Academic literature on the topic 'Regionalism European Economic Community countries'

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Journal articles on the topic "Regionalism European Economic Community countries"

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Prinanda, Devita, and Haryo Prasodjo. "Strengthening North-South Relations: The Case of EU and ECOWAS Cooperation." Global Focus 1, no. 2 (October 27, 2021): 180–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.21776/ub.jgf.2021.001.02.6.

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Regional integration is discussing cooperation among states in a region and the influence of external states or organizations. The cooperation among regions is known as inter-regionalism. As a leader in regional integration, European Union (EU) has been cooperating with the other regions since their name was European Economic Community. Firstly, Europe established relations in the form of political dialogue and cooperation with ASEAN and Asian countries. For this occasion, the EU established Asia Europe Meeting (ASEM). Subsequently, the EU created external relations with African, Caribbean, & Pacific (ACP), South American, etc. This research elaborates on the relation of the EU with the West African region. The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) is the regional institution chosen by the EU to engage in the relationship. Some scholars acknowledged that ECOWAS is one of the most organized institutions in the African Region. Asymmetric relation between EU and ECOWAS denotes the relation of The North and The South countries. By analyzing the inter-regionalism framework, this paper exercises a liberal institutional perspective as the main paradigm. The results found that inter-regionalism could reinforce strong institutions in both regions.
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Nacewska-Twardowska, Aleksandra. "Regionalism and multilateralism in trade policy of the European Union." Equilibrium 4, no. 1 (June 30, 2010): 153–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/equil.2010.012.

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Foreign trade is one of the main expressions of international cooperation in the world, which indicates the specific location of trade policy in the policy of the countries or organizations. The history of trade shows the existence of two opposite trade coordinating practices: regional and multilateral. In the post-war history, there can be seen the coexistence of both trends. An excellent example of this is the European Union, where both practice of coordination the trade policy unite. On the one hand, the Community is in itself an exception to the principle of trade liberalization on a multilateral basis, on the other hand for many years it has actively participated in the creation of a common commercial policy for all at the forum of GATT and the WTO. Common commercial policy of the Union is one of the pillars of its existence, affecting significantly the region's economic development. Therefore, in a time of crisis it is important to question how the common commercial policy is being shaped today and whether changes in the global economy affect the change in its formation? Last years point out the increasing trend of regionalism in Community. The difficulties increasing in the formation the trade policy in the WTO effects in many changes. Even enthusiastic proponents of the idea of multilateralism in trade seek for new solutions. In this situation the European Union looks of possibilities to form of the widest possible bilateral relations with other countries or organizations.
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Lima Sakr, Rafael. "FROM COLONIALISM TO REGIONALISM: THE YAOUNDÉ CONVENTIONS (1963–1974)." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 70, no. 2 (February 18, 2021): 449–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020589321000014.

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AbstractHow was ‘international trade’ between former European empires and their former colonies in Africa governed after decolonisation? In the 1960s, the vast majority of African countries became independent, and so a new arrangement was necessary to govern their economic relations with Europe. The Yaoundé Conventions were then concluded between the European Community (EC) and the bloc of postcolonial African countries. Specialised literature provides comprehensive accounts of the Yaoundé Conventions. However, little is known about the role of law and lawyers in their making and governance. Part of this story concerns political and intellectual struggles in the legal profession about which projects, ideas, and norms would be applicable. Another part concerns the work of lawyers to organise those policies, theories and visions into an emerging conception and to employ it to influence the production and management of the Yaoundé Conventions. This article combines historical and socio-legal approaches to show that a distinct legal conception of regional trade agreements—called here the ‘development framework’—was pivotal to the design and application of the Yaoundé Conventions. This conception was primarily advanced and persuasively used by European and African lawyers. This contrasts with the conventional view that trade agreements are variations on a single legal concept. It is concluded that EC–Africa regionalism was a singular experiment, due significantly to the unique features of this legal conception.
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Nwangwu, Chikodiri, Chukwuemeka Enyiazu, Ejikeme Jombo Nwagwu, and Christian C. Ezeibe. "Regionalism in World Politics: Interrogating the Relevance of the Economic Community of West African States in Global Political Economy." Central European Journal of International and Security Studies 13, no. 2 (June 26, 2019): 111–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.51870/cejiss.a130205.

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Globalisation has promoted the connections among sovereign states in the international political economy. Despite the preponderance of neo-protectionist tendencies in the United States and some European countries, the import of regionalism in global political economy has not waned. While economic regionalism was adopted in the advanced capitalist formations as a logical consequence of and/or the instrument for the universalisation of capitalism, the emergence and/or revival of regional groupings like the African Union (AU) and the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) was a reactionary outcome of the twin problems of colonialism and globalisation. Specifically, West African states reached out to one another in order to mitigate the negative effects of globalisation and advance their common interest through economic integration. This study interrogates the relevance of ECOWAS in the international political economy within the global resurgence of protectionism. Although ECOWAS is impaired by multifarious political and socioeconomic challenges, this study demonstrates that its achievements in free movement of goods and persons, promotion of peace, security, good governance, and democratisation make it remain relevant in the global political economy.
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Siekiera, Joanna. "Regionalisation or Regionalism? The Contemporary Legal Status of Cooperation in the South Pacific." Przegląd Prawniczy Uniwersytetu im. Adama Mickiewicza 11 (December 30, 2020): 101–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/ppuam.2020.11.06.

