Journal articles on the topic 'Regime change – Tunisia'
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1
Cino, Luigi. "Tunisia’s Institutional Change after the Revolution." Politikon: The IAPSS Journal of Political Science 43 (December 13, 2019): 32–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.22151/politikon.43.2.
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The Arab Uprisings started with the Tunisian revolution. These events brought the country to profound change, especially in its institutional asset. Relying on New Institutionalism theory and in particular on the Gradual Change Theory by Mahoney and Thelen, this paper analyses three fundamental dimensions of institutional change in order to establish which type of institutional change has occurred in post-revolution Tunisia. The paper looks at the characteristics of the institutions, the characteristics of the political context and the type of dominant change agent to determine the type of institutional change. In Tunisia, a low level of discretion in the interpretation of norms and rules, weak veto possibilities for the former regime supporters and an insurrection type of dominant change agent have resulted in a so-called “displacement” type of institutional change, where the removal of old rules is accompanied by the introduction of new ones.
2
Blagojevic, Jelisaveta. "Tunisian Military and Regime Change." Politeja 18, no. 5(74) (December 15, 2021): 335–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.18.2021.74.20.
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This paper has several research objectives. They are related to the description of the position of the military in the non-democratic regime in Tunisia, as well as to the clarification of its role in the overthrow of the regime, that is, to the identification of the causal factors that determine the military role during uprisings. The purpose of this paper is to show that the support of the military or its neutral position during such uprisings represents necessary condition for success of transition from a non-democratic regime. Applying two-level model of analyses based on the strategic approach to transition, we concluded that the nature of civil-military relations in the previous regime and the nature of protest determine the role of the military in the uprisings. In other words, the character of the previous non-democratic regime and the initiators of transition settle the model and the results of transition, and its consolidation.
3
Tignor, Robert L. "Can a New Generation Bring about Regime Change?" International Journal of Middle East Studies 43, no. 3 (July 26, 2011): 384. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743811000432.
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Peaceful protests and demonstrations have swept through the Arab world, toppling rulers and advancing programs of radical change. Some enthusiasts for these movements have already proclaimed them a revolution. They predict a new Middle Eastern political and economic order. A new generation of young people—men and women, mainly in their twenties and thirties, using their skills in cyberspace communication and fueled by many frustrations—assembled vast numbers in peaceful protests that have thus far claimed many triumphs. They forced the departures of the long-standing dictators of Egypt and Tunisia and have demanded that the monarchs of Jordan, Morocco, and Bahrain reign rather than rule.
4
SAIDIN, MOHD IRWAN SYAZLI, and NUR AMIRA ALFITRI. "‘State Feminism' dan Perjuangan Wanita di Tunisia Pasca Arab Spring 2011." International Journal of Islamic Thought 12, no. 1 (December 1, 2020): 54–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.24035/ijit.18.2020.181.
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Over the last decade, the Arab Spring phenomenon in the Middle East and North Africa has brought significant transformation towards Tunisia’s political landscape. During the 14 days of street protest, Tunisian women have played critical roles in assisting their male counterparts in securing the ultime goal of the revolution – regime change. This article argues that after the 2011 revolution, the new Tunisian government has gradually adopted the principal idea of state feminism, which emphasizes on the role of ruling government via affirmative action in supporting the agenda of women’s rights. In so doing, this article examines the connection between state feminism and the plight of women’s struggles in Tunisia after the 2011 revolution and, looks into the impact of top down polices, and government approaches towards improving the status of women. This article concludes that women in the post revolutionary era have experienced a new trajectory in political and social freedom,the country has recorded a spike increase in the number of active female lawmakers, government executives, politicians, electoral candidates and the emergence of human right groups, gender activists and feminist movements. All these ‘women’s actors’ have directly involved in the process of drafting the new Tunisian constitution, which resulted in the acknowlegdement of women’s rights protection via article 46 in 2014 and the Nobel Peace Price Award in 2015.
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Hove, Mediel. "Post-Gaddafi Libya and the African Union: Challenges and the Road to Sustainable Peace." Journal of Asian and African Studies 52, no. 3 (May 11, 2015): 271–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909615583366.
