the challenges of African development through a strategy of regionalism has been an enormous task in the past, and while there may be grounds for pessimism, this paper views the future with guarded optimism.
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Tayar, Violetta M. "Latin American regionalism and trade agreements with the European Union: experiences and approaches." RUDN Journal of Economics 29, no. 2 (December 15, 2021): 413–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-2329-2021-29-2-413-425.
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The article deals with the issues of trade cooperation between the European Union and Latin America and the Caribbean region (LAC). The characteristics of interregional trade are presented, and trade interaction between the EU and the subregional blocks of the LAC is analyzed. The author shows that Latin American regionalism predetermines the EU's approaches to trade and economic cooperation with LAC. Despite the fact that Latin American integration format differs from the European model, the EU countries manage to maintain trade and economic relations with subregional associations and particular Latin American countries, despite the growing competition in this region from the United States and China.
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Fathun, Laode Muhamad. "BREXIT REFERENDUM OF EUROPEAN UNION." Jurnal Dinamika Global 5, no. 01 (July 5, 2020): 65–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.36859/jdg.v5i1.193.
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This paper describes the phenomenon Brexit or Britain Exit on the future of EU regionalism and its impact on Indonesia. This paper will explain in detail the reason for the emergence of a number of policies Brexit. Brexit event caused much speculation related to Brexit in the European Union. The policy is considered full controversial, some experts say that Brexit in the European Union (EU) showed the independence of Britain as an independent state. Other hand, that Britain is the "ancestor" of the Europeans was struck with the release of the policy, meaning European history can not be separated from the history of Britain. In fact the above reasons that Britain came out associated with independence as an independent state related to EU policies that are too large, as a result of the policy model is very holistic policy while Britain desire is wholistic policy, especially in the economic, political, social and cultural. In addition, the geopolitical location of the EU headquarters in Brussels who also became the dominant actor in a union policy that demands as EU countries have been involved in the formulation of development policy, including controversial is related to the ration immigrants. Other reason is the prestige associated with the currency. Although long since Britain does not fully adopt the EU rules but there is the possibility in the EU currency union can only occur with the assumption that the creation of functional perfect integration.
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Hamzaoui, Djaouida. "European Neighborhood Policy." Contemporary Arab Affairs 13, no. 1 (March 1, 2020): 105–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/caa.2020.13.1.105.
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In 2004, the European Union proposed a project entitled the European Neighborhood Policy as a new strategic option. The project had been adopted by the European Council one year earlier in a proposal to the concerned states. The European Neighborhood Policy proposes the development of the scope of cooperation between the European Union and the southwestern Mediterranean countries through several political, economic, social, and cultural fields. Yet, the sphere of security is set at the top of its priorities. It is based on the principles of human rights, democracy, and the rule of law, as well as on establishing security and stability between the countries on the two shores of the Mediterranean neighboring Europe. This would be based on a common framework and a larger volume of mutual cooperation that is embodied in a genuine partnership that would confront common challenges. The study explores and provides an answer to the following question: To what extent can the European Neighborhood Policy be considered a representation of regionalism and the embodiment of a genuine European desire through which it would be able to build a “security group” in the Mediterranean basin?
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Salvatici, Luca, and Alessandro Antimiani. "Regionalism versus Multilateralism: The Case of the European Union Trade Policy." Journal of World Trade 49, Issue 2 (April 1, 2015): 253–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/trad2015011.
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In this article, we use a Computable General Equilibrium (CGE) model to assess the effects of possible agreements between the European Union (EU) and different partners, namely India, Mercado Común del Sur (MERCOSUR), and the United States of America (USA).We evaluate the impact of the Free Trade Agreements (FTAs) by themselves, assess their mutual compatibility, and compare them with a scenario including all bilateral agreements as well as a benchmark global free trade scenario. In 2006, the EU decided to abandon its moratorium on negotiating new FTAs. Since then, numerous negotiations have been started. In particular, the EU joined the scramble for preferential market access by launching bilateral negotiations with both individual countries and regional sub-groupings. The discriminatory character of these agreements is controversial in economics, not simply because of the classic 'Vinerian' view that they can divert rather than create trade, but also because of the unresolved disagreements on when a regional trade agreement is likely to precede, rather than preclude, more global agreements. In this article, we use a CGE model to assess the effects of possible agreements between the EU and different partners, namely India, Mercado Común del Sur (MERCOSUR), and the USA. We evaluate the impact of the FTAs by themselves, assess their mutual compatibility, and compare them with a scenario including all bilateral agreements as well as a benchmark global free trade scenario. This allows us to provide a quantitative comparison of the most important arguments asserting that bilateral agreements advance or hinder multilateral trade relations.
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Kraushaar, Maren. "The European Union a stepping stone to further integration or rather a Eurocentric fortress?" Politikon: The IAPSS Journal of Political Science 12 (June 30, 2006): 21–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.22151/politikon.12.5.
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The European Union a stepping stone to further integration or rather a Eurocentric fortress? Still with the memory of the destructive national power of the Second World War, the main initiators of the European integration stirred this project with the objective of preventing further conflicts through economic integration. Closer economic ties, spilling over to more countries and more policy areas lead to the development of an ever closer union which has become a powerful actor in international affairs. This essay will explore the question to what extent the European Union can be characterized as Eurocentric regionalism, rather focused on internal integration and enforcing outside borders than on global understanding. In order to shed light on this question several policy areas will be analysed, such as the European aid and trade policy, as well as the agricultural policy as these are areas where the European Union is directly confronted with external politics and international interests.
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Grabevnik, M. V. "REGIONALIST LOBBYISM IN EUROPEAN UNION INSTITUTION." Вестник Пермского университета. Политология 15, no. 4 (2021): 63–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.17072/2218-1067-2021-4-63-74.
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The research subject is the representation of regionalist lobbying organizations in the European Union institutions. Based on the analysis of the Transparency Register Data author characterizes the structure of regionalist lobby in the institutions of the European Union. The analysis demonstrates that the regional and municipal authorities of European countries, with their formal status as lobbying groups in the institutions of the European Union, actually remain incapable of influencing the political decision-making process at the supranational level, while the dominant position among the regionalist lobbying groups is occupied by organizations representing of associations of regions. The dominance of associations as the main regionalist actors in European lobbying is due to the administrative conveniences of mediated communication, in which associations act as mediators between regional and European elements of multilevel governance.
