Journal articles on the topic 'Regional clean air incentives market'

Planners have often looked on transportation policies as a means of controlling broad patterns of land use. It has been argued that past transportation policies have contributed to decentralization of urban activities resulting in congestion, traffic hazards, and environmental pollution. Others contend that urban land uses reflect location decisions by individual households and employers and that transportation is just one of the many factors that affect such decisions. Thus, public policies in transportation have very little opportunity to alter future land use. The exact effect of transit on the distribution of urban activities, the resulting urban structure, the level of congestion, and air quality is not fully understood. An attempt is made in this paper to document successful cases of transit and land use integration as well as the techniques used by different agencies to bring about such integration. Various studies under the Transit Cooperative Research Program on different aspects of transit and land use policies serve as the basic sources of information for this paper. Eight case studies are examined that encompass a variety of transit modes in urban North America. It is concluded that the accessibility advantages provided by transit may play a crucial role in the concentration of development and in creating economic opportunities. However, transit by itself is not sufficient to guarantee successful transit-focused development. Other major factors are supportive regional and local policies and private investment in concert with the transit program. Further, successful transit and land use integration does not necessarily imply the presence of a high-speed rail system. In a strong market, when support policies are in place, light rail and busways can also be used to channel urban growth.

Abstract The largest concentration of state-level forest cost-share programs in the United States can be found in the southern states. Since the inception of the first programs in the 1970s, the state-level forest cost-share programs in the US South have acted as models for the rest of the country. Cost-share programs compensate landowners through direct reimbursements to address barriers such as limited owner capital and cash flow in the initial years of investment. Through a review of the literature and progress reports from southern state forestry agencies, we qualitatively assessed state-level cost-share programs and their status in the southern states. We identified the common themes in the literature related to cost-share programs: market, nonmarket, and landowners’ perceptions and knowledge. Many of the programs enacted between the 1970s and 1980s aimed to ensure a sustainable timber supply, a market good, from private forestlands. A few of the programs enacted more recently compensate landowners for nonmarket benefits such as forest health or soil and water conservation. Two of the nine available programs are practically inactive in recent years because of a lack of funding. We discuss current prospects regarding funding, partnerships, and broadening the focus of incentives to cover forest-based ecosystem services. Study Implications Regionally, cost-share programs in the US South differ in eligibility criteria, funding source and status, and resource management objectives. The majority of state-level cost-share programs in the US South were enacted 30 to 50 years ago. The first cost-share programs were designed to support a continued timber supply from private forestlands, but a few recent programs have expanded their objectives to protect forest health and soil and water quality. Forest-based ecosystem service markets, specifically reforestation to capture atmospheric carbon dioxide and provide clean air and water, have become more prevalent in recent years. Funding for forest commodity incentive programs is a continual challenge. New funding sources and new programs are crucial to meet demands for incentives for landowners to provide both timber and ecosystem services outputs.

Throughout decades, conflicts related to the access and usage of various energy sources have caused political tensions between nations and confederations of states. Thus, partially to decrease the dependence on fossil fuels, a thorough transition towards renewable energies has been promoted by several regional and national governments as well as by multinational institutions such as the European Union. In this context, the automotive industry has particularly been held responsible for the production of negative externalities, such as global greenhouse gas emissions (GHG emissions), noise and air pollution. To a notable extent, these externalities were caused by vehicles running on fossil fuels such as petroleum products, including gasoline, diesel fuel and fuel oil. Accordingly, it is often argued that replacing vehicles run by internal combustion engines (ICEs) with so-called alternative fuel vehicles (AFVs), particularly with plug-in electric vehicles (PEVs), is crucial to increase the sustainability of the transport sector. Moreover, several EU-member states aim to reduce the vehicle-related petrol and diesel demand to decrease their dependence on foreign energy sources. However, one must consider that there are important economic costs related to such a transition process. This paper evaluates the short-term and long-term effects of fiscal policies on the European automotive market in the period from 2010 to 2018, focusing on the impact of mentioned public incentives for AFVs. This public interventionism will be critically evaluated to examine the effectiveness of government incentives in promoting AFVs, particularly for plug-in electric vehicles (PEVs). The author argues that the rather positive sales evolution of AFVs was not caused by corresponding actual customer demand but mainly by governmental policies in an increasingly interventionist market. He acknowledges that the growing variety of available PEV models, the increasing driving range of electric vehicles, as well as their decreasing production costs due to economies of scale, have helped PEVs to become more competitive. However, the concern should be raised that mentioned public interventionism is unsustainable from a macroeconomic perspective, possibly leading to significant market distortion and a new artificial market bubble. The narrowed focus on battery electric vehicles prevents the market from further elaborating on other potentially more sustainable technologies. Moreover, from a geostrategic perspective, the transition of the European automotive industry towards electrification is likely to reduce the EU’s dependency on imported fossil fuels but enables several non-European automotive brands to conquer a significant market with their new competitive plug-in electric vehicle technologies.