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The overthrow of dictatorial regimes in Tunisia and Egypt by revolutionary demonstrations during the Arab Spring in 2011 inspired Libyans to depose the Gaddafi regime. The heavy handedness of Gaddafi attracted the intervention of the West and the United States under the emblem of the United Nations Security Council Resolution 1973. The article argues that instead of effecting regime change, the demonstrations whose epicentre was Benghazi culminated in a deeply contested civil war. This was caused partly by the United States of America and its allies’ active involvement at the expense of the African Union and its member states.
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Henneberg, Sabina. "Before and After Bin ͑Ali : Comparing Two Attempts at Political Liberalization in Tunisia." Review of Middle East Studies 53, no. 2 (November 27, 2019): 306–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rms.2019.54.
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AbstractThis article examines changes in Tunisian political and societal life that allowed the country's second attempt at political opening (beginning in 2011) to introduce deeper, more long-lasting changes in its political system as compared to the first attempt (beginning in 1987).1 The article argues that three such changes in particular—the increased role of regime moderates; the development of a network of civil society groups and political activists; and the use of inclusion, negotiation, and consensus—allowed the second attempt to unfold differently. The article also briefly discusses developments in the international context between the two attempts. The article contributes to existing studies of regime change and political transition as well as to historical considerations of Tunisian political developments more broadly.
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Rabiei, Kamran. "Protest and Regime Change: Different Experiences of the Arab Uprisings and the 2009 Iranian Presidential Election Protests." International Studies 57, no. 2 (April 2020): 144–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020881720913413.
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Political developments, such as the ‘Arab Spring’, have led the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) towards instability, unrest and severe sectarian confrontations. Nearly 2 years before the ‘Arab Spring’, ‘the Iranian Green Movement’ swept over the country and led to the expectations that Iran would undergo a fundamental political change. The article addresses an important question as to why the 2009 Iranian unrest known as the ‘Green Movement’ did not lead to regime change, while on the other hand, the ‘Arab Spring’ ultimately led to the change of political systems in Tunisia and Egypt. Further, some significant factors are highlighted anticipating the degree of stability and instability for the future of political regimes in the MENA region.
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Shubaita, Elham, Muhammad Mar’i, and Mehdi Seraj. "Investigating in the J-curve phenomenon in Tunisia- ARDL bound test approach." Journal of Economics and Behavioral Studies 12, no. 5(J) (November 12, 2020): 23–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.22610/jebs.v12i5(j).3077.
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This paper investigates the relationship between trade balance, real exchange rates, and incomes in Tunisia by adopting the autoregressive distributed model (ARDL) by using data over the period of 1980 to 2018. We also used the bound test cointegration between variables at a 10% significant level. Our findings show that the Tunisia economy does not match the Marshall-Lerner condition in the long run, that provides an accurate description of the particular situation for which a country currency devaluation or depreciation its currency under both fixed or floating regime is predicted to enhance the trade balance of a country, which means there is no j-curve phenomenon in the long run, which tries to differentiate between the change of short-run and long-run effects in the change of exchange rate on the trade balance. Our findings match the Marshall-Lerner condition in the short run and can confirm the existing j-curve in the case of Tunisia.
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NIAKOOEE, SEYED AMIR. "Contemporary Arab Uprisings: Different Processes and Outcomes." Japanese Journal of Political Science 14, no. 3 (August 13, 2013): 421–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109913000170.
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AbstractThus far, recent protests in the Arab world have led to different political outcomes including regime change, civil war, and suppression by regime. The present paper explores the reasons behind these different outcomes. The research methodology is a comparative case study approach, and five countries of Tunisia, Egypt, Bahrain, Libya, and Syria are examined. The hypothesis is that the different political outcomes of the protests are due to a combination of factors, including the level of mobilization of anti-regime movements, the responses of national militaries, and finally the reaction of international powers. Different configurations of these components in the crisis-stricken countries have led to different political outcomes.
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Musgrave, Paul. "The Making of the Pundit, 2010: When Strong Ties Trump Weak Ones." PS: Political Science & Politics 45, no. 02 (March 14, 2012): 265–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096511002083.