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Prinanda, Devita, and Haryo Prasodjo. "Strengthening North-South Relations: The Case of EU and ECOWAS Cooperation." Global Focus 1, no. 2 (October 27, 2021): 180–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.21776/ub.jgf.2021.001.02.6.
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Regional integration is discussing cooperation among states in a region and the influence of external states or organizations. The cooperation among regions is known as inter-regionalism. As a leader in regional integration, European Union (EU) has been cooperating with the other regions since their name was European Economic Community. Firstly, Europe established relations in the form of political dialogue and cooperation with ASEAN and Asian countries. For this occasion, the EU established Asia Europe Meeting (ASEM). Subsequently, the EU created external relations with African, Caribbean, & Pacific (ACP), South American, etc. This research elaborates on the relation of the EU with the West African region. The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) is the regional institution chosen by the EU to engage in the relationship. Some scholars acknowledged that ECOWAS is one of the most organized institutions in the African Region. Asymmetric relation between EU and ECOWAS denotes the relation of The North and The South countries. By analyzing the inter-regionalism framework, this paper exercises a liberal institutional perspective as the main paradigm. The results found that inter-regionalism could reinforce strong institutions in both regions.
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Lee, Soo Hee. "Asian Regionalism: Competition and Co-operation Between Japan and the NIC’s." Journal of Interdisciplinary Economics 6, no. 2 (July 1995): 151–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/02601079x9500600204.
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The topic of regionalism, trading blocks, and the role of Asia is becoming increasingly debated among academics and policymakers. The purpose of this paper is to analyze this topic from the viewpoint of co-operation and competition. Many of the Asian countries are “co-operating”, in the sense that they are forming certain blocks, such as APEC, in order to increase their bargaining position with the European Union and Nafta, and to encourage greater economic and business integration. At the same time, there is an increasing “competition”, between certain countries within Asia. A key part of this conflict, is between Japan, and the NIC’s, especially the two larger countries, South Korea and Taiwan. This paper will focus on the growing co-operation, mixed with competition and rivalry between Japan and these other Asian NIC’s.
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Chia, Siow Yue. "Whither East Asian Regionalism? An ASEAN Perspective." Asian Economic Papers 6, no. 3 (October 2007): 1–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/asep.2007.6.3.1.
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East Asia is catching up with the rest of the world in establishing regional trade arrangements (RTAs). This region is responding to pressures from globalization, regionalism in the Americas and Europe, the rise of China and India, improved political relations in the region with the end of the Cold War, as well as market-driven trade and investment integration and the emergence of production networks. ASEAN formed the first RTA in 1992, and by the turn of the decade, ASEAN was signing or negotiating free trade agreements (FTAs) with Japan, China, South Korea, India, Australia–New Zealand, and the European Union. It also entered into bilateral FTAs with the United States and countries in Latin America, Africa, the Middle East, and South Asia. ASEAN is also considering an East Asian FTA. Can ASEAN remain in the driver's seat of regional integration and be an effective hub? The FTA proliferation also has important consequences and effects for East Asia and the world trading system.
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Bhattacharyay, Biswa N., and Prabir De. "Promotion of Trade and Investment between People’s Republic of China and India: Toward a Regional Perspective." Asian Development Review 22, no. 01 (January 2005): 45–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s0116110505500034.
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Open regionalism and integration between the world’s two largest developing countries, People’s Republic of China (PRC) and India, in trade, investment and infrastructure can foster outward-oriented development, and economic and social benefits that could result in poverty reduction. In view of the increasing trend of regional integration, particularly the expanded European Union and North American integration, the opportunity costs of not moving toward greater economic integration between neighboring countries the PRC and India, which have much in common, could be increasing. This paper discusses the possible areas of PRC−India economic cooperation and economic integration between the northeastern region of India and southwestern provinces of the PRC.
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Baracaldo Orjuela, David, and Jean-Marie Chenou. "Regionalism and presidential ideology in the current wave of Latin American integration." International Area Studies Review 22, no. 1 (December 24, 2018): 41–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2233865918815008.
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Latin American regionalism is currently undergoing a profound crisis. Although the recent wave of regionalism of the early 21st century raised high expectations just a few years ago, it has suffered some important drawbacks since, as illustrated by the suspension of Venezuela from Mercosur in 2017 or the debacle of the Union of South American Nations in April 2018. Regional integration theories extrapolated from the European case struggle to account for the short cycles of integration dynamics in Latin America. Against this background, this article emphasizes two important aspects of Latin American regionalism that differentiate Latin America from other regions and explain some of the swift changes experienced over the last decades. First, because of the presidential nature of diplomacy in the region, integration relies more on the success of summits and joint declarations than on longer-term institutional diplomacy. Second, ideology is an essential factor of integration, as opposed to a vision of regionalism based primarily on material interests. Hence, the success and failure of regional integration are partly explained by the convergence of presidential ideologies among member states in a given organization. Based on an expert survey on the evolution of presidential ideology in 15 Latin American countries since the beginning of the 21st century and complemented by a structured discourse analysis, the article explores the importance of ideological coherence in the success – and lack thereof – of four regional organizations (the Pacific Alliance, Mercosur, the Andean Community and the Union of South American Nations). It also illustrates the salience of ideological arguments in presidential discourses on regional integration. These elements shed new light on the ideological factor in the current crisis of Latin American regionalism.
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Povalyashko, Ekaterina. "Theoretical Understanding of the Activation of the Unitary EU Member States Subnational Regions' External Relations." Polylogos 6, no. 1 (19) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s258770110014971-0.