The ultimate goal in today’s electricity business in Europe is market integration on pan-European level that will introduce transparency and competition between market players, incentives to clean energy development, as well as high quality of supply to the end-customers. To achieve these goals, in South-East Europe (SEE) there are number of barriers and uncertainties, one of which is linked with the possible new undersea HVDC connections between SEE and Italy. With the support of the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) and coordination of the United States Energy Association (USEA), within the framework of the Southeast Europe Transmission System Planning Project (SECI), a detailed analysis has been accomplished on the impact of one or more undersea HVDC cables between Italy and SEE on power system operation and electricity market development [1]. Special emphasis to this analysis is given by the fact that SECI has been one of the longest running projects in the region. It started in 2001 with active participation of all regional TSOs, including continuous updating of power system and electricity market models and its harmonization of constant changes in power system planning. It is of utmost importance in the environment of constant changes of national power system development plans and needed further steps for full market opening and integration in the region. SEE power systems and market1 were modelled using the most relevant power system and market simulation and optimization softwares. Both system and market comprehensive models have been verified by all SEE TSOs. Study analyses were divided in two parts: 1) market analysis and 2) network analysis. The market study investigated expected generation pattern, power exchanges and wholesale prices in SEE, taking into account regional market synergy, the new links with Italy, and high level of RES integration. Bulgaria and Romania are currently the main exporters in SEE. Significant power exchanges in the North-South/Southeast direction are related to the fact that the GR, MK, ME, HR and AL are mainly importing, plus the influence of Italy importing over new potential HVDC cable(s). Network analysis dealt with power flows, network bottlenecks and voltage profiles in given market scenarios. Finally, the results of this comprehensive market simulation comprised of the following: Countries electricity balance (production, consumption and exchanges) Electricity prices for each country Cross-border power exchanges (MWh/h) for each border in the region on hourly basis HVDC link loadings (MWh/h) for each HVDC submarine cable on hourly basis Location and frequency of market congestions in SEE (NTCs full between areas with price difference) All those analyses have been performed in two different transmission network development scenarios: Base case scenario: with planned HVDC ME-IT Alternative scenario: with planned HVDC ME-IT, and HVDC HR-IT, and HVDC AL-IT In this way one of the most important uncertainties (new HVDC links SEE – Italy) for future power system and market operation in SEE, have been evaluated both in technical and market sense, using the most relevant inputs and model.

This paper evaluates the potential for automated lighting control as a resource for frequency regulation of the electric grid system in the context of current energy policies, economic incentives, and technological trends. The growing prevalence of renewable energy has increased the need for ancillary services to maintain grid frequency and stability. While demand side resources like heating, ventilating, and air-conditioning systems, as well as water treatment plants are already evaluated as regulation service providers, the potential application to electrical lighting systems has largely been ignored. Yet, aggregations of lighting systems that are retrofitted with intelligent controls could conceivably contribute to frequency regulation services with little impact on user comfort. To further explore the feasibility of lighting potential, this paper explores (1) how lighting control systems are limited by visual comfort perception and acceptability, (2) how such limitations impact the performance of the lighting system as an frequency regulation resource, and (3) how the market potential of lighting systems as demand side resources compares in different regional transmission organizations. Finally, the impact of developing technologies on the application of lighting systems for frequency regulation is discussed.

The global pandemic COVID-19 had a serious impact on the dynamics of air traffic. The purpose of this article is to analyze the change in air travel over the past 10 years and to describe the potential situation, threats and suggest alternative ways out of the crisis. As a result, we identified the following problems: insufficient funding for the aviation industry, lack of resources necessary for its development, low level of exports of civil aviation, no credit mechanisms to finance the production of aircraft, lack of incentives for domestic and foreign institutions to invest, lack of control over aviation companies . The largest decline in air travel occurred in 2020. We also see a decrease in flights from 2013 to 2014 in connection with the beginning of military clashes in eastern Ukraine. In 2021, new air carriers entered the Ukrainian market, including Flynas (low-cost carrier of Saudi Arabia) and Eurowings (German low-cost carrier). It was found that domestic flights through the airspace of Ukraine have increased. An important impetus for their growth is the development of regional airports with the prospect of creating a National Airline. The positive dynamics was influenced by the opening of new passenger flights (Kyiv-Uzhhorod, Chernivtsi-Kryvyi Rih) and the adoption of the draft law №5301, which extended the term of granting Ukrainian airlines a transitional period for the transition to the use of domestic aircraft. In the summer of 2021, flights resumed, and Ukrainians are actively flying to Turkey, Egypt and the Dominican Republic - the most popular destinations. As for Ukrainian airports, their passenger traffic has decreased significantly since 2019, more than twice. Therefore, we propose to look for ways to reduce airport costs and fees, reduce aircraft fleet to save on their maintenance, reduce staff, refocus on charter flights, reduce the tax burden and encourage investors, which is especially important.

In response to air pollution problems caused by carbon emissions, electric vehicles are widely promoted in China. Since thermal power generation is the main form of power generation, the large-scale development of electric vehicles is equivalent to replacing oil with coal, which will accordingly result in carbon emissions increasing if the scale of electric vehicles exceeds a certain limit. A relationship model between regional energy mix structure and electric vehicles holdings under the constraint of carbon emission reduction is established to perform a quantitative analysis of the limitation mechanism. In order to measure the scale of the future electric vehicle market under the constraint of carbon emissions reduction, a method called Extreme Learning Machine optimized by Improved Particle Swarm Optimization (IPSO-ELM) with higher precision than Extreme Learning Machine (ELM) is proposed to predict the power structure and the trend of electric vehicle development in the Beijing-Tianjin-Hebei region from 2019–2030. The calculation results show that the maximum number of electric vehicles must not exceed 19,340,000 and 26,867,171 based on emissions reduction aims and also the predicted energy mix structure in the Beijing-Tianjin-Hebei region in 2020 and 2030. At this time, the ratio of electric vehicles to traditional car ownership is 75.6% and 78.3%. The proportion of clean energy generation should reach 0.314 and 0.323 to match a complete replacement of traditional fuel vehicles for electric vehicles. A substantial increase in clean energy generation is needed so that the large-scale promotion of electric vehicles can still achieve the goal of carbon reduction. Therefore, this article will be helpful for policy-making on electric vehicle development scale and energy mix structure in the Beijing-Tianjin-Hebei region.