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AbstractMany observers have argued that social media such as Facebook and Twitter will help opposition activists coordinate and overcome authoritarian regimes; others believe that such tools will have little impact. Evidence from the “Arab Spring” is inconclusive, with advocates for each position finding support in the events in Tunisia, Egypt, and elsewhere. When does social media help political movements succeed? Motivated by an experience serving as a “campaign manager” for a colleague's bid to become theWashington Post's “Next Great Pundit,” I argue that relying on Internet-based social networking tools (such as Facebook and Twitter) may lead campaigns to perform more poorly when the regime is able to change the election's rules in mid-campaign. Consequently, researchers observing only the messages broadcast by social media will miss the true coordination taking place, which happens through channels unobservable to the regime. Examples from Middle Eastern politics suggest that real-world political activists recognize these distinctions and adjust their messaging accordingly.
11
Tyukaeva, T. "Muslim Brotherhood in Maghreb: Transformations of Political Islam in Algeria, Morocco and Tunisia." World Economy and International Relations 66, no. 11 (2022): 60–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2022-66-11-60-71.
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Since their formation, the parties of political Islam that exist today in Algeria, Morocco and Tunisia were traditionally seen as the “voice of people” in authoritarian states, the means and the vanguard of social movement for a better life. In an attempt to enter political arena, while adapting to different challenges posed by their regimes as well as jihadi Islamism both domestically and regionally, these Islamist parties have undergone a number of transformations both in their ideology and relations with the regime. However, the crucial point of these transformations was becoming a part of the state that they had been aiming to change. After their short-lived electoral success, they find themselves in crisis. First, they are no longer perceived as a sociopolitical force that strives to voice concerns of the oppressed and to fight for their interests against the unjust regimes. Instead, they are now deeply associated with the “old guard”, no less corrupt than the governments and the political elites, against whom people protest. Second, while they were trying to adapt democratic ideas to their narratives, they were moving further away from their Islamist identity. Third, they have learnt the constraints of their political capabilities: in order to preserve their legal status, they have to coopt with the regimes, but when they do they lose their public support, and when they resent this cooptation, the regimes force them to weakness and internal divisions, yet again causing loss of social base.
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Idahosa, Osaretin, and Daniel Tonwe. "Unfinished Revolution: The Arab Spring at the Crossroads." International Journal of Human Resource Studies 3, no. 4 (November 7, 2013): 111. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/ijhrs.v3i4.4519.
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Currently, the Arab world is going through a critical phase of its collective existence as the entire region is under the grip of a revolutionary fervour. The consequences have both political and economic ramifications. Hitherto, totalitarian and dictatorial regimes in the region had not only tightly controlled the levers of power through political threats and manipulations but had also exploited whatever economic benefits which were available therein. This was accentuated by poor economic performance, unemployment, corruption and inequality that acted as catalysts for a general revolt. This gave birth to what is presently dubbed “Arad Spring’’. Within months of the self immolation of Mohammed Buazizi, Tunisian President, Zine Al-Abidin Ben Ali who had ruled the country for 23years, fled the country. Also in Egypt, the wave of protests swept off President Hosni Mubarak after 29years in office. Despise the regime change in both countries; the political institutions that supported the old order were left intact. As such, the benefactors of the spring were not the masses but the members of the elites that were either supportive of the toppled regimes or their antagonists who used it to secure the much needed elusive political powers. This study is a survey of the countries where the authoritarian regimes have been replaced as a result of the Arab revolts, specifically; Egypt and Tunisia are the case studies. The emphasis is on how unmet expectations and unrealized goals have tended to derail the realization of the initial dreams of the citizenry in these countries.
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Alley, April Longley. "Assessing (In)security after the Arab Spring: The Case of Yemen." PS: Political Science & Politics 46, no. 04 (September 30, 2013): 721–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096513001182.
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In January 2011, youth and civil society activists, inspired by protests in Tunisia, took to Yemen's streets calling for regime change. As in other Arab Spring countries, conditions were ripe for mobilization as large sections of the population had become increasingly frustrated with corruption, dwindling economic prospects, and a concentration of power and wealth in the hands of the ruling clique. Following Hosni Mubarak's resignation in Egypt, protests mounted across Yemen, and, although President Ali Abdullah Saleh promised reform, it was too little, too late, to satisfy the demonstrators (see ICG 2011a). After proregime gunmen fired on unarmed protesters in Sanaa on March 18, 2011—killing more than 50 demonstrators—a series of high-level defections began, including long-time regime insider and powerful military commander, Major General Ali Mohsen al-Ahmar.
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Fox, Ashley M., Sana Abdelkarim Alzwawi, and Dina Refki. "Islamism, Secularism and the Woman Question in the Aftermath of the Arab Spring: Evidence from the Arab Barometer." Politics and Governance 4, no. 4 (December 23, 2016): 40–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v4i4.767.