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At the turn of the XX – XXI centuries one can observe the growth of political activity of subnational regions (including unitary countries). The best examples are provided within the framework of integration entities (as European Union) and could takes the form of external relations. The article considers a number of concepts that allow to describe the motivating causes of the phenomenon and the environment that gave rise to it: glocalization, new regionalism, Europe of regions. In addition, the concept of paradiplomacy is considered, as an interpretation of the mechanisms for implementing external relations of subnational regions. As a result, it is concluded that these concepts are used in the analysis of the external relations of the subnational regions of unitary countries within the EU, and it is also argued that the external relations of the regions are an integral part of the European political architecture, important for maintaining European integration, despite the conflict potential inherent in them.
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Nadtochey, Y. I. "DEFENSE COOPERATION IN EUROPE: SUBREGIONAL LEVEL." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 3(48) (June 28, 2016): 134–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2016-3-48-134-143.
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The evolution of subregional cooperation among European nations in security and defense area is the topic of the article. It describes sub-regionalism as a phenomenon and explains the reasons why small states of Europe are eager to cooperate in defense area after the end of the Cold War. Such cooperation is analyzed within the broader context of European integration - a trend which still has a great impact on sub-regional cooperation in certain parts of a common EU and NATO space. According to the article former socialist countries of Central and Eastern Europe as well as some European neutral states viewed sub-regional groupings as means of security enhancement in a period of transition - a time when these countries were getting ready for fully-fledged integration into European or Euro-Atlantic organizations. Nevertheless, subregional groupings have become even more relevant while EU and NATO enlargements were slowing down. So called threat perception gap among individual members of the EU and NATO contributed to forming of small subregional groupings based on members' security common vision and their aspiration to reach common goals. These groupings estimated as marginal by pan -European organizations, are extremely important for the grouped countries themselves. For European Union and the North Atlantic Alliance it is not easy to govern these subregional trends of multinational cooperation and synchronize them with European and Euro-Atlantic integration as such.
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Dergachev, V. O. "EUROPEAN EXPERIENCE OF REGIONAL POLICY AND ITS IMPLEMENTATION IN UKRAINE." Economic innovations 19, no. 3(65) (December 19, 2017): 56–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.31520/ei.2017.19.3(65).56-66.
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In Europe over the past decades, the processes of regionalization are actively occurring - the redistribution of the state's power competencies to a supranational or subnational (regional) level. The problems of competitiveness of the regions come to the fore, the increase of which is possible when using not only economic, but also local historical, sociocultural, ecological and other features. "New regionalism" differs from traditional development in conditions of multipolarity of the world, openness, formation "from below", participation of non-state and subnational actors. The new regionalism is a triple regionalism that takes into account not only the economic, but also the socio-cultural and environmental aspects. The advantage in competitiveness is given to regions and territorial communities, where local socio-cultural communications are taken into account most of all. The new European regionalism does not mean abandoning the nation state, but increasing the efficiency of regional development at the expense of human energy. As you know, Western Europe has limited energy and other resources. Therefore, in the global competition, the European Union, from the beginning of its formation, relied on the effective use of human resources. Its potential is significantly increased if a local comfortable environment is created that takes into account the sociocultural features of the territorial communities. Turning to the analogy, this means, for example, for Ukraine, that the people of Galicia do not feel discomfort in their sociocultural environment, and the inhabitants of the Donbass or Chernigov region in their own. Unlike the countries of Central and Eastern Europe that carried out administrative reforms during the period of geopolitical and geo-economic transformation, Ukraine could not realize it in a quarter of a century of independence. A decade ago, the American model of enlarged territorial units was taken as the basis of the territorial administrative reform, now the Polish model dominates in the absence of the state's financial capacity to reform, but with the participation of local businesses in the formation of territorial communities. As a result, the fundamental goal of the reform in improving the manageability of the territories is violated, which is a threat to the Ukrainian statehood.
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Taufik, Abdullah Fathan, Jonni Mahroza, and Surryanto D. W. "Brexit: As a Lesson and Challenge for ASEAN Integration or Vice Versa." Technium Social Sciences Journal 7 (April 30, 2020): 263–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.47577/tssj.v7i1.307.
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Over the last few decades, ASEAN is considered as a copycat of the system of the European Union (EU). ASEAN is considered weaker, lacks strong support from its members, has less substantive achievements, and is nothing more than competition between ASEAN member countries, where the EU has gone further in its implementation. This assessment has recently been canceled. The EU is currently faced with a list of daunting challenges - the ongoing debt crisis in Greece, increasing criticism by right-wing political groups over the European Union's fundamental agreement on freedom of movement within the EU. The refugee crisis and the growing movement of secession from member states - Britain and Spain are the most prominent examples. Of course, the EU now faces its most significant and most existent challenge, political vortex and divisions with the launch of a referendum in Britain, which resulted in 'Brexit.' This paper tries to analyze how Brexit phenomenon is suspected to occur in ASEAN due to the principle of regionalism, clashes with the sovereignty of each member country. The method used is descriptive analysis with a literature review. Based on research, Brexit in the EU has a context and substance of regionalism that is different from the conditions that exist in ASEAN. Nevertheless, Brexit is an early warning for ASEAN, which has heterogeneous regionalism. Furthermore, ASEAN is pushing for centrality and strengthening ASEAN integration in responding to the turmoil and political change taking place in the Southeast Asian region.
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Kuznetsov, A. V. "Disintegration of the World Trade System: Reasons and Consequences." Finance: Theory and Practice 23, no. 5 (October 24, 2019): 50–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.26794/2587-5671-2019-23-5-50-61.
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The article presents the study results of the world trade stagnation issues associated with the WTO systemic crisis. The aim of the article is to summarize the main reasons for the world trade system disintegration and to identify feasible directions for the world economic order transformation. The G20 trade-restricting measures were analyzed based on the statistical databases of the WTO and the non-governmental organization Global Trade Alert (GTA). The views of leading domestic and foreign experts on the consequences of liberalization of the world trade in goods and services were summarized. The author systematized the reasons for the world trade system disintegration, including: the US anti-globalization policy aimed at containing the PRC; counteracting unipolar globalization by the Southeast Asian nations; developed countries’ rejecting the growing participation of developing countries in redistributing global resources; inefficiency of international organizations in solving problems of global imbalances, inequality and instability of the global financial system. Structuring disintegration processes revealed its main trends: protectionism, regionalism, trans-regionalism. There were shown mechanisms to keep the US in the European Union due to companies providing professional services to European business. The author evaluated Russia and China’s competitive advantages in the production chains of the new technological structure. The areas of cooperation between Russia and the BRICS countries for realizing export potential in agriculture, aviation and nuclear industries were determined. The prospects for trade and economic relations in Eurasia are discussed in terms of changing the economic paradigm and shifting the regulation of the global economy problems to the regional level.