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This article aims to analyse the legal status of regional cooperation among the South Pacific countries and territories, as not every entity in the Pacific Basin possesses International law features of a state. Regionalisation, as well as regionalism, as illustrated by the example of the South Pacific region, is a new topic to examine, especially in the Polish and European literature. Therefore, this topic does need further and deeper analysis. First of all, both regionalism and regionalisation are international phenomena that were set against the process of globalisation only in the last two decades of the 20th century. Secondly, the Pacific Ocean became more dominant in geopolitics than the Atlantic Community at the beginning of 21st century. There are many publications regarding local cooperation mechanisms worldwide. Most of them, though, concern political and/or economic integration, and neglect the legal aspects of regional integration. The outcome of this article is nonetheless to present the contemporary legal statusof the South Pacific cooperation, though it is at the stage of regionalisation, while not yet regionalism – fully formalised and structuralised just as it is on the other continents.
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Vakarchuk, К. V. "COOPERATION OF EU COUNTRIES WITH MERCOSUR AND СELAC: REGIONAL AND GLOBAL DIMENSION." International and Political Studies, no. 35 (November 10, 2022): 145–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.18524/2707-5206.2022.35.261821.

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The article considers the main forms of cooperation between the EU countries and the largest associations of Latin American countries MERCOSUR and СELAC. The historical basis is analyzed through the prism of the theory of neoliberalism and the concept of regionalism, the search for models of interaction of the common future of regional associations. It is noted that relations between the EU and Latin America also influenced the accession of Portugal and Spain to the European Community and significantly strengthened their cooperation. The main stages and periods of cooperation are indicated: economic, political, cultural, and social. Each period has different results since the internal political processes of states played a significant role, which influencing further decisions. A detailed analysis of bi-regional meetings, summits, and negotiation processes of the countries-participants of the studied associations. It is noted that the EU actively uses the theory of neoliberalism as one of the main mechanisms for interaction with other countries, in particular, it considers relations both with the region as a whole and through cooperation with MERCOSUR and CELAC. This approach contributes to a more effective and multilateral dialogue that involves many areas of activity and the interests of partners at different levels of international relations, using the policy of soft power. The main problems and difficulties that have arisen on the way to signing a document on the creation of a common free trade area between the EU and MERCOSUR are outlined. The article considers a significant documentary base on various meetings and summits since they became the basis for the signing of a joint declaration in 2019. Today, the EU interacts with Latin America at several levels: continental, regional, and bilateral, resulting in a network of discussions, negotiations, and joint efforts for deeper cooperation.
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Orlov, A. A. "FEATURES OF PRE-ROMAN HISTORY OF SPAIN AND MODERN TIME: WHERE ARE SOURCES OF SEPARATISM?" MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 4(31) (August 28, 2013): 177–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2013-4-31-177-186.

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Presently in collective consciousness there was a steady perception of Spain as the safe state entering into group of the countries, being a support of the European integration. The impression was made that Spain, despite difficulties of its historical development, at last found the national identity, having created from regions and national lands making it the new multicultural community fastened in a whole by a tolerant, educated and authoritative monarchy. However the world economic crisis which has begun in 2008 destroyed the Spanish idyll, having aggravated old and having generated new contradictions. Traditionally painful problem for Spain was existence of centrifugal tendencies at the heart of which two main reasons lay: manifestations of the nationalism peculiar to those areas where Catalan, Basque and Galician nationalities historically lived, and a regionalism caused by aspiration of local elite to bigger distance from Madrid. Considering features of pre-Roman history of Spain, the author seeks to understand, whether sources of modern separatism can originate in an extreme antiquity. Following the results of research the conclusion is drawn that most boldly "link of times" is traced on the example of Basques, the part of which intellectual elite seeks to use features of origin and historical development of these people for a reinforcement of current nationalist and separatist trends. The author considers that the history has to serve as the bridge between the people, instead of put up between them a new wall.
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Turov, N. "“Give Us Liberty, or Give Us Money”: Growth of Regional Parties’ Influence in Contemporary Europe." World Economy and International Relations 65, no. 6 (2021): 33–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-6-33-41.

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Received 01.09.2020. In the early 21st century, many European countries saw an increased influence of political parties relying on localized communities. Many new regional parties (RPs) emerged, which put the scientific community in need of understanding the reasons behind their strengthening positions in Europe. The present research provides a critical review of the RPs’ definitions, examines their origins, place in the political spectrum, factors of electoral success and geographical distribution of their electorate. The study is based on the analysis of the parliamentary and regional elections results in 43 European countries in 2000–2019. A map of the RP support rate by region has been designed, showing areas of the strongest public support. Its correlation with ethnic and cultural composition, political structure, and uneven regional development of the countries of Western and Eastern Europe has been analyzed. Today, in parliamentary and regional elections, RPs receive more than 5% of votes in the area of around 600 sq. kms, or 40% of the European territory (overseas territories excluded). Particular attention is paid to party strategies in national and regional elections. Modern RPs diversify their programs going far beyond the interests of a particular sociocultural group. In parliamentary elections, they often make alliances with national parties. In turn, national parties sometimes speak in regional elections “under the local brand”. The satisfaction of the RPs’ demands to provide the regions with greater autonomy does not have a significant impact on their strategies, which request increasingly wider powers. Despite the fact that individual regional parties even get seats in national parliaments, they have practically no influence on the state policy shaping. Their rise is associated not with electoral results, but with trends in the European political process. One can speak not about the success of particular parties, but about the advancement of the idea of regionalism. Acknowledgements. The study was carried out at the Institute of Geography of the Russian Academy of Sciences as part of the work supported by a grant of the Russian Science Foundation (RSF). Project no. 19-17-00232 “Post-Soviet Non-Recognized States: Factors of Viability and Risks for Russia”. Collection of electoral data for drawing up a schematic map (Fig.) was supported by a grant of the Russian Foundation for Basic Research (RFBR) and Expert Institute of Social Research (EISR). Project no. 20-011-32284 “The Success of Regional Parties in Modern Europe: Causes and Characteristics”.
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Tolstov, S. "Theoretical and Methodological Aspects of Regionalism: Problems of Interaction of Border Regions." Problems of World History, no. 17 (January 27, 2022): 7–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2022-17-1.