The aim of this paper is to examine potentials and obstacles for the development of rural tourism in the Republic of Srpska. The analysis of both the potential and the integration of the entities crucial for the development of rural tourism, as well as the limiting factors that lead to stagnation in the development of rural tourism, is covered. Also, the goal is to explore the views of users and providers of rural tourism services and institutions dealing with the tourism industry on the state of the tourist offer and the limiting factors of its development. Rural destinations are becoming more attractive and more visited by tourists due to the natural environment, clean air, manifestations, possibilities of consuming traditional food and beverages, sports and various other activities. However, the ruin of rural tourism is reflected in the fact that it can violate the original form of rural space through various forms of environmental pollution of space, water and air. Preservation of existing resources is a necessity because the preserved environment is a prerequisite for the development of rural tourism. Republic of Srpska has seen a steady growth in the tourist visit in recent years, but there are still limiting factors for the development of rural tourism, which are most often seen in the poorly developed infrastructure of certain rural destinations, lack of accommodation capacities and the lack of qualified labor force, cooperation of several actors. It cannot be developed without the cooperation of regional and local authorities, non-governmental organizations, tourist organizations and businesses with local people. These actors should help the development of rural tourism through various subsidies, incentives, infrastructure construction and marketing.Republika Srpska faces the problem of insufficient promotion of tourism products, which reflects on the bad image of the entire tourism. The strong competition from the countries of the region, primarily Croatia and Montenegro, draws a large number of tourists, which points to the fact that the consumers of tourism services of the Republic of Srpska are in the highest estimate domestic guests of a poor standard of living. The development of rural tourism should be based on an integrated approach to development and care for resources. Only preserved resources can be a condition for the development of rural tourism now and in the future.

The purpose of the article is to analyze the state of ecological determinants of the development of the region, to justify the directions and means of the regional policy of transition to an ecologically oriented approach in relation to the development of the economy and the formation of its innovation and investment support. The article points out the relevance of the formation and implementation of the policy of formation of investment and innovation support for the formation and development of an ecologically oriented economy. On the example of the regions of the Carpathian region of Ukraine, key problem areas in terms of ensuring sustainable ecologically-oriented development of the regional economy have been identified. The directions and means of the regional policy of transition to an ecologically oriented type of development of the regional economy have been determined. The toolkit for the formation of innovation and investment support for ecologically oriented development of the region’s economy has been determined. The strategic priorities of the policy of ensuring the development of an ecologically-oriented economy have been determined, namely smart spatial development, increasing the role of green economy sectors, compliance with the principles of consumer safety and social responsibility, strengthening the resistance of the health care system, balancing the labor market and employment of the population, forming a clean and safe life space The purpose of the environmental protection policy is determined, which consists in overcoming the ecological crisis and improving the parameters of the ecological component of the quality of life of the population. Target guidelines for the improvement of the ecological state of the territory have been determined, in particular in terms of preservation and restoration of natural capital, ensuring the cleanliness of air, water and territory, the transition to a green economy, the formation of a model of ecologically appropriate behavior of the population and business entities. The toolkit for the formation of innovation and investment support for ecologically oriented development of the region’s economy has been defined. The scientific novelty of the research results lies in the fact that the methodological and applied provisions of a comprehensive approach to overcoming the ecological crisis and improving the parameters of the development of an ecologically oriented economy are substantiated; the specificity of the approach is the orientation towards the formation of ecologically appropriate behavior – a system of human actions and deeds aimed at preserving, improving, as well as proactive activities to restore the state of the environment.

The Western Ghats, a range of ancient hills extends between 8° N and 21° N latitude, and 73° E and 77° E longitude(from the tip of peninsular India at Kanyakumari to Gujarat). The Western Ghats runs parallel to the west coast of India, covering approximately 160,000 sq. km, which constitutes less than 5% of India's geographical extent. Numerous streams originate in the Western Ghats, which drain millions of hectares, ensuring water and food security for 245 million people and hence are aptly known as the water tower of peninsular India(Ramachandra and Bharath, 2019; Bharath et al., 2021). The region is endowed with diverse ecological regions depending on altitude, latitude, rainfall, and soil characteristics. The Western Ghats are among the eight hottest hotspots of biodiversity and 36 global biodiversity hotspots with exceptional endemic flora and fauna. Natural forests of Western Ghats have been providing various goods and services and are endowed with species of 4,600+ flowering plants (38% endemics), 330 butterflies (11% endemics), 156 reptiles (62% endemics), 508 birds (4% endemics), 120 mammals (12% endemics), 289 fishes (41% endemics) and 135 amphibians (75% endemics). The Western Ghats, gifted with enormous natural resource potential, and the mandate of sustainable development based on the foundation of prudent management of ecosystems, is yet a reality. Various unplanned developmental programs, which are proclaimed to be functioning on sustainability principles, have only been disrupting the complex web of life, impacting ecosystems, and causing a decline in overall productivity, including four major sectors: forestry, fisheries, agriculture, and water (Ramachandra and Bharath, 2019).The prevalence of barren hilltops, conversion of perennial streams to intermittent or seasonal streams, frequent floods and droughts, changes in water quality, soil erosion and sedimentation, the decline of endemic flora, and fauna, etc. highlights the consequences of unplanned developmental activities with a huge loss to the regional economy during the last century. The development goals need to be ecologically, economically, and socially sustainable, which can be achieved through the conservation and prudent management of ecosystems. Sustainability implies the equilibrium between society, ecosystem integrity, and sustenance of natural resources. Water sustenance in streams and rivers depends on the integrity of the catchment (watershed), as vegetation helps in retarding the velocity of water by allowing impoundment and recharging of groundwater through infiltration (Ramachandra et al., 2020). As water moves in the terrestrial ecosystem, part of it is percolated (recharging groundwater resources and contributing to sub-surface flow during post-monsoon seasons), while another fraction gets back to the atmosphere through evaporation and transpiration. Forests with native vegetation act as a sponge by retaining and regulating water transfer between land and the atmosphere. The mechanism by which vegetation controls flow regime is dependent on various bio-physiographic characteristics, namely, type of vegetation, species composition, maturity, density, root density and depth, hydro-climatic