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Nwangwu, Chikodiri, Chukwuemeka Enyiazu, Ejikeme Jombo Nwagwu, and Christian C. Ezeibe. "Regionalism in World Politics: Interrogating the Relevance of the Economic Community of West African States in Global Political Economy." Central European Journal of International and Security Studies 13, no. 2 (June 26, 2019): 111–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.51870/cejiss.a130205.
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Globalisation has promoted the connections among sovereign states in the international political economy. Despite the preponderance of neo-protectionist tendencies in the United States and some European countries, the import of regionalism in global political economy has not waned. While economic regionalism was adopted in the advanced capitalist formations as a logical consequence of and/or the instrument for the universalisation of capitalism, the emergence and/or revival of regional groupings like the African Union (AU) and the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) was a reactionary outcome of the twin problems of colonialism and globalisation. Specifically, West African states reached out to one another in order to mitigate the negative effects of globalisation and advance their common interest through economic integration. This study interrogates the relevance of ECOWAS in the international political economy within the global resurgence of protectionism. Although ECOWAS is impaired by multifarious political and socioeconomic challenges, this study demonstrates that its achievements in free movement of goods and persons, promotion of peace, security, good governance, and democratisation make it remain relevant in the global political economy.
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Campanella, Miriam L. "Getting the Core: A Neo‐institutionalist Approach to the EMU." Government and Opposition 30, no. 3 (July 1, 1995): 347–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1995.tb00132.x.
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THE NEW REGIONALISM, MANIFESTED IN EUROPE BY THE SINGLE European Act and the Maastricht Treaty (1992) and in North America by the signature of the North-American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA 1993), is centred on strategic policies and new institutions, the aims of which are to achieve a more effective role in global competition. In Europe, the shift is marked by the impending process of monetary union and the creation of its related institutions. The new approach agreed in the Maastricht Treaty sets out four requirements for eligibility to membership of monetary union. Convergence criteria embodying the judgment of financial markets about future inflation, exchange rate and fiscal policy appeared to be the second best choice for governments seeking to institutionalize their commitment to inflation-avoiding policies. The whole mechanism is meant first to provide the region with a credible monetary institution able to win over the financial markets and secondly to set up bulwarks to the inflation-prone pressures of domestic sheltered interests. Thirdly, the aim is to commit member countries, through a so-called targeting exercise (in Keohane's words) to accomplishing the agreed objectives with monetary discipline and macroeconomic adjustment.
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Spartak, Andrey N. "Metamorphosis of Regionalization: from Regional Trade Agreements to Megaregional Projects." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 10, no. 4 (November 28, 2017): 13–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2017-10-4-13-37.
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The article reviews history and contemporary state of such an economic and trade policy phenomenon as regionalism. Three consecutive stages of regionalization are identified. First stage – prehistory of regionalism – lasted from the middle of the XIX century till 1940-s and was characterized by the formation of bilateral customs unions in Europe with strong political motivation. Second stage – classic regionalism – covers the second part of the XX century and is mostly determined by integration processes in the European region, creation of the EEC and then the EU, organization of a big number of alliances among developing countries mainly in the form of customs union following the EU example and some trade blocs between developed economies beyond the EU (i.a. NAFTA). In this period special disciplines for RTA’s were elaborated under the framework of GATT/WTO. Third stage – globalizing networking regionalism – gained momentum at the start of 2000-s and continues, with certain reservations, till nowadays. Contemporary regionalism has qualitative distinctions from regionalism of the past century. Besides fast and universal, covering all regions and subregions of the world, growth of RTA’s number, their agenda is widening and deepening significantly going far beyond WTO. We could also witness increasing frequency of interregional and transcontinental RTA’s, as well as RTA’s with participation of trade blocks, including interbloc RTA’s. Peculiarity of the current decade is the appearance of a considerable number of RTA’s parties to which represent large and largest world economies, and that was not the case before. But the principal shift is related to the formation of megaregional trade agreements with ambitious, prointegration agenda. New generation RTA’s, containing wide regulatory garmonization agenda and suggesting increasing institutional homogenity of participating economies, de facto promote alternative vis-à-vis classic approach model for the creation of common economic space, though without supranational elements. Nowaday regionalism is definitely drifting towards megaregionalism – the higher stage of regionalization process. Politics of the new American administration and Brexit, which stimulated deglobalization and isolationist tendencies in part of Western world, in practice have only led to some regrouping and deceleration of certain megaregional projects followed by enhancing China’s position on the track of megaregionalism (RCEP, Belt and Road, megaproject with accompanying RTA’s, latest BRICS+ and BRICS++ initiative). Megaregionalism, under any scenario, will exert deep influence on the world trading system and the WTO. In certain conditions megaregional agreements could serve as the foundation for the emergence of new and by large universal system of global management in the sphere of international trade and economic cooperation either as a WTO plus arrangement or in some other form. But this needs long-lasting preparatory interaction for the convergence and finding common denominators between quite different megaprojects as regards their scope and depth.
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Stevens, Christopher. "The EU, Africa and Economic Partnership Agreements: unintended consequences of policy leverage." Journal of Modern African Studies 44, no. 3 (August 3, 2006): 441–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x06001844.
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Sub-Saharan African (SSA) is negotiating a new trade regime with the European Union (EU), under the threat of increased barriers against its exports if agreement is not reached before 2008. This article examines the potential impact on regional integration of the Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs) being negotiated. Both sides pay lip service to greater regional integration, which is a stated objective of EPAs. But the article provides research evidence suggesting that EPAs will weaken regionalism, and in so doing adds to the literature on what happens when external powers attempt to use leverage to press trade policy change. Based on an analysis of SSA's trade with the EU, the article shows that countries may be encouraged to reinforce rather than eliminate barriers to the free circulation of goods between them, because of the choices they make in the details of their trade regimes with Europe. It also establishes a methodology that can be applied to new data as the negotiations progress.