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The scientific literature presents various definitions of the concepts of ‘regionalism’, ‘regionalization’ and ‘interregional interaction’. The processes associated with globalization and integration manifest themselves in the form of consolidation of macro-regional ties. The formation of big macroeconomic zones of priority cooperation covers neighbouring and geographically close countries. The consolidation of large economic spaces is accompanied by the creation of regional economic organizations and integration communities aimed at deepening trade, economic cooperation and regional division of labour. In parallel with the formation of large economic and political regional associations at the macro level, globalization has accelerated the process of diversification of territorial administration functions within individual states. The redistribution of power within individual countries is seen as a parallel process of regionalization at the grassroots level. The signs of regionalism at the micro level include the increasing role of subnational territorial communities, the growth of their interest in establishing closer cooperation with the border territories of neighboring countries. In the most general sense, the author considers regionalism as a dynamic feature of international political and economic processes, indicated by the diversification of management functions at different levels of socio-political organization. The methodology of political science distinguishes the manifestations of regionalisms at the macro and micro levels. Various manifestations of regionalism are embodied in the design of large economic spaces, the redistribution of power within individual countries, increasing the level of regional self-government, development of interregional contacts and interregional integration ties between neighbouring and/or geographically close countries. The practice of interregional cooperation is most successfully applied within the framework of multilateral integration associations, primarily in the EU and in the wider European space covered by the scope of European conventions and decisions in the field of spatial cooperation of territorial communities and authorities, including local and regional self-government. Interaction between subnational regions includes the conclusion of agreements between territorial communities of neighbouring countries, the creation of interregional associations and contractual networks of interregional cooperation.
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Asante, S. K. B. "Overcoming the development problem of the Nation-State in Africa through regionalism." South African Journal of Economic and Management Sciences 3, no. 1 (March 31, 2000): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/sajems.v3i1.2596.

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Regionalism, of which the European Union is a successful example, has also been adopted by several African countries. The economic problems to be overcome here, more often than not include a sparse population, small internal markets, deficient infrastructure and economies vulnerable to fluctuating world prices. A further rationale for regionalism is more explicitly political in nature. Meeting the challenges of African development through a strategy of regionalism has been an enormous task in the past, and while there may be grounds for pessimism, this paper views the future with guarded optimism.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Regionalism European Economic Community countries"

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Field, Heather. "Consequences of concentration on the CAP for European integration." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/123114.

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This sub-thesis deals with the concentration of the European Community (EC) on the Common Agricultural Policy or CAP as its main policy to date, and the consequences of this for the process of integration. This process of integration is considered to be both economic and political, with both the economic welfare and the influence in international affairs of the integrated whole, the European Community, being greater than the sum of these from the individual parts, in this case the member states.
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Marinova, Yona Georgieva. "Bifurcation of parallel trade in the European Community." Thesis, University of Aberdeen, 2008. http://digitool.abdn.ac.uk:80/webclient/DeliveryManager?pid=25821.

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This thesis examines the regulation of parallel imports of trade marked goods in the European Community (EC), demonstrates its deficiencies and advocates its amendment by the Community legislator. The thesis identifies as a primary characteristic of the regulation the bifurcation of intra-EC and extra-EC parallel importation, that is to say, the fundamental divergence of the regimes of parallel imports coming from another EC Member State and imports coming from third countries.  The split as to the rationale, justification and outcome of the two regimes is so substantial that it is viewed as the existence of ‘parallel regulations on parallel trade’ in the Community. The study establishes four different manifestations of this bifurcation, the most evident one concerning the fact that while internal imports are lawful under EC law, external ones could be repelled by the mark owner as trade mark infringement.  It is submitted that this variable legal tolerance to parallel trade has been legitimised through the Community rule of limited, regional exhaustion of trade mark rights and the manner in which the European Court of Justice has interpreted its application. Against this background, the thesis raises three groups of legal arguments for reviewing the current Community exhaustion policy and implementing a rule of international trade mark exhaustion.  They relate to trade mark law, competition law and certain proclamations of the importance of free unrestricted global trade, made by the Community on international level and in the EC context as well. Finally, the study complements the above legal arguments with socio-economic justifications in support of international exhaustion.  The research suggests that the Community should consider the implementation of international trade mark exhaustion and carry out the necessary preparatory steps outlined by the study in this regard.
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Marinova, Yona Georgieva. "Bufurcation [sic] of parallel trade in the European Community /." Available from the University of Aberdeen Library and Historic Collections Digital Resources. Restricted access until May 22, 2014, 2008. http://digitool.abdn.ac.uk:80/webclient/DeliveryManager?application=DIGITOOL-3&owner=resourcediscovery&custom_att_2=simple_viewer&pid=25821.

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Li, Kwan-leung, and 李君樑. "The European currency crisis: a replay of strains on bretton woods system." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1995. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31954522.

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Cross, Peter John. "Negotiating a comprehensive long-term relationship between South Africa and the European Union: from free trade to trade and development." Thesis, Rhodes University, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002978.