condition, etc. Roots of vegetation help (i) in binding soil, ii) improve soil structure by enhancing the stability of aggregates, which provide habitat for diverse microfauna and flora, leading to higher porosity of the soil, thereby creating the conduit for infiltration through the soil. An undisturbed native forest has a consistent hydrologic regime with sustained flows during lean seasons. Native species of vegetation with the assemblage of diverse native species help in recharging the groundwater, mitigating floods, and other hydro-ecological processes (Ramachandra et al., 2020; Bharath et al., 2021). Hence, it necessitates safeguarding and maintaining native forest patches and restoring existing degraded lands to sustain the hydrological regime, which caters to biotic (ecological and societal) demands. A comparative assessment of people's livelihood with soil water properties and water availability in sub-catchments of four major river basins in the Western Ghats reveals that streams in catchments with > 60% vegetation of native species are perennial with higher soil moisture (Ramachandra et al., 2020). The higher soil moisture due to water availability during all seasons facilitates farming of commercial crops with higher economic returns to the farmers, unlike the farmers who face water crises during the lean season. In contrast, streams are intermittent (6-8 months of water) in catchments dominated by monoculture plantations and seasonal (4 months, monsoon period) in catchments with vegetation cover lower than 30%. The study highlights the need to maintain ecosystem integrity to sustain water. Also, lower instances of COVID 19 in villages with native forests emphasize ecosystems' role in maintaining the health of biota. The need to maintain native vegetation in the catchment and its potential to support people's livelihood with water availability at local and regional levels is evident from the revenue of Rs. Rs.2,74,658 ha-1 yr-1 (in villages with perennial streams and farmers growing cash crops or three crops a year due to water availability), Rs. 1,50,679 ha-1 yr-1 (in villages with intermittent streams) and Rs. 80000 ha-1 yr-1 (in villages with seasonal streams). Also, the crop yield (at least 1.5 to 1.8 times) is higher in agriculture fields due to efficient pollination with the prevalence of diverse pollinators in the vicinity of native forests. The study emphasizes the need for maintaining the natural flow regime and prudent management of watershed to i) sustain higher faunal diversity, ii) maintain the health of water body, and iii) sustain people's livelihood with higher revenues. Hence, the premium should be on conserving the forests with native species to sustain water and biotic diversity in the water bodies, vital for food security. There still exists a chance to restore the lost natural ecosystems through appropriate ecological restoration approaches, with location-specific conservation and management practices to ensure adequate and clean water for all. GDP (Gross Domestic Product), a measure of the current economic well-being of a population, based on the market exchange of material well-being, will indicate resource depletion/degradation only through a positive gain in the economy and will not represent the decline in these assets (wealth) at all. Thus, the existing GDP growth percentages used as yardsticks to measure the development and well-being of citizens in decision-making processes are substantially misleading, yet they are being used. The traditional national accounts need to include resource depletion or degradation due to developmental activities and climate change. The country should move toward adopting Green GDP by accounting for the environmental consequences of the growth in the conventional GDP, which entails monetizing the services provided by ecosystems, the degradation cost of ecosystems, and accounts for costs caused by climate change. The forest ecosystems are under severe threat due to anthropogenic pressures, which are mostly related to the GDP.The appraisal of forest ecosystem services and biodiversity can help clarify trade­-offs among conflicting environmental, social, and economic goals in the development and implementation of policies and to improve the management in order biodiversity.Natural capital accounting and valuation of ecosystem services reveal that forest ecosystems provide (i) provisioning services (timber, fuelwood, food, NTFP, medicines, genetic materials) of Rs 2,19,494 ha-1 yr-1, (ii) regulating services (global climate regulation - carbon sequestration, soil conservation, and soil fertility, water regulation and groundwater recharge, water purification, pollination, waste treatment, air filtration, local climate regulation) of Rs 3,31,216 ha-1 yr-1 and (iii) cultural services (aesthetic, spiritual, tourism and recreation, education and scientific research) of Rs.1,04,561 ha-1 yr-1. Total ecosystem supply value (TESV), an aggregation of provisioning, regulating, and cultural services, amounts to Rs. 6,56,172 ha-1 yr-1, and the Net Present Value (NPV) of one hectare of forests amounts to 16.88 million rupees ha-1. NPV helps in estimating ecological compensation while diverting forest lands for other purposes. The recovery of an ecosystem with respect to its health, integrity, and sustainability is evident from an initiative of planting (500 saplings of 49 native species) in a degraded landscape (dominated by invasive species) of two hectares in the early 1990s at the Indian Institute of Science campus (Ramachandra et al., 2016),and the region has now transformed into a mini forest with numerous benefits such as improvements in groundwater at 3-6 m (compared to 30-40 m in 1990), moderated microclimate (with lower temperature) and numerous fauna (including four families of Slender Loris). While confirming the linkages of hydrology, ecology, and biodiversity, the experiment advocates the need for integrated watershed approaches based on sound ecological and engineering protocols to sustain water and ensure adequate water for all. A well-known and successful model of integrated wetlands ecosystem (Secondary treatment plant integrated with constructed wetlands and algae pond) at Jakkur Lake in Bangalore (Ramachandra et al., 2018) provides insights into the optimal treatment of wastewater and mitigation of pollution. Complete removal of nutrients and chemical contaminants happens when partially treated sewage (secondary treated) passes through constructed wetlands and algae pond (sedimentation pond), undergoes bio-physical and chemical processes. The water in the lake is almost potable with minimal nutrients and microbial counts. This model has been functioning successfully for the last ten years after interventions to rejuvenate the lake. This system is one of the self-sustainable ways of lake management while benefitting all stakeholders - washing, fishing, irrigation, and local people. Wells in the buffer zone (500 m), now have higher water levels and are without any nutrients (nitrate). Groundwater quality assessment in 25 wells in the same region during 2005 (before the rejuvenation of Jakkur Lake) had higher nitrate values. Adopting this model ensures optimal sewage treatment at decentralized levels, and letting treated water to the lake also provides nutrient-free and clean groundwater. The Jal Shakti ministry,the Government of India, through Jal Jeevan Mission, has embarked on the noble and novel mission of providing tap water supply to all rural households and public institutions in villages such as schools, health centers, panchayat buildings, etc. The success of this program depends on the availability of water. The imminent threat of acute water scarcity due to climate changes with global warming necessitates implementing integrated watershed development (planting of native species in the watershed of water bodies), rainwater harvesting (rooftop harvesting at individual household levels, and retaining rainwater in rejuvenated lakes, which also helps in recharge of groundwater) and reuse of wastewater through treatment at decentralized levels (a model similar to Jakkur lake at Bangalore). These prudent management initiatives at decentralized levels throughout the country aid in achieving the goals of providing clean and adequate water to the local community.