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Abraham, J. P., and C. Lemineur-Toumson. "Les choix monétaires européens 1950-1980." Études internationales 12, no. 3 (April 12, 2005): 499–512. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/701235ar.
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This article focuses on three key dates in analyzing the monetary policy options arrived at by the States of Europe over the course of the last thirty years. By the creation of the European Payments Union in 1958, the European States made a regionalist policy option by establishing the intra-European convertibility of their currencies while maintaining exchange restrictions with respect to the dollar zone. In 1958 on the other hand resumption of general convertibility of currencies demonstrated the "global-linkage" policy option of the decision-makers of the period by removing any specifically European substance from the European monetary agreement. From this perspective, the decision of December 1978 to institute a monetary System would clearly appear to be by far the most important initiative taken in some time to reestablish a framework for European monetary cooperation. With regard to international monetary relations, eight countries have therefore, within three decades, chosen two regionalist policy options and one global-linkage policy option. The purpose of this study is to identify the circumstances, reasons and impact of the policy options that have successively been implemented.
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Fornari, Fabio Gonçalves Pais, and Thiago Allis. "The role of regionalism for tourism: an analysis of responses to Covid-19 in the European Union and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations." Turismo - Visão e Ação 24, no. 1 (March 8, 2022): 2–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.14210/rtva.v24n1.p2-24.
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This article analyses the role of regional integration schemes in the management of the COVID-19 crisis and the policies towards the tourism sector, focusing on the policies and strategies developed by the European Union (EU) and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) during the pandemic crisis. It presents the concepts of old and new regionalism from the International Relations field of studies and how regional integration correlates with policies and strategies for tourism, which have been put to the test by the need to bring the activity to a halt. This is an exploratory article, which relies on a qualitative methodology based on documental research, content analysis and access to secondary data. It presents the hypothesis that the tourism sectors from countries which are part of regional organisations benefit from these structures, once they provide mechanisms for developing coordinated
recovery plans and the management of tourism mobilities. As a conclusion, the article provides a possible scenario where tourism will take place in a “world of regions”, with long-haul transit between continents returning at a slower pace in comparison with a faster restart of the activity within “intraregional bubbles”, such as the EU and ASEAN.
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Bianculli, Andrea C. "Politicization and Regional Integration in Latin America: Implications for EU–MERCOSUR Negotiations?" Politics and Governance 8, no. 1 (March 31, 2020): 254–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v8i1.2598.
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Regional integration in Latin America has experienced different periods of politicization. The most recent goes back to the 2000s and is related to the domestic political changes resulting from the so-called ‘left turn’ which sought alternative economic and development policies to neoliberalism as the state regained centrality. These transformations led to a broad process of politicization of regionalism which changed the terms of the debate surrounding whether regional integration and free trade are the only way for these countries to integrate regionally and internationally. Analyses have thus underscored the postliberal character of this phase of regionalism as reflected in the greater weight of social and political agendas at the expense of economic and trade issues. The Common Market of the South (MERCOSUR) was no exception to this trend. However, in 2010 the bloc rather surprisingly agreed to relaunch negotiations with the European Union (EU). Why did MERCOSUR decide to resume these negotiations—stalled since 2004—in a context of high politicization of regional integration? This article argues that internal politicization did not lead to a paralysis of the international agenda. Moreover, internal politicization, coupled with external pressures and the demand for group-to-group negotiations by the EU, drove and supported the conduct of international negotiations. In so doing, this article also contests the idea that after the 2000s, MERCOSUR moved inexorably towards a postliberal model, thus rejecting any trade component. Findings suggest that these accounts may have overemphasized change and underestimated continuities in regional integration dynamics as the case of the external agenda shows.
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Delputte, Sarah, and Reinhilde Bouckaert. "Addressing Legitimacy in the EU’s Interregional Approach to Climate Change: The Case of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Union for the Mediterranean." European Foreign Affairs Review 25, Issue 2 (August 1, 2020): 217–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2020020.
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The 2015 Paris Agreement adopted at the twenty-first Conference of the Parties (COP) of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) constitutes a major landmark in the combat against climate change. However, international climate governance and the climate deal have been confronted with concerns about their legitimacy and accountability. In the same vein, while the combat against climate change also takes centre stage in the EU’s inter-regional relations, the EU’s approach has suffered from democratic deficits as well. Literature on parliamentary diplomacy and interregionalism has pointed at the potential of inter-parliamentary assemblies’ monitoring and deliberation functions in addressing the legitimacy gap of intergovernmental agreements. This article puts the focus on the Parliamentary Assembly of the Union for the Mediterranean and climate change, and analyses to what extent and how the Assembly fulfills these monitoring and deliberation functions. In doing so, the article aims to examine how inter-parliamentary assemblies can contribute to the legitimacy of the EU’s inter-regional approach to climate change. The analysis is based on quantitative and qualitative text analysis, in-depth semi-structured interviews and participatory observation. The conclusion reads that, while the Parliamentary Assembly of the UfM (PA-UfM) has indeed used its monitoring and deliberative functions, there are several limitations related to the asymmetry between the EU and its Southern and Eastern Mediterranean partner countries, that hamper its potential contribution to add legitimacy to the Union for the Mediterranean’s (UfM) climate action. Climate change, legitimacy, European Union, monitoring, deliberation, inter-regionalism, parliamentary diplomacy, inter-parliamentary cooperation, energy, Mediterranean
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Fatic, Aleksandar. "NATO enlargement and relations between Serbia and Montenegro and Bulgaria and Romania." Medjunarodni problemi 55, no. 2 (2003): 223–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp0302223f.
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The discussion of bilateral relations in modern international relations is usually in the shadow of the new character of global international politics, which is mediated through the large international relations. Bilateral diplomacy is slowly giving way to multilateral diplomacy in the solving of most international issues, including those that have been traditionally perceived as belonging exclusively to the domain of state sovereignty. However, bilateral relations remain crucial in situations where integration processes into large international bodies encounter obstacles and problems. The current development of bilateral diplomacy between Serbia and Montenegro on the one, and Bulgaria and Romania, on the other hand, serves predominantly the purposes of regional harmonisation that will eventually lead to NATO and EU accession, and this process also serves to iron out not so infrequent problems and dissonances in the recent history of bilateral relations, especially between Bulgaria and the former FRY, and particularly during the NATO bombing of FRY in the Spring of 1999. Today, however, all three countries have proclaimed the EU and NATO accession projects as the top priorities of their foreign policies. In the course of pursuit of their accession policies, Bulgaria and Romania have realised that the so-called ?beauty contest? approach, namely the countries' insistence on their own qualifications for membership in the EU and NATO, as opposed to the qualifications of the other countries of the region, is largely futile, and they have opted instead for a regional cooperation approach. The latter approach is consistent with the founding principle of regionalism in the internal organisation of the European Union, and this principle includes, among others, the sub-principle of subsidiarity, whereby all decisions are made on the lowest hierarchical level possible, preferably on the level of European regions. This approach implies that countries that are candidates for membership in the EU must first demonstrate the ability to cooperate and integrate regionally, and this is why Romania and Bulgaria, as well as Serbia and Montenegro, have now refocused their efforts on mutual bilateral relations within the context of NATO (and EU) accession.
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Horng, Der-Chin. "Reshaping the EUs FTA Policy in a Globalizing Economy: The Case of the EU-Korea FTA." Journal of World Trade 46, Issue 2 (April 1, 2012): 301–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/trad2012010.
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On 3 October 2006, the European Union (EU) initiated a new generation Free Trade Agreement (FTA) policy in Global Europe: Competing in the World. Market potential and protection level were set out as the key economic criteria for new FTA partners. Based on these criteria, South Korea emerges as one of the EU's priorities. The EU-Korea FTA, signed on 6 October 2010, is the first of a new generation of FTAs. The Agreement is very comprehensive with regard to trade liberalization in a number of fields, including services, investment, competition, enforcement of intellectual property rights (IPRs), government procurement, sustainable development, cultural cooperation, and so on. Many of these policy areas are still not well regulated by the World Trade Organization (WTO). Under the Lisbon Treaty, EU trade policy shall be conducted in the context of the principles and objectives of EU foreign policy. Leveraging trade and foreign policy is expected to strengthen the EU's position in negotiating new FTAs. This article takes the EU-Korea FTA as a case study to examine the following core issues: the historical background of the EU's trade policy, legal basis and decision-making procedure of the new generation FTA, the main contents and special features of the EU-Korea FTA, and the impacts of the EU-Korea FTA on the WTO and third countries. For the future development of EU's FTA policy, this article also proposes an open regionalism approach to make the FTA compatible with the WTO.
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Makieła, Zbigniew. "Przedsiębiorczość w Polsce w układzie regionalnym." Przedsiębiorczość - Edukacja 3 (January 1, 2007): 18–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.24917/20833296.3.2.
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Entrepreneurship is a process which proceeds in stages and is characterized by variableintensity. That is why we need methods and measurement instruments that help us to follow itsimage with precision and in particular stages. According the studies conducted by GlobalEntrepreneurship Monitor, two groups of people who are involved in a new economic enterpri-se, can be identified. The first group consists beginning entrepreneurs, active in developing oftheir companies run for 34 years. People from the second group are trying to start their busi-ness and independently or together with their partners undertake some definite activities (suchas looking for location of the company, working out the strategy of their activity, looking forfunds and business partners).Basal measurement or so called coefficient of entrepreneurship (the engagement rate in a neweconomic enterprise) reckons sum of two indexes for two groups. In 2004 the entrepreneurshipcoefficient in Poland amounted 8,3%. It means that among thousand Poles at the age of 1864,almost 90 are involved in starting or developing their business. The value of this coefficient hasincreased to 1,6% in comparison with the previous 2000/2001 years. The value of this entrepre-neurship coefficient in Poland is high and is higher than similar one in Ireland, Norway, Israel,Great Britain, France, and Greece. Only such countries as Canada, Argentina, Australia and Brazil have higher value of the coefficient. Comparing the value of analyzed coefficient amongthe countries of European Union, only Ireland gets ahead Poland and at the same time therewasnt statistically essential difference between coefficient of value in Poland and Ireland.Among countries in political system transformation, except Poland, only Hungary had a highcoefficient of value, however Croatia, Slovenia and Russia accepted the lowest value amongEuropean countries.
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VOON, TANIA. "Consolidating International Investment Law: The Mega-Regionals as a Pathway towards Multilateral Rules." World Trade Review 17, no. 1 (April 25, 2017): 33–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s147474561700009x.
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AbstractPessimism abounds in international economic law. The World Trade Organization (WTO) faces an uncertain future following its Ministerial Conference in Nairobi in 2015. International investment law is under attack in countries around the world, while mega-regional agreements such as the Trans-Pacific Partnership and the Trans-Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership are beset by world events, from the United States’ federal election to the unexpected Brexit outcome. Yet the appetite of numerous States to continue forging plurilateral trade and investment deals provides some cause for hope. Viewed alongside other institutional developments including consensus-building work at the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development and the United Nations Commission on International Trade Law, the potential arguably now exists for credible movement towards multilateral rules in investment law. While the WTO's current negotiating stalemate highlights the difficulties in reaching agreement among 164 Members, international trade law offers lessons for working towards multilateralism in the international investment law field. Alongside informal discussions about a world investment court, mega-regionals provide a vehicle for future multilateral investment rules, particularly through the Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement between Canada and the European Union, and the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership currently under negotiation in Asia.
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Loughlin, John. "Federalism, Regionalism and European Union." Politics 13, no. 1 (April 1993): 9–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9256.1993.tb00216.x.
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Barinov, I. I. "Does the «Baltic Land» exist? Rethinking the political positioning of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania (2014–2021)." Urgent Problems of Europe, no. 2 (2022): 146–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/ape/2022.02.08.
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The political self-positioning of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania often remains on the periphery of research interest while studying political processes in the European Union. This is partly due to the usual attribution of the Baltic states to the «natural» sphere of influence of Russia, and partly to the idea of the specificity and «regionality» of this issue. As far as we can judge, the traditional term «Baltic Land» (Baltia) in relation to Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania has lost its significance, and those countries represent themselves as independent actors, striving to overwhelm this imposed community. A closer study of the Baltic issues shows that the positions of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania were shaped in complicated historical conditions, and despite geographical proximity, are unique in each case. The idea of their initial cohesion turns out to be speculative. The relatively small size and limited political opportunities of the Baltic states paradoxically contributed to the fact that Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania have always promoted the interests of their nations first. Their unity was at the same time an expression of unfavorable external conjuncture. Contrary to the public declarations of the Baltic states, the European identity is rather used as a moral category, whereas the national agenda always prevails. Overall, the «real politics» on the part of official Tallinn, Riga, and Vilnius are actually associated not with European, but Euro-Atlantic integration. It can be assumed that the Baltic states’ accession to the EU and NATO fixed the imperatives of their foreign policy developed by that time, and such events as the Ukrainian and Belarusian crises only actualize them.
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COATES, C. "Spanish Regionalism and the European Union." Parliamentary Affairs 51, no. 2 (April 1, 1998): 259–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordjournals.pa.a028788.
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Lamaro, Emilia. "Regionalism and Official Publishing in European Countries." Collection Management 15, no. 1-2 (August 7, 1992): 195–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.1300/j105v15n01_21.
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Isobchuk, M. V. "SUPRA-REGIONALISM IN THE CONTEXT OF MULTI-LEVEL POLITICS IN THE EUROPEAN UNION." Вестник Удмуртского университета. Социология. Политология. Международные отношения 5, no. 4 (December 13, 2021): 511–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.35634/2587-9030-2021-5-4-511-516.
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Regionalism’s studies in the context of current political events remain relevant for the academic field. However, most of these studies are focused on regionalism, concentrated within one territorial-administrative unit. At the same time, in the European space there is a phenomenon, when regionalism is dispersed over the territory of several regions. Examples of such a world are Transylvania, Silesia, the Basque Country, etc. However, today in political science there is no theoretical framework for such cases. This article offers a conceptualization of this phenomenon, which is proposed to be called supra-regionalism and a typology of supra-regionalisms in the modern world is proposed. Supra-regionalism is a political movement that has a territorial base in several administrative-territorial units, and converts aspects of regional identity (ethnic, economic, political, etc.) into political action, the goal of which is to achieve/preserve the special status of the regions it represents. In the course of the study, a number of criteria were proposed to assess the effectiveness of supra-regionalism. These include its entire integrity - that is, the uniformity of electoral support within the region, as well as the presence of mechanisms for interregional integration and representation of the supra-region. These parameters were developed based on the concept of multilevel control. Among these parameters: political representation of supra-regionalism, constitutional foundations of identity, non-electoral representation, special meetings, representation in Brussels, cross-border regions, participation in European projects. Based on a low-casus comparison of seven European supra-regionalisms, conclusions are drawn regarding the consistency of supra-regionalism in Europe at the moment. First of all, it should be noted that the main (and almost the only) mechanism for the integration of supra-regionalism is party organizations. In general, supra-regionalisms use other opportunities, including the opportunities provided by the European Union for joint representation and implementation of policy in the interests of the supra-region. Moreover, there is a tendency towards a more effective disappearance of supra-regionalisms in the European Union.
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Cunha, Luís Pedro. "Regionalism in the European Union-Latin America trade relationship." Boletim de Ciências Económicas 52 (2009): 1–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.14195/0870-4260_52_1.
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Molchanov, Mikhail. "Regionalism and Globalization: The Case of the European Union." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 4, no. 3 (2005): 431–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156915005775093205.
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AbstractRegional groupings of states are often regarded as the appropriate response to economic and cultural strains generated by the globalization of market forces. The European Union, the most successful regional grouping in the world today, illustrates both the potential and the limitations of such organizations. In one sense, Europe has been in the vanguard of globalization, eliminating traditional barriers to the movement of labor, goods, and capital; but in another sense, the EU can be seen as a protective response to global exigencies and an attempt to safeguard Europe's cultural identity. This chapter assesses the EU in terms of these dynamic contradictions.
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H. Lawson, Fred, and Matteo Legrenzi. "European Union-Middle East Relations and International Relations Theory: A Stock-Taking and Suggestions for Research." European Foreign Affairs Review 25, Issue 3 (September 1, 2020): 427–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2020031.
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Current scholarship on European Union-Middle East relations has contributed little to ongoing theoretical debates in the academic discipline of international relations. Yet several influential research programmes regarding world politics would benefit from incorporating events and trends involving these two regions. In particular, conceptual controversies regarding regional and global security, the diffusion of regional identities, interregionalism and overlapping regionalism and the politics of empire will be advanced when specialists concentrate on analytical puzzles, and move beyond descriptive, evaluative and prescriptive accounts. Security, interregionalism, overlapping regionalism, empire, European Union
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Spartak, A. "Contemporary Regionalism." World Economy and International Relations, no. 1 (2011): 3–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2011-1-3-15.
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The new trends in the field of regional economic integration, as well as the changing trade and the political configuration of the global economy cannot but affect integration processes within the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS). Russia seems to be somewhat late with the project of a “hard” regional integration involving supranational control formats. The globalization dictates economic feasibility of an open trade and this is increasingly becoming a significant centrifugal factor. Our main task now is to complete as soon as possible the institutional phase of the Customs Union and the Common Economic Space between Russia, Belarus and Kazakhstan. Only after accomplishment of this integration project we can start to position it as a full-fledged subject of the world trade policy. Simultaneously, we must emphasize our interest in expanding and deepening the cooperation with the third countries and their groupings, including the RTS format. The same consideration prompts us to be extremely careful and reserved concerning the prospects of enlarging the Customs Union. The only possible Commonwealth-wide integration project format can be “soft” integration. This supposes the establishment of a multilateral free trade area (MFTA) with the elements contained within the modern economic integration agreements.