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On 10 May 1994 the European Union offeredSouth Africa a package of measures to ... send a strong political signal to the incoming govemment and to the South African population, thus proving its firm determination to support the transition towards democracy and its willingness to contribute to the reconstruction and economic development of South Africa after the elections. This package consisted of two parts: 1. A series of short term implementations to take place with immediate effect to help South Africa's development and transition, and 2. An offer to negotiate a comprehensive long-term relationship with South Africa should the new government so request. South Africa accepted the European Union's offer to negotiate a long-term relationship, and in response requested membership of the structure governing the Union's relations with the rest of the countries in Sub-Saharan Africa and some countries in the Caribbean and Pacific, namely the Lomé Convention. Due to various incompatibilities South Africa was not allowed to join this organisation. In its place the European Union offered to negotiate an agreement with South Africa that would lead to a Free Trade Area. This agreement was in keeping with the rules as laid down by the World Trade Organisation. It envisaged the lowering of tariffs and trade barriers between the Union and South Africa over a period not exceeding 12 years, allowing for asymmetry in terms of time constraints in implementation only. South Africa saw this type of agreement as inconsistent with the desire expressed by the European Union to support the countries development and the integration of the Southern African region. In its place South Africa proposed a new concept in trade agreement, this concept, known as the Trade and Development Agreement, embodied both trade liberalisation and support for development. This agreement would introduce a new paradigm of thought to govern trade between developed countries and developing countries within the World Trade Organisation's rules. This paper explores the events that unfolded in these negotiations. It attempts to discover whether, in the current global environment, it is possible, or beneficial, for the developed world to act in an altruistic manner towards another state in order to assist its development.
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LEAL, ARCAS Rafael. "Theory and practice of EC external trade law and policy." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/13171.

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Defence date: 11 March 2008
Examining board: Prof. Bruno De Witte, European University Institute (Supervisor) ; Prof. Francesca Martines, Faculty of Economics, University of Pisa ; Prof. Petros C. Mavroidis, Columbia Law School, NY and University of Neuchâtel ; Prof. Ernst-Ulrich Petersmann, European University Institute
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Both the European Community (EC) and its Member States agree that it is in their best interest to coordinate their action vis-à-vis the rest of the world in international trade agreements. Theory and Practice of EC External Trade Law and Policy looks at the intricacies of the institutional framework of EC trade law, and with special emphasis on services trade, examines the law and practice of EC external trade relations from a policy, economic, legal and an overarching European constitutional perspective. The objective of the author’s analysis is not only to find ways to nurture and preserve the unitary character of EC external trade relations in areas of shared competence between EU Member States and EU institutions, but also to understand the management of the EC’s external trade relations. The book begins with an analysis of the evolution of the EC common commercial policy, through which the author examines the checks and balances at the micro, meso and macro levels. The author then proceeds to analyse the problems faced by the EU in its external relations and the legal complexity of mixed agreements. This unique legal phenomenon is tackled from an intra-EC perspective as well as from an extra-EU perspective taking into account various implications for third parties. The major EU institutions are examined: the Commission as the negotiator of international trade agreements, the role of the EU Council and the European Parliament in concluding and ratifying of agreements and the European Court of Justice in relation to judicial enforcement. The EU’s decision-making process in the trade arena and its relation with national institutions are examined. The book concludes with an analysis of the EC’s contribution to the Doha Round in the area of services trade.
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Ward, Stuart. "Discordant communities : Australia, Britain and the EEC, 1956-1963." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 1998. https://hdl.handle.net/2123/27667.

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This work is concerned with the demise of ‘British race patriotism’ in Australian political culture in the late 19505 and early 1960s. The organic ideal of British racial community was a founding ideological pillar of Australian nationality for much of this century, yet the declining relevance of these ideas, and the emergence of a more limited, exclusive conception of Australian ‘community’ has not been adequately addressed in the existing historical literature. In many respects, the waning appeal of ‘Britishness’ in Australia was a gradual and piecemeal process, but at the level of Australian political culture the shifts in outlook and assumptions occurred surprisingly rapidly, and converged largely around a single key event; namely, the first British application for membership of the European Economic Community in the years 1961 to 1963. The Macmillan Govemment’s painful choice between the discordant communities of ‘Europe’ and the ‘the British race’ provoked a crisis of British race patriotism in Australia, and prompted long overdue reflection, discussion and debate about the changing determinants of Australian nationhood in the post-war world. This occurred, not under the impetus of an instinctive dawning of an innate and assertive Australian nationalism as is often suggested, but in reaction to the demise of British race patriotism as a viable and credible framework for the ordering of Australian loyalties, priorities and policies. In the case of Britain's EEC membership application, it is significant that the revision of sentimental assumptions took place after it had become painfully self-evident that the United Kingdom was determined to pursue national interests and a national destiny that could no longer be reconciled with the traditional conception of organic Anglo-Australian community. The tensions and contradictions between ‘sentiment’ and 'self—interest‘, long inherent in Australia's political and economic ties to Great Britain, imploded under the impetus of the Macmillan Government's EEC aspirations. Before any limited. sovereign, national community could become fully imaginable in Australian political culture, it was a necessary precondition that the wider sense of British racial community should become ‘unimaginable’.
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Ifestos, Panayiotis J. "Some aspects of external relations and foreign policy of the European Community: European political cooperation and defense / security issues." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/213536.

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Kouba, Cox Martina. "The approximation of EC law in the Czech Republic : transposiiton or transformation?" Thesis, McGill University, 2002. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=78217.

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This thesis examines the process of approximating EC law that the Czech Republic has undertaken both under the Europe Agreement and in order to fulfill one of the conditions for membership in the European Union. The thesis aims to determine whether the transposition of EC legislation has been undertaken with a view to effective implementation of the acquis communautaire and to assess what implications this process will have for the Czech Republic. To this end, three areas of law which are subject to approximation are examined, namely competition law, environmental law and company law. Accordingly, Chapter I provides a general overview of the process of approximation and the challenges it poses for the Czech Republic. The process of approximation in the field of competition law is examined in Chapter II, followed by environmental law in Chapter III. The area of company law is addressed in Chapter IV. Finally, Chapter V concludes with an analysis of the findings of the previous chapters with a discussion of the implications of approximation for the legal order of the Czech Republic.
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Doutrelepont, Carine. "Incidence du droit communautaire sur l'évolution du droit d'auteur: perspectives de rapprochement des législations nationales? analyse à travers certaines composantes du droit d'auteur :étude de droit comparé et de droit européen." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/212993.