Previous studies have paid little attention to the spatial heterogeneity of residents' marginal willingness to pay (MWTP) for clean air at a city level. To fill this gap, this study adopts a geographically weighted regression (GWR) model to quantify the spatial heterogeneity of residents' MWTP for clean air in Shanghai. First, Shanghai was divided into 218 census tracts and each tract was the smallest research unit. Then, the impacts of air pollutants and other built environment variables on housing prices were chosen to reflect residents' MWTP and a GWR model was used to analyze the spatial heterogeneity of the MWTP. Finally, the total losses caused by air pollutants in Shanghai were estimated from the perspective of housing market value. Empirical results show that air pollutants have a negative impact on housing prices. Using the marginal rate of transformation between housing prices and air pollutants, the results show Shanghai residents, on average, are willing to pay 50 and 99 Yuan/m2 to reduce the mean concentration of PM2.5 and NO2 by 1 μg/m3, respectively. Moreover, residents' MWTP for clean air is higher in the suburbs and lower in the city center. This study can help city policymakers formulate regional air management policies and provide support for the green and sustainable development of the real estate market in China.

The article considers the problems and conditions of promotion of innovations in the innovative activity of industrial enterprises in the conditions of European integration. Research objectives are the analysis of the current state of innovative development of Ukrainian industrial enterprises and the identification of specific innovation strategies with relevant examples in domestic and foreign markets. Alternatives of innovation strategies for enterprises with relevant examples of specific enterprises and the use of marketing tools are described. The main research methods are used: general scientific – analysis of state and regional statistics, market surveys and forecasts, generalizations, analogy, data synthesis, hypothetical method and special – media monitoring, benchmarking. To solve the problems of promoting innovative products in Ukraine, a special algorithm is substantiated and proposed, which includes monitoring public spending on research and development, establishing feedback from the public sector research to industry, solving intellectual property problems and tax incentives, solving acute research problems. personnel through the creation of regional and state university associations, identification of priority areas such as support for eco-innovation, promotion of clean technologies, creation of centers of competence in industrial structures, integration of industrial entrepreneurship into the European Research Area. It was summarized that for the formation of the innovative policy of industrial enterprises, it is recommended to use a marketing approach, which provides for the preliminary formation and design of a new product based on the results of modern marketing research in order to promote innovative products to regional and foreign markets. It was emphasized that the promotion of innovative products is one of the most important areas of activity of industrial enterprises and a very important indicator of the state of the country’s economy as a whole.

Abstract Background Safe and clean drinking water is essential for human life. Persistent, mobile and toxic (PMT) substances and/or very persistent and very mobile (vPvM) substances are an important group of substances for which additional measures to protect water resources may be needed to avoid negative environmental and human health effects. PMT/vPvM substances do not sufficiently biodegrade in the environment, they can travel long distances with water and are toxic (those that are PMT substances) to the environment and/or human health. PMT/vPvM substance research and regulation is arguably in its infancy and in order to get in control of these substances the following (non-exhaustive list of) knowledge gaps should to be addressed: environmental occurrence; the suitability of currently available analytical methods; the effectiveness and availability of treatment technologies; the ability of regional governance and industrial stewardship to contribute to safe drinking water while supporting innovation; the ways in which policies and regulations can be used most effectively to govern these substances; and, the identification of safe and sustainable alternatives. Methods The work is the outcome of the third PMT workshop, held in March 2021, that brought together diverse scientists, regulators, NGOs, and representatives from the water sector and the chemical sector, all concerned with protecting the quality of our water resources. The online workshop was attended by over 700 people. The knowledge gaps above were discussed in the presentations given and the attendees were invited to provide their opinions about knowledge gaps related to PMT/vPvM substance research and regulation. Results Strategies to closing the knowledge, technical and practical gaps to get in control of PMT/vPvM substances can be rooted in the Chemicals Strategy for Sustainability Towards a Toxic Free Environment from the European Commission, as well as recent advances in the research and industrial stewardship. Key to closing these gaps are: (i) advancing remediation and removal strategies for PMT/vPvM substances that are already in the environment, however this is not an effective long-term strategy; (ii) clear and harmonized definitions of PMT/vPvM substances across diverse European and international legislations; (iii) ensuring wider availability of analytical methods and reference standards; (iv) addressing data gaps related to persistence, mobility and toxicity of chemical substances, particularly transformation products and those within complex substance mixtures; and (v) advancing monitoring and risk assessment tools for stewardship and regulatory compliance. The two most effective ways to get in control were identified to be source control through risk governance efforts, and enhancing market incentives for alternatives to PMT/vPvM substances by using safe and sustainable by design strategies.