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Ulum, Muhammad Bahrul, Sripathi Dwarakanath, and Gautama Budi Arundhati. "Constitutional Debate on European Union’s Shifting Pathway towards Supranationalism." Lex Scientia Law Review 6, no. 1 (June 9, 2022): 1–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.15294/lesrev.v6i1.54284.
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The rapid evolution of the European Union (EU) has suggested a new debate on regionalism due to the institutional transformation from intergovernmentalism to supranationalism. Hitherto, the EU has undergone a shifting pathway as a supranational institution that raises a further debate on supranational constitutionalism. This paper aimed to critically examine the EU's legal capacity for external relations at the World Trade Organization (WTO) following in identifying the impact of the EU member states to become members of this world institution as well. However, new approaches were considered within the shifting paradigm, which includes supranational union as an emerging pivotal global actor in international relations. This paper showed that the emergence of EU supranationalism has challenged the traditional debate on state sovereignty rooted in the Westphalian concept, particularly against the state primacy in international law. While the EU regionalism contributed to legal conversation both in the regional and international arena, the juxtaposition of the state and the supranational 'state' has increasingly blurred their limits, becoming sui generis in regionalism and state discourses among the areas of international law and constitutional law.
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Cihelková, Eva, and Pavel Hnát. "Future of the European Union within the new regionalism context." Politická ekonomie 56, no. 1 (February 1, 2008): 67–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.18267/j.polek.631.
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Jones, Peter. "Regulatory regionalism and education: the European Union in central Asia." Globalisation, Societies and Education 8, no. 1 (February 22, 2010): 59–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14767720903574082.
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Downs, William M. "Regionalism in the European Union: Key Concepts and Project Overview." Journal of European Integration 24, no. 3 (January 2002): 171–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07036330220152204.
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Bajo, Claudia Sanchez. "The European Union and Mercosur: A case of inter-regionalism." Third World Quarterly 20, no. 5 (October 1999): 927–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01436599913415.
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Bilohur, Vlada, and Roman Oleksenko. "THE EUROPEAN SPORT MODELS MANAGEMENT IN THE EUROPEAN UNION COUNTRIES EUROPEAN UNION." HUMANITIES STUDIES 90, no. 13 (2022): 59–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.26661/hst-2022-13-90-07.
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Stec, Małgorzata. "Innovation in European Union Countries." Gospodarka Narodowa 236, no. 11-12 (December 31, 2009): 45–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.33119/gn/101233.
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Rodríguez-Gulías, María Jesús, Vítor Manuel de Sousa Gabriel, and David Rodeiro-Pazos. "Effects of governance on entrepreneurship: European Union vs non-European Union." Competitiveness Review: An International Business Journal 28, no. 1 (January 15, 2018): 43–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/cr-06-2016-0035.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to analyse the effect of six governance indicators on the rate of creation of new companies between countries that are members of the European Union (EU) and those that are not. H1 states that the various dimensions of governance help to explain the immediate creation of new businesses in European and non-European countries. H2 states that the various dimensions of governance help to explain the deferred creation of new businesses in European and non-European countries. Design/methodology/approach The paper uses two types of analyses: firstly, univariate analysis, which is a descriptive statistics of the dependent, independent and control variables, and the results of a t-test; and secondly, multivariate analysis, which estimates using the fixed-effects estimator under the specifications previously raised for the subsample of 28 EU countries and for the subsample of 103 non-EU countries during the period 2004-2014. Findings The results show that the variables of governance are not significantly higher in the EU, although the density of the enterprises is. Within the governance indicators, government effectiveness is significant in the EU. The results obtained for the EU confirmed H1and H2, with a significant positive effect of government effectiveness on entrepreneurship, while the other governance variables were not significant in the EU subsample. The results obtained for non-EU countries suggest no significant immediate effects (H1) and a slightly significant delayed effect of rule of law on the entrepreneurship (H2) concerned. Research limitations/implications Future research in this area could consider introducing another regional division or other types of methodology as variables affect models. Practical implications Governance can be defined as the ability of a government and its public institutions to provide services and design, and implement rules, which is a factor that affects the creation of new companies. However, the effect of governance could differ depending on the country and its economic environment. This paper analyses the effect of six governance indicators on the rate of creation of new companies considering two different geographic regions as countries are presumably heterogeneous. Therefore, these results indicate that the effect of governance variables on entrepreneurship differs according to the region. Social implications The effect of governance variables on entrepreneurship according to the region is also known. Originality/value This study applied panel data analysis to two samples of countries during the period 2004-2014, one formed by 28 countries of the EU and the other by 103 non-EU countries. No other paper considers this number of countries for this period. To assess the impact of governance on the creation of new companies, this paper considered the existence of immediate and deferred effects of governance on entrepreneurship.
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Papatheologou, Vasiliki. "European Union’s Asia Policy in the Context of Normative Connectivity." Advances in Social Science and Culture 1, no. 2 (November 23, 2019): p234. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/assc.v1n2p234.
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Asia is a region of vital interest for the European Union (EU) in economic and in security sector. The European Union (EU) Asia policy focuses on strengthening the economic relations with the Asian Partners. European Union’s Asia strategy towards can be interpreted as a balanced pursuit of strengthened political, economic cooperation and rules based connectivity with Asia. The European Union has to reinforce the mechanism in decision making with regards to the adoption of consistent strategy towards Asia. The European Union (EU) is a norm entrepreneur and exporter in such a way as the application of the norms with the international community is considered to be necessary for global governance under the spirit of inter-regionalism. The European Union is a model of regionalization in Asia and a model for promoting “normative multilateralism”.
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Tostes, Ana Paula. "Regionalism and political pepresentation in comparativeperspective: the European Union and MERCOSUL." Contexto Internacional 35, no. 2 (December 2013): 387–413. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0102-85292013000200003.
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