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Books on the topic "Regionalism European Economic Community countries"

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Borkenhagen, Franz H. U., 1945-, ed. Europapolitik der deutschen Länder: Bilanz und Perspektiven nach dem Gipfel von Amsterdam. Opladen: Leske + Budrich, 1998.

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1951-, Wilson Thomas M., and Smith M. Estellie 1935-, eds. Cultural change and the new Europe: Perspectives on the European community. Boulder: Westview Press, 1993.

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Cultural change and the new Europe: Perspectives on the European community. London: Routledge, 2018.

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Cole, J. P. The geography of the European Community. London: Routledge, 1993.

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The European Union and interregionalism: Patterns of engagement. Farnham, Surrey, England: Ashgate Pub. Co., 2011.

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Cuthbert, Mike. European Community law. London: Cavendish Publishing, 1993.

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European Community law. London: Cavendish Pub., 1995.

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European Community law. Eastham, Wirral, Merseyside: Tudor, 1992.

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Francis, Snyder, ed. European Community law. New York, NY: New York University Press, 1993.

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Holly, Cullen, ed. European Community law. London: Pitman, 1994.

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Book chapters on the topic "Regionalism European Economic Community countries"

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Richards, E. G. "The European Economic Community (Nine Countries)." In Forestry and the Forest Industries: Past and Future, 101–210. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 1987. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-009-3669-0_3.

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Pomfret, Richard. "Economic Relations between the European Community and Mediterranean Countries." In Mediterranean Policy of the European Community, 15–32. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1986. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-07978-0_2.

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Bisignano, Joseph. "Banking in the European Economic Community: Structure, Competition, and Public Policy." In Banking Structures in Major Countries, 155–244. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-011-2946-6_4.

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Kula, Erhun. "Forestry in Some Selected Western Countries and the European Economic Community." In The Economics of Forestry, 18–44. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 1988. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-011-6078-0_2.

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Martenczuk, Bernd. "Cooperation with Developing and Other Third Countries: Elements of a Community Foreign Policy." In External Economic Relations and Foreign Policy in the European Union, 385–417. Vienna: Springer Vienna, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-7091-6156-2_12.

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Genosko, Joachim. "2.1 Structural and Regional Differences in Economic Development in the Countries of the European Community." In Innovation and Regional Development, edited by Hans-Jürgen Ewers and Jürgen Allesch, 31–40. Berlin, Boston: De Gruyter, 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9783110853506-007.

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Griffith-Jones, Stephany, and Bettina De Souza Guilherme. "Introduction." In Financial Crisis Management and Democracy, 1–7. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-54895-7_1.

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AbstractThis book is the result of the first 3 years of the comparative and multidisciplinary Jean Monnet Network, “Crisis-Equity-Democracy for Europe and Latin America”, of senior academics and policy advisors from four European and three Latin American countries, including experts on the European Union and Latin American regionalism. The rationale of the project and the common link is that both Europe and Latin America can learn from their respective experiences on “crisis”, its management and the distributive and democratic implications at national and regional level. The main purposes of the joint research can be summarised as to (1) locate in the current global financial system as one of the very major causes of the financial and debt crises in the EU and Latin America; (2) demonstrate the impact of the paradigm change on global and EU economic governance; (3) analyse key systemic aspects of the global crisis, i.e. climate change, macro-financial instability and the weakening of democracy and their inter-connections; (4) map and evaluate how both regions and individual countries within both regions have tried to manage these crises; (5) discuss the economic, political and social effects of these crises on both regions and individual countries; (6) finally, to make policy suggestions on how to transition from finance capitalism to a more sustainable real capitalism, on how both regions can better manage/govern/respond to such systemic pressures and on how they can increase their cooperation.
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Albuquerque, Paula C., and Elsa Fontainha. "Social Exclusion in Later Life, Evidence from the European Social Survey." In Older Workers and Labour Market Exclusion Processes, 191–209. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-11272-0_11.

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AbstractSocial Exclusion (SE) is a multidimensional concept, broader than just poverty or economic exclusion, that aims at expressing to what extent people have the opportunity to participate in society.We analyse how SE evolved for a certain birth cohort (respondents born between 1945 and 1953) along time, to gain a life-course perspective, and for the same age group in two different periods, to study how the situation of individuals in later life stages has changed from one period to the other. Our paper explores the recently updated data from the European Social Survey (ESS, Round 9 – 2018), combined with data from Round 1 – 2002, to obtain an insight into the evolution of SE among the older population in 15 European countries, by producing measures of SE including different domains (Social Relations, Civic Participation, Neighbourhood and Community and Health and Well-being). The same birth cohort (respondents born between 1945 and 1953) is analysed in 2002 and in 2018. We investigate the association of SE with the type of participation in the labour market, which, according to the rules developed by the welfare state institutions, is expected to change for that cohort, between the two periods. And, indeed, we find evidence of such association. Differences between the situation of men and women are highlighted, with higher levels of SE experienced by women in most domains.
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Fontana, Olimpia. "Tra solidarietà europea e responsabilità nazionali: la tutela dei beni pubblici europei." In Studi e saggi, 143–62. Florence: Firenze University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/978-88-5518-591-2.09.

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The theme of solidarity between European Union (EU) member states lies at the heart of the European integration process itself, in the context of an ongoing tension between the renunciation of national sovereignty, driven by a drive for cooperation, and the maintenance of prerogatives of strategic interest to states. In fact, the EU was born from the decision of its members to pool selected aspects of their sovereignty, in a process whose evolution is expressed both in the choice of community policies and in the availability and methods of financing those policies. These are two sides of the same coin, that of the Community budget, which is the operational instrument that supports and accompanies the major steps in the EU's evolutionary process. Indeed, since the 1980s, the Community budget has represented the instrument capable of holding together on the one hand the process of economic liberalisation and on the other the objective of social integration between countries that had different starting conditions. However, cooperation and solidarity are aspects that need to be strengthened today, albeit in new dimensions. The financial crisis has brought about a new acceleration in the coordination of national fiscal policies, without, however, generating the missing piece to European economic policy, namely an autonomous fiscal capacity, endowed with taxation power, on which a full fiscal union would be based.
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Deutschmann, Emanuel. "Why Does Regionalism Occur in Transnational Human Activity?" In Mapping the Transnational World, 106–28. Princeton University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691226491.003.0004.