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The uprisings that led to regime change during the early period of the Arab Spring were initially inclusive and pluralistic in nature, with men and women from every political and religious orientation engaging actively in political activities on the street and in virtual spaces. While there was an opening of political space for women and the inclusion of demands of marginalized groups in the activists’ agenda, the struggle to reimagine national identities that balance Islamic roots and secular yearnings is still ongoing in many countries in the region. This paper seeks to deepen understanding of the extent to which the pluralistic sentiments and openness to accepting the rights women have persisted following the uprising. We aim to examine changes in attitudes towards women’s equality in countries that underwent regime change through popular uprisings during revolutionary upheavals of the Arab Spring and in countries where regimes have remained unchanged. Using available data from consecutive rounds of the Arab Barometer survey, we examine changes in attitudes in nine countries with two rounds of Arab Barometer during and post Arab Spring (Egypt, Yemen, Tunisia, Algeria, Lebanon, Sudan, Jordan, Iraq, Palestine). We find that support for “Muslim feminism” (an interpretation of gender equality grounded in Islam) has increased over the period and particularly in Arab Spring countries, while support for “secular feminism” has declined. In most countries examined, relatively high degrees of support for gender equality co-exist with a preference for Islamic interpretations of personal status codes pertaining to women. We discuss the implications of these findings for academics and activists concerned with women’s rights in the Middle East North Africa (MENA).
15
Hladchenko, S. "The Evolution of the Status of Women in Tunisia (On the 75th Anniversary of Tunisia’s Declaration of Independence)." Problems of World History, no. 19 (October 27, 2022): 114–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/10.46869/2707-6776-2022-19-7.
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In the article, in the context of the recognition of socio-cultural determinants of gender history and critical analysis of foreign studies by the author, an attempt was made to generalize the evolution of the position of women in Tunisia in the 20th and early 21st centuries. It is the Tunisian version of solving the problem of women’s emancipation that most modern researchers consider as the most successful example for the Islamic world. The views of well-known feminists and representatives of the Islamic world regarding actualization of the problem are presented. The influence of the French authorities on the manifestations of the ideas of Western feminism, as well as the influence of Islamic reformists on the problems of women’s education and women’s participation in social and political life, is shown.
In the course of the research, the author substantiates the following conclusions, namely: during the century, the social evolution of Tunisian society was determined by the process of adaptation and change of traditional socio-cultural foundations to new historical conditions. The established secular regime, after the proclamation of the Republic, for a decade was under pressure from the Islamic opposition, which initially existed in a cultural and educational form, and in the last decade of the 20th century took shape as a political one. The history of the last decade of the Republic shows that socio-cultural traditions have become the most important mechanism for the formation of intellectual and political values that contribute to national unity. This process determined both the nature and the stages of the women’s movement, which was formed during the period of the national liberation struggle, being its component. After the declaration of independence, Tunisian women de jure received political and social rights. There was a process of organizational design of the women’s movement, but this movement experienced decades of paternalistic control during the rule of Habib Bourguiba.
A qualitatively new stage is associated with the presidency of Ben Ali and his politics: from “managed democracy” to a totalitarian regime, which led to the formation of a female political opposition. As mentioned above, the events of the 2010s opened perspectives in the issues of overcoming gender asymmetry.
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Sallam, Hesham. "The Egyptian Revolution and the Politics of Histories." PS: Political Science & Politics 46, no. 02 (March 28, 2013): 248–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096513000231.
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The Arab “revolutions” and the events surrounding them have posed a variety of theoretical challenges to political scientists. Popular uprisings have resulted in the ouster of long-standing autocrats in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, and Yemen, and are seriously threatening the survival of incumbent authoritarian rulers in a region that once seemed immune to democratic change (Brumberg 2002; Fish 2002; Heydemann 2007; Posusney and Angrist 2005; Salamé 1994; Schlumberger 2007). These unforeseen developments pushed scholars of politics back to the drawing board to revisit dominant theoretical understandings of the drivers of regime change and stability (Albrecht and Bishara 2011; Bellin 2012; Blaydes and Lo 2012; Brownlee and Stacher 2011; Droz-Vincent 2011; Gause 2011; Goldstone 2011; Hoffman and Jamal 2012, Lynch 2011; Masoud 2011; Stacher 2012).