Al Gore brought climate change into … our living rooms. … The 2008 oil price hikes [and the global financial crisis] awakened the world to potential economic hardship in a rapidly urbanising world where the petrol-driven automobile is still king. (Mouritz 47) Six hundred million cars (Urry, “Climate Change” 265) traverse the world’s roads, or sit idly in garages and clogging city streets. The West’s economic progress has been built in part around the success of the automotive industry, where the private car rules the spaces and rhythms of daily life. The problem of “automobile dependence” (Newman and Kenworthy) is often cited as one of the biggest challenges facing countries attempting to combat anthropogenic climate change. Sociologist John Urry has claimed that automobility is an “entire culture” that has re-defined movement in the contemporary world (Urry Mobilities 133). As such, it is the single most significant environmental challenge “because of the intensity of resource use, the production of pollutants and the dominant culture which sustains the major discourses of what constitutes the good life” (Urry Sociology 57-8). Climate change has forced a re-thinking of not only how we produce and dispose of cars, but also how we use them. What might a society not dominated by the private, petrol-driven car look like? Some of the pre-eminent writers on climate change futures, such as Gwynne Dyer, James Lovelock and John Urry, discuss one possibility that might emerge when oil becomes scarce: societies will descend into civil chaos, “a Hobbesian war of all against all” where “regional warlordism” and the most brutish, barbaric aspects of human nature come to the fore (Urry, “Climate Change” 261). Discussing a post-car society, John Urry also proffers another scenario in his “sociologies of the future:” an Orwellian “digital panopticon” in which other modes of transport, far more suited to a networked society, might emerge on a large scale and, in the long run, “might tip the system” into post-car one before it is too late (Urry, “Climate Change” 261). Amongst the many options he discusses is car sharing. Since its introduction in Germany more than 30 years ago, most of the critical literature has been devoted to the planning, environmental and business innovation aspects of car sharing; however very little has been written on its cultural dimensions. This paper analyses this small but developing trend in many Western countries, but more specifically its emergence in Sydney. The convergence of climate change discourse with that of the global financial crisis has resulted in a focus in the mainstream media, over the last few months, on technologies and practices that might save us money and also help the environment. For instance, a Channel 10 News story in May 2009 focused on the boom in car sharing in Sydney (see: http://www.youtube.com/watch? v=EPTT8vYVXro). Car sharing is an adaptive technology that doesn’t do away with the car altogether, but rather transforms the ways in which cars are used, thought about and promoted. I argue that car sharing provides a challenge to the dominant consumerist model of the privately owned car that has sustained capitalist structures for at least the last 50 years. In addition, through looking at some marketing and promotion tactics of car sharing in Australia, I examine some emerging car sharing subjectivities that both extend and subvert the long-established discourses of the automobile’s flexibility and autonomy to tempt monogamous car buyers into becoming philandering car sharers. Much literature has emerged over the last decade devoted to the ubiquitous phenomenon of automobility. “The car is the literal ‘iron cage’ of modernity, motorised, moving and domestic,” claims Urry (“Connections” 28). Over the course of twentieth century, automobility became “the dominant form of daily movement over much of the planet (dominating even those who do not move by cars)” (Paterson 132). Underpinning Urry’s prolific production of literature is his concept of automobility. This he defines as a complex system of “intersecting assemblages” that is not only about driving cars but the nexus between “production, consumption, machinic complexes, mobility, culture and environmental resource use” (Urry, “Connections” 28). In addition, Matthew Paterson, in his Automobile Politics, asserts that “automobility” should be viewed as everything that makes driving around in a car possible: highways, parking structures and traffic rules (87). While the private car seems an inevitable outcome of a capitalistic, individualistic modern society, much work has gone into the process of naturalising a dominant notion of automobility on drivers’ horizons. Through art, literature, popular music and brand advertising, the car has long been associated with seductive forms of identity, and societies have been built around a hegemonic culture of car ownership and driving as the pre-eminent, modern mode of self-expression. And more than 50 years of a popular Hollywood film genre—road movies—has been devoted to glorifying the car as total freedom, or in its more nihilistic version, “freedom on the road to nowhere” (Corrigan). As Paterson claims, “autonomous mobility of car driving is socially produced … by a range of interventions that have made it possible” (18). One of the main reasons automobility has been so successful, he claims, is through its ability to reproduce capitalist society. It provided a commodity around which a whole set of symbols, images and discourses could be constructed which served to effectively legitimise capitalist society. (30) Once the process is locked-in, it then becomes difficult to reverse as billions of agents have adapted to it and built their lives around “automobility’s strange mixture of co-ercion and flexibility” (Urry, “Climate Change” 266). The Decline of the Car Globally, the greatest recent rupture in the automobile’s meta-narrative of success came about in October 2008 when three CEOs from the major US car firms (General Motors, Ford and Chrysler) begged the United States Senate for emergency loan funds to avoid going bankrupt. To put the economic significance of this into context, Emma Rothschild notes “when the listing of the ‘Fortune 500’ began in 1955, General Motors was the largest American corporation, and it was one of the three largest, measured in revenues, every year until 2007” (Rothschilds, “Can we transform”). Curiously, instead of focusing on the death of the car (industry), as we know it, that this scenario might inevitably herald, much of the media attention focused on the hypocrisy and environmental hubris of the fact that all the CEOs had flown in private luxury jets to Washington. “Couldn’t they have at least jet-pooled?” complained one Democrat Senator (Wutkowski). In their next visit to Washington, most of them drove up in experimental vehicles still in pre-production, including plug-in hybrids. Up until that point no other manufacturing industry had been bailed out in the current financial crisis. Of course it’s not the first time the automobile industries have been given government assistance. The Australian automotive industry has received on-going government subsidies since the 1980s. Most recently, PM Kevin Rudd granted a 6.2 billion dollar ‘green car’ package to Australian automotive manufacturers. His justification to the growing chorus of doubts about the economic legitimacy of such a move was: “Some might say it's not worth trying to have a car industry, that is not my view, it is not the view of the Australian government and it never will be the view of any government which I lead” (The Australian). Amongst the many reasons for the government support of these industries must include the extraordinary interweaving of discourses of nationhood and progress with the success of the car industry. As the last few months reveal, evidently the mantra still prevails of “what’s good for the country is good for GM and vice versa”, as the former CEO of General Motors, Charles “Engine” Wilson, argued back in 1952 (Hirsch). In post-industrial societies like Australia it’s not only the economic aspects of the automotive industries that are criticised. Cars seem to be slowly losing their grip on identity-formation that they managed to maintain throughout “the century of the car” (Gilroy). They are no longer unproblematically associated with progress, freedom, youthfulness and absolute autonomy. The decline and eventual death of the automobile as we know it will be long, arduous and drawn-out. But there are some signs of a post-automobile society emerging, perhaps where cars will still be used but they will not dominate our society, urban space and culture in quite the same way that they have over the last 50 years. Urry discusses six transformations that might ‘tip’ the hegemonic system of automobility into a post-car one. He mentions new fuel systems, new materials for car construction, the de-privatisation of cars, development of communications technologies and integration of networked public transport through smart card technology and systems (Urry, Mobilities 281-284). As Paterson and others have argued, computers and mobile phones have somehow become “more genuine symbols of mobility and in turn progress” than the car (157). As a result, much automobile advertising now intertwines communications technologies with brand to valorise mobility. Car sharing goes some way in not only de-privatising cars but also using smart card technology and networked systems enabling an association with mobility futures. In Automobile Politics Paterson asks, “Is the car fundamentally unsustainable? Can it be greened? Has the car been so naturalised on our mobile horizons that we can’t imagine a society without it?” (27). From a sustainability perspective, one of the biggest problems with cars is still the amount of space devoted to them; highways, garages, car parks. About one-quarter of the land in London and nearly one-half of that in Los Angeles is devoted to car-only environments (Urry, “Connections” 29). In Sydney, it is more like a quarter. We have to reduce the numbers of cars on our roads to make our societies livable (Newman and Kenworthy). Car sharing provokes a re-thinking of urban space. If one quarter of Sydney’s population car shared and we converted this space into green use or local market gardens, then we’d have a radically transformed city. Car sharing, not to be confused with ‘ride sharing’ or ‘car pooling,’ involves a number of people using cars that are parked centrally in dedicated car bays around the inner city. After becoming a member (much like a 6 or 12 monthly gym membership), the cars can be booked (and extended) by the hour via the web or phone. They can then be accessed via a smart card. In Sydney there are 3 car sharing organisations operating: Flexicar (http://www.flexicar.com.au/), CharterDrive (http://www.charterdrive.com.au/) and GoGet (http://www.goget.com.au/).[1] The largest of these, GoGet, has been operating for 6 years and has over 5000 members and 200 cars located predominantly in the inner city suburbs. Anecdotally, GoGet claims its membership is primarily drawn from professionals living in the inner-urban ring. Their motivation for joining is, firstly, the convenience that car sharing provides in a congested, public transport-challenged city like Sydney; secondly, the financial savings derived; and thirdly, members consider the environmental and social benefits axiomatic. [2] The promotion tactics of car sharing seems to reflect this by barely mentioning the environment but focusing on those aspects which link car sharing to futuristic and flexible subjectivities which I outline in the next section. Unlike traditional car rental, the vehicles in car sharing are scattered through local streets in a network allowing local residents and businesses access to the vehicles mostly on foot. One car share vehicle is used by 22-24 members and gets about seven cars off the street (Mehlman 22). With lots of different makes and models of vehicles in each of their fleets, Flexicar’s website claims, “around the corner, around the clock” “Flexicar offers you the freedom of driving your own car without the costs and hassles of owning one,” while GoGet asserts, “like owning a car only better.” Due to the initial lack of interest from government, all the car sharing organisations in Australia are privately owned. This is very different to the situation in Europe where governments grant considerable financial assistance and have often integrated car sharing into pre-existing public transport networks. Urry discusses the spread of car sharing across the Western world: Six hundred plus cities across Europe have developed car-sharing schemes involving 50,000 people (Cervero, 2001). Prototype examples are found such as Liselec in La Rochelle, and in northern California, Berlin and Japan (Motavalli, 2000: 233). In Deptford there is an on-site car pooling service organized by Avis attached to a new housing development, while in Jersey electric hire cars have been introduced by Toyota. (Urry, “Connections” 34) ‘Collaborative Consumption’ and Flexible, Philandering Subjectivities Car sharing shifts the dominant conception of a car from being a ‘commodity’, which people purchase and subsequently identify with, to a ‘service’ or network of vehicles that are collectively used. It does this through breaking down the one car = one person (or one family) ratio with one car instead servicing 20 or more people. One of Paterson’s biggest criticisms concerns car driving as “a form of social exclusion” (44). Car sharing goes some way in subverting the model of hyper-individualism that supports both hegemonic automobility and capitalist structures, whereby the private motorcar produces a “separation of individuals from one another driving in their own private universes with no account for anyone else” (Paterson 90). As a car sharer, the driver has to acknowledge that this is not their private domain, and the car no longer becomes an extension of their living room or bedroom, as is noted in much literature around car cultures (Morris, Sheller, Simpson). There are a community of people using the car, so the driver needs to be attentive to things like keeping the car clean and bringing it back on time so another person can use it. So while car sharing may change the affective relationship and self-identification with the vehicle itself, it doesn’t necessarily change the phenomenological dimensions of car driving, such as the nostalgic pleasure of driving on the open road, or perhaps more realistically in Sydney, the frustration of being caught in a traffic jam. However, the fact the driver doesn’t own the vehicle does alter their relationship to the space and the commodity in a literal as well as a figurative way. Like car ownership, evidently car sharing also produces its own set of limitations on freedom and convenience. That mobility and car ownership equals freedom—the ‘freedom to drive’—is one imaginary which car firms were able to successfully manipulate and perpetuate throughout the twentieth century. However, car sharing also attaches itself to the same discourses of freedom and pervasive individualism and then thwarts them. For instance, GoGet in Sydney have run numerous marketing campaigns that attempt to contest several ‘self-evident truths’ about automobility. One is flexibility. Flexibility (and associated convenience) was one thing that ownership of a car in the late twentieth century was firmly able to affiliate itself with. However, car ownership is now more often associated with being expensive, a hassle and a long-term commitment, through things like buying, licensing, service and maintenance, cleaning, fuelling, parking permits, etc. Cars have also long been linked with sexuality. When in the 1970s financial challenges to the car were coming as a result of the oil shocks, Chair of General Motors, James Roche stated that, “America’s romance with the car is not over. Instead it has blossomed into a marriage” (Rothschilds, Paradise Lost). In one marketing campaign GoGet asked, ‘Why buy a car when all you need is a one night stand?’, implying that owning a car is much like a monogamous relationship that engenders particular commitments and responsibilities, whereas car sharing can just be a ‘flirtation’ or a ‘one night stand’ and you don’t have to come back if you find it a hassle. Car sharing produces a philandering subjectivity that gives individuals the freedom to have lots of different types of cars, and therefore relationships with each of them: I can be a Mini Cooper driver one day and a Falcon driver the next. This disrupts the whole kind of identification with one type of car that ownership encourages. It also breaks down a stalwart of capitalism—brand loyalty to a particular make of car with models changing throughout a person’s lifetime. Car sharing engenders far more fluid types of subjectivities as opposed to those rigid identities associated with ownership of one car. Car sharing can also be regarded as part of an emerging phenomenon of what Rachel Botsman and Roo Rogers have called “collaborative consumption”—when a community gets together “through organized sharing, swapping, bartering, trading, gifting and renting to get the same pleasures of ownership with reduced personal cost and burden, and lower environmental impact” (www.collaborativeconsumption.com). As Urry has stated, these developments indicate a gradual transformation in current economic structures from ownership to access, as shown more generally by many services offered and accessed via the web (Urry Mobilities 283). Rogers and Botsman maintain that this has come about through the “convergence of online social networks increasing cost consciousness and environmental necessity." In the future we could predict an increasing shift to payment to ‘access’ for mobility services, rather than the outright private ownerships of vehicles (Urry, “Connections”). Networked-Subjectivities or a ‘Digital Panopticon’? Cars, no longer able on their own to signify progress in either technical or social terms, attain their symbolic value through their connection to other, now more prevalently ‘progressive’ technologies. (Paterson 155) The term ‘digital panopticon’ has often been used to describe a dystopian world of virtual surveillance through such things as web-enabled social networking sites where much information is public, or alternatively, for example, the traffic surveillance system in London whereby the public can be constantly scrutinised through the centrally monitored cameras that track people’s/vehicle’s movements on city streets. In his “sociologies of the future,” Urry maintains that one thing which might save us from descending into post-car civil chaos is a system governed by a “digital panopticon” mobility system. This would be governed by a nexus system “that orders, regulates, tracks and relatively soon would ‘drive’ each vehicle and monitor each driver/passenger” (Urry, “Connections” 33). The transformation of mobile technologies over the last decade has made car sharing, as a viable business model, possible. Through car sharing’s exploitation of an online booking system, and cars that can be tracked, monitored and traced, the seeds of a mobile “networked-subjectivity” are emerging. But it’s not just the technology people are embracing; a cultural shift is occurring in the way that people understand mobility, their own subjectivity, and more importantly, the role of cars. NETT Magazine did a feature on car sharing, and advertised it on their front cover as “GoGet’s web and mobile challenge to car owners” (May 2009). Car sharing seems to be able to tap into more contemporary understandings of what mobility and flexibility might mean in the twenty-first century. In their marketing and promotion tactics, car sharing organisations often discursively exploit science fiction terminology and generate a subjectivity much more dependent on networks and accessibility (158). In the suburbs people park their cars in garages. In car sharing, the vehicles are parked not in car bays or car parks, but in publically accessible ‘pods’, which promotes a futuristic, sci-fi experience. Even the phenomenological dimensions of swiping a smart card over the front of the windscreen to open the car engender a transformation in access to the car, instead of through a key. This is service-technology of the future while those stuck in car ownership are from the old economy and the “century of the car” (Gilroy). The connections between car sharing and the mobile phone and other communications technologies are part of the notion of a networked, accessible vehicle. However, the more problematic side to this is the car under surveillance. Nic Lowe, of his car sharing organisation GoGet says, “Because you’re tagged on and we know it’s you, you are able to drive the car… every event you do is logged, so we know what time you turned the key, what time you turned it off and we know how far you drove … if a car is lost we can sound the horn to disable it remotely to prevent theft. We can track how fast you were going and even how fast you accelerated … track the kilometres for billing purposes and even find out when people are using the car when they shouldn’t be” (Mehlman 27). The possibility with the GPS technology installed in the car is being able to monitor speeds at which people drive, thereby fining then every minute spent going over the speed limit. While this conjures up the notion of the car under surveillance, it is also a much less bleaker scenario than “a Hobbesian war of all against all”. Conclusion: “Hundreds of Cars, No Garage” The prospect of climate change is provoking innovation at a whole range of levels, as well as providing a re-thinking of how we use taken-for-granted technologies. Sometime this century the one tonne, privately owned, petrol-driven car will become an artefact, much like Sydney trams did last century. At this point in time, car sharing can be regarded as an emerging transitional technology to a post-car society that provides a challenge to hegemonic automobile culture. It is evidently not a radical departure from the car’s vast machinic complex and still remains a part of what Urry calls the “system of automobility”. From a pro-car perspective, its networked surveillance places constraints on the free agency of the car, while for those of the deep green variety it is, no doubt, a compromise. Nevertheless, it provides a starting point for re-thinking the foundations of the privately-owned car. While Urry makes an important point in relation to a society moving from ownership to access, he doesn’t take into account the cultural shifts occurring that are enabling car sharing to be attractive to prospective members: the notion of networked subjectivities, the discursive constructs used to establish car sharing as a thing of the future with pods and smart cards instead of garages and keys. If car sharing became mainstream it could have radical environmental impacts on things like urban space and pollution, as well as the dominant culture of “automobile dependence” (Newman and Kenworthy), as Australia attempts to move to a low carbon economy. Notes [1] My partner Bruce Jeffreys, together with Nic Lowe, founded Newtown Car Share in 2002, which is now called GoGet. 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