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This chapter assesses why regionalism occurs in transnational human activity. Is it because countries within regions tend to be culturally similar, frequently sharing a common history, language, or religion? Is it because they have stronger economic bonds than countries situated in disparate regions? Is it because they often form part of the same supranational political community whose policies sometimes explicitly aim at increasing internal mobility and communication while enforcing external border controls? Or is it simply due to smaller geographic distances within regions? The answer may be a combination of all these factors—but in that case one might still want to know which factors are most influential in creating the intraregional agglomeration of human cross-border activity. Using a network-analytical modeling technique called multiple regression quadratic assignment procedure (MRQAP), the chapter establishes that while most of these factors play some role, spatial proximity is clearly the main explanation for the clustering of transnational activity within world regions. Its effect is particularly strong in Europe with its comparatively small geographic territory.
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Conference papers on the topic "Regionalism European Economic Community countries"

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Erdem, Ekrem, and Halit Mammadov. "Regionalism Tendency in Post – Soviet Countries." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c04.00698.

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We drew attention in our study to two directions of the growing regionalism in the Post – Soviet countries. The regionalism in the Post – Soviet Space has an indecisive character. A group of the country (Ukraine, Moldova, South Caucasus countries) is evaluating the regionalism as a medium of the integration with global markets and liberal world, but the other group (leading through Russia, Belarus and countries of Central Asia) see the regionalism as a factor, which is against the globalism. We made a conceptional analyze in the first part of our study. The second part of our study contents the implementation. The main these of our study “Regionalism processes in the Post – Soviet space” have been researched and analyzed under the title of Commonwealth of Independent States and Eurasian Economic Union. The foundation of the Eurasia Economic Union with the aim of more supporting of the economically integration in the Post – Soviet countries is a very important example of the new regionalism tendencies. There will be analyzed in our studies the phases of the Eurasian Economic Union – Eurasian Economic Community, Custom Union and Common Economic Space in scope of regionalism concept. It will be also explained the strategically aims of the mentioned regional structure.
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Öngel, Volkan. "An Alternative Foreign Trade Market for Turkey: The Eurasian Economic Community." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c01.00222.

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The Eurasian Economic Community (EEC) is an international organization that has been created by five Commonwealth of İndependent States countries (Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Russia and Tajikistan) on October 10th,2000. The object of this organization was promote the creation of a customs union and the common economic space. After ten years in 2010, three countries (Belarus, Russia and Kazakhstan) made a custom union agreement as a second step. And the target is to establish a common economic space by 1 January 2012, a single market for goods, investment and labor. This custom union creates a common market of 170 million people with a $2 trillion economy, $900 billion trade and 90 billion barrels of oil reserves. This three countries have a strategic geopolitical position, rich producer goods reserves:especially oil and natural gas. The economic structure of this three countries can be explain as consumer goods importer, producer goods exporter. This is the exact opposite of European Union economic structure. Therefore, this paper argues that The Eurasian Economic Community would be a good foreign trade market alternative of EU for Turkey. Hence this paper tries to analyse the trade opportunities of this market for Turkey’s export. This paper based on the statistical foreign trade datas of relevant countries.
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İncekara, Ahmet, and Burcu Kılınç Savrul. "Regional Development Policies of the European Union: An Evaluation in the Framework of Structural Funds and Other Financial Instruments." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c02.00307.

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Regional policy of the European Union (EU) is implemented in order to improve welfare and quality of life in specific regions of EU member countries, minimize inter-regional income differences and restructure less developed industrial areas. regions of the EU countries has urban and regional development differences in themselves. Regional policies have gained importance in the process of EU enlargement. Increases regional disparities has been observed to occur with the first expansion. Although the tools that the Community could use for regional inequality were initially limited, they began to increase over the years in the process of development of regional policy of the EU. In this respect, this study will focus primarily on the EU regional development policies, the structural funds in line with the measures taken to ensure economic and social cohesion in EU countries and European Investment Bank and the new tools such as community tool will be discussed.
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Diril, Funda. "Comparison of Fiscal Reforms in Some South and East European Transition Economies." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c05.01014.

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The aim of this paper is to compare fiscal reforms of some of the transition economies in Balkans including The Republic of Macedonia. Since 1990’s former planned economies, which are in the process of economic transformation into market economy have carried out several reforms. During this economic transformation process both the effects and the results of these reforms vary according to the difference between the needs of structural change in each country. In this study, some of the selected transition economies in Balkans are analyzed: Some of the recent members of European Community in Balkans and The Republic of Macedonia are examined in comparison. Analysis of fiscal reforms of these transition economies are evaluated in several headings in reference to the macroeconomic statistics created by international organizations such as OECD, EC and IMF and policy suggestions are proposed accordingly. The government deficit, government debts and tax policy are the significant part of these reforms. Several strategies are implemented in developing support systems for competitive environment and private ownership. Economic shrinkage, current account deficit, low foreign capital and government deficit indicate economic weakness in these countries. The Czech Republic, Bulgaria, The Republic of Macedonia, Romania and Hungary face fiscal problems such as economic shrinkage, debt service and government deficit during the transition process. As being the candidate country for European Union accession; The Republic of Macedonia is approaching to the Maastricht Criteria and has better outcomes in public debt compared to the other countries given above.
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WAELBROECK, JEAN, JEAN MARC BURNIAUX, and MONCEF HADHRI. "SOME GENERAL EQUILIBRIUM MODEL ESTIMATES OF THE IMPACT OF THE URUGUAY ROUND AND OF THE “1992” PROCESS IN THE EUROPEAN COMMUNITY ON THE NEWLY INDUSTRIALIZED COUNTRIES OF EAST ASIA." In Proceedings of the Economic Development of ROC and the Pacific Rim in the 1990s and Beyond. WORLD SCIENTIFIC, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/9789814440998_0012.

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Gündoğdu Odabaşıoğlu, Fatma. "An Assessment on Financial Markets: European Union Member Country Hungary and Candidate Country Turkey." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c07.01700.

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With the end of cold war, Central and Eastern European countries who had not participated in the integration of Europe, have applied to become members of European Union. Hungary, a Central European country; applied for membership on December 16, 1991, started full membership negotiations in 1998 and joined the Union on May 1, 2004. Turkey on the other hand, was granted candidacy status during Helsinki European Council Summit Meeting of December 1999, after a 40 years long relationship that started with Turkey’s application to join European Economic Community on July 31, 1959. Negotiations for full membership of Turkey were finally started on October 3, 2005 and country entered a new era to adapt EU Acquis. Within this context, this study aims to compare financial markets of EU member state Hungary and candidate state Turkey for the period of 1998 - 2015; to evaluate risks and fragilities related to financial development levels and stability of banking sectors for both countries based on generally accepted financial indicators. In conclusion; Hungary was observed to have significantly less developed capital market compared Turkey over the years, despite having similar ratios in financial deepening during recent years. Findings of this assessment point out an increasing credit risk for banking sector of Hungary, enhanced by the economic crisis of 2008. In comparison, credit risk in banking sector of Turkey has been decreasing over the years. High credit/deposit ratio, is a sign of degradation and can be observed in Hungary's balance sheets, raised for Turkey as well.
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Panagoreţ, Andreea, Dragos Panagoreţ, and Tomislav Kandyija. "Sustainable Development and Environmental Policy of the European Union." In G.I.D.T.P. 2019 - Globalization, Innovation and Development, Trends and Prospects 2019. LUMEN Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.18662/lumproc/gidtp2022/16.

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Sustainable development approaches the concept of quality of life in all its complexity, from an economic, social and environmental point of view, promoting the idea of ​​the balance between economic development, social equity, efficient use and conservation of the environment. By its very nature, sustainable development represents the need for responsibility and education for environmental protection, and this aspect is reflected in the evolution of community policy in recent years, a policy marked by the transition from an approach based on constraint and sanction, to a more flexible, based one on incentives. Thus, it is acting in the direction of a voluntary approach, in order to promote this environmental responsibility and to encourage the use of environmental management systems. The environmental policy does not act independently, but reflects the interest of civil society in this direction, manifested by the creation of numerous environmental movements and organizations. Moreover, in some countries the creation and development of "green" political parties has been achieved, with real success in the political arena. However, resistance - or, more properly, the restraint and inertia that manifests itself, should not be forgotten, when environmental objectives seem to limit industrial competitiveness and economic growth; but this aspect only emphasizes once again the need for a concerted approach at European level and the need for an active and integrated environmental policy, capable of responding to the challenges that appear economically. The European environmental policy is based on the principles of precaution, prevention, correction of pollution at source and "polluter pays". The precautionary principle is a risk management tool that can be invoked if there is scientific uncertainty about a possible risk to human health or the environment, arising from a particular action or policy.
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Simović, Miodrag N., and Jelena Kuprešanin. "PROTECTION OF HUMAN RIGHTS IN BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA- MIGRATION MANAGEMENT CHALLENGES IN SOCIETY RECOVERING FROM THE COVID-19 PANDEMIC." In The recovery of the EU and strengthening the ability to respond to new challenges – legal and economic aspects. Faculty of Law, Josip Juraj Strossmayer University of Osijek, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.25234/eclic/22444.

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Migration management, among others, is one of the challenges Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Western Balkan countries have faced in recent years. The uncertain and complex situation has been exacerbated by the corona virus pandemic, and existing material and human resources are now focused on repairing its consequences. The end of the pandemic remains uncertain, social problems are becoming more complex, and systemic support is needed for a growing number of different vulnerable categories in the country. The protection of human rights and fundamental freedoms is imperative, especially in times of crisis. Although significant activities have been implemented, they are still insufficient to adequately respond to migration management. The support of the international community remains necessary. Multisectoral action, coordination and sharing of experiences should be intensified. The European Commission’s 2021 Report for Bosnia and Herzegovina pointed to very limited progress in migration and asylum management and the need to significantly improve this area, ensure effective coordination and provide sufficient and adequate accommodation capacity. The response to the crisis during the outbreak of COVID-19 was assessed as satisfactory by the European community, and greater spread and more severe consequences for the migrant population were prevented. According to some reports, the rights of minorities and asylum seekers continue to be a serious concern for human rights in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Unaccompanied children face specific challenges and vulnerabilities, and their protection and adequate response to their needs is one of the priorities for future action. Media coverage of migrants needs to be reviewed and directed in a way that is in line with the human rights of vulnerable categories and advocating the necessity of their protection. The media is one of the key links in monitoring the protection of human rights, but also in focusing on areas that require urgent action. Preventive activities should become an integral part of the strategic directions of local and national governments, and the support of the international community, cooperation, adequate assessment and protection of the best interests of all citizens are a prerequisite for social security in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
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Đurić, Stefan, and Bojana Lalatović. "SOLIDARITY CHECK IN TIMES OF COVID-19. ANALYSIS OF THE EU APPROACH TOWARDS ITS CLOSEST NEIGHBOURS WITH A SPECIAL FOCUS ON MONTENEGRO." In EU 2021 – The future of the EU in and after the pandemic. Faculty of Law, Josip Juraj Strossmayer University of Osijek, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.25234/eclic/18303.

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Solidarity as one of the cornerstone values of the European Union has been once again seated on the red chair and intensively discussed within the European Union and broader. After the economic recession and migrant crisis that marked the last two decades, the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic has once again harshly tested the fundamental objectives and values of the European Union and the responsiveness and effectiveness of its governance system on many fronts. In April, 2020 several EU Member States were among the worst affected countries worldwide and this situation soon became similar in their closest neighbourhood. It put a huge pressure on the EU to act faster, while at the same time placing this sui generis community to the test that led to revealing its strengths and weaknesses. As it happened in the previous crises, the Union launched policies and various programmes that were meant to lessen the burden of the Member States and aspiring countries caused by the crises. The objectives of the mentioned soft law instruments that the EU adopted during the COVID-19 crisis has been not only to show that EU law is equipped to react to health and economic crises rapidly but to deliver its support in terms of solidarity to its Member States and its closest neighbours facing the unprecedented health and economic crisis. This article will explore the value and implication of the solidarity principle in times of Covid-19 in its various manifestations. A special focus will be on the financial and material aspects of the EU instruments created to combat the negative consequences of the pandemic and their further impact on shaping the solidarity principle within the EU system. While examining the character and types of these mechanisms a special focus will be placed on those available to Western Balkan countries, whereas Montenegro as the “fast runner” in the EU integration process will be taken as a case study for the purpose of more detailed analyses. One of the major conclusions of the paper will be that although the speed of the EU reactions due to highly complex structure of decision making was not always satisfying for all the actors concerned, the EU once again has shown that it is reliable and that it treats the Western Balkan countries as privileged partners all for the sake of ending pandemic and launching the socio-economic recovery of the Western Balkans. Analytical and comparative methods will be dominantly relied upon throughout the paper. This will allow the authors to draw the main conclusions of the paper and assess the degree of solidarity as well as the effectiveness of the existing EU instruments that are available to Montenegro and aimed at diminishing negative consequences of the crisis.
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Karluk, S. Rıdvan. "Eurasian Customs Union and Turkey’s Membership." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c06.01343.

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Leaders of Russia, Belarus, and Kazakhstan which are the countries of disintegrated Soviet Union signed an agreement in order to establish a Union named Eurasian Economic Union on the date of 29 May 2014. With this attempt Russia wants to protect its former penetration on former Soviet geography by providing economic integration. Positive messages upon the membership of Turkey to Eurasia Economic Union were given at Eurasia Economic Union meeting which was held in Ankara in January mid-2015 and hosted by Andrey Karlov, Ambassador of Russia. Nursultan Nazarbayev, who is the pioneer of this idea, has stressed that Turkey should be a member of the Community several times before now. The idea of Sergey Markov, who is the point man of Putin as “Turkey should enter Eurasia Union not European Union, it can gain strength in this way”, is void within the scope of international agreements which Turkey signed with European Union and of the rules of WTO. Erdoğan, Prime Minister of the relevant term said Putin that “Take Turkey into Shanghai Cooperation Organization and ease our difficulty”; in Russian- Turkey peak held on 23 November 2013 in St. Petersburg province of Russia. This explanation is not possible in terms of international law. Explanation of Zeybekçi, Minister of Economy as “Eurasia Customs Union is a must for Turkey. We have to be there” is not realistic. In our paper we will deal and explain why Turkey cannot enter Eurasia Customs Union and why an axial dislocation cannot occur in Turkey.
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Reports on the topic "Regionalism European Economic Community countries"

1

Martin, Matthew. The Crisis of Extreme Inequality in SADC: Fighting austerity and the pandemic. Oxfam, Development Finance International, Norwegian Church Aid, May 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.21201/2022.8793.

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The COVID-19 pandemic has worsened the extreme inequality in Southern African Development Community (SADC) countries, and pushed millions into poverty. The economic crisis continues due to the obscene global vaccine inequality. As of end March 2022, a dismal 14% of SADC citizens had been fully vaccinated against COVID-19, compared with 65.5% in the United States and 73% in the European Union. In 2021, with infections rising in SADC, the critical health, social protection and economic programmes put in place by most governments in 2020 were rolled back and replaced with austerity, in the context of growing debt burdens and lack of external support for country budgets. Such austerity has been built into IMF programmes in the region. Recovering from the pandemic, however, offers SADC governments a once-in-a-generation opportunity to do what their citizens want: increase taxes on the wealthy and large corporations, boost public spending (especially on healthcare, education and social protection), and increase workers’ rights as well as tackling joblessness and precarious work. With external support, including through debt relief and aid, they could reduce inequality drastically and eliminate extreme poverty by 2030.
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Martin, Matthew. The Crisis of Extreme Inequality in SADC: Fighting austerity and the pandemic. Oxfam, Development Finance International, Norwegian Church Aid, May 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.21201/2022.8793.

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The COVID-19 pandemic has worsened the extreme inequality in Southern African Development Community (SADC) countries, and pushed millions into poverty. The economic crisis continues due to the obscene global vaccine inequality. As of end March 2022, a dismal 14% of SADC citizens had been fully vaccinated against COVID-19, compared with 65.5% in the United States and 73% in the European Union. In 2021, with infections rising in SADC, the critical health, social protection and economic programmes put in place by most governments in 2020 were rolled back and replaced with austerity, in the context of growing debt burdens and lack of external support for country budgets. Such austerity has been built into IMF programmes in the region. Recovering from the pandemic, however, offers SADC governments a once-in-a-generation opportunity to do what their citizens want: increase taxes on the wealthy and large corporations, boost public spending (especially on healthcare, education and social protection), and increase workers’ rights as well as tackling joblessness and precarious work. With external support, including through debt relief and aid, they could reduce inequality drastically and eliminate extreme poverty by 2030.
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