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Ben Yakoub, Joachim. "The Last Monument Standing." Middle East Journal of Culture and Communication 12, no. 3 (December 5, 2019): 303–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18739865-01203002.
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Abstract During the latest uprising in Tunisia, the agitated crowd almost totally destroyed the autocratic monumental landscape. As the provocative ‘Anti-Clock Project’ by visual artist Nidhal Chamekh shows, the strongest element of this landscape was not destroyed; it still stands in the capital today and illustrates how the imbricated strata of the contemporary monumental landscape can be understood as an inherited palimpsest that reveals hegemonic assumptions about the prevailing politics of time. The monumental translation of the new era promoted by the contested Ben Ali regime paradoxically froze the idea that change would facilitate general progress, innovation, modernization and development and guarantee a better future. In this article, we argue that the Clock Tower and the civilization project it materializes, initiated by colonial occupation and upheld by the consecutive postcolonial regimes, does not necessarily warrant a better future. Rather, it continues to restrain political sensibilities in the present time, dismisses historical pasts and withholds alternative futures.
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Girod, Desha M., Megan A. Stewart, and Meir R. Walters. "Mass protests and the resource curse: The politics of demobilization in rentier autocracies." Conflict Management and Peace Science 35, no. 5 (July 27, 2016): 503–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0738894216651826.
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Why are some dictators more successful at demobilizing protest movements than others? Repression sometimes stamps out protest movements (Bahrain in 2011) but can also cause a backlash (Egypt and Tunisia in 2011), leading to regime change. This article argues that the effectiveness of repression in quelling protests varies depending upon the income sources of authoritarian regimes. Oil-rich autocracies are well equipped to contend with domestic and international criticism, and this gives them a greater capacity to quell protests through force. Because oil-poor dictators lack such ability to deal with criticism, repression is more likely to trigger a backlash of increased protests. The argument is supported by analysis of newly available data on mass protests from the Nonviolent and Violent Campaigns and Outcomes (NAVCO 2.0) dataset, which covers all countries (1945–2006). This article implies that publics respond strategically to repression, and tend to demobilize when the government is capable of continually employing repression with impunity.
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Cremona, Vicki Ann. "Poetics of Confrontation." Nordic Theatre Studies 26, no. 1 (October 1, 2018): 68–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/nts.v26i1.109743.
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This paper analyses the poetics of confrontation used by theatre director Fadhel Jaibi,particularly through his performance Yahia-Yaïh-Amnesia. It uses Michel DeCerteau's conceptof 'tactic' and 'strategy' from his book, The Practice of Everyday Life, as a framework for analysisin order to show how Jaibi used performance as his tactic to oppose the regime's strategies inpre-revolutionary Tunisia, creating thereby a poetics of confrontation to challenge both theregime and the people who were subjected to it. It shows how Jaibi constructed the elementsunderpinning his poetic sof performance by fusing the texts produced by Jalila Baccar with thephysical work of the actors, playing particularly on rhythms of speech, action and sound. Itexplains how Jaibi integrated these elements into a politics of confrontation which includedthe audience. It discusses how, through his artistic work, Jaibi obliged the audience to confrontthe prevailing repressive reality as well as society's acceptance of the existing political situationand social norms. His poetics of confrontation targeted a change in perception, which rejectedthe limits imposed by the regime and coercive social forces in favour of democracy,anticipating and accompanying the social upheaval provoked by the Tunisian revolution in2011.
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Cremona, Vicki Ann. "Poetics of Confrontation." Nordic Theatre Studies 26, no. 1 (October 1, 2018): 68–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/nts.v26i1.109743.
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This paper analyses the poetics of confrontation used by theatre director Fadhel Jaibi,particularly through his performance Yahia-Yaïh-Amnesia. It uses Michel DeCerteau's conceptof 'tactic' and 'strategy' from his book, The Practice of Everyday Life, as a framework for analysisin order to show how Jaibi used performance as his tactic to oppose the regime's strategies inpre-revolutionary Tunisia, creating thereby a poetics of confrontation to challenge both theregime and the people who were subjected to it. It shows how Jaibi constructed the elementsunderpinning his poetic sof performance by fusing the texts produced by Jalila Baccar with thephysical work of the actors, playing particularly on rhythms of speech, action and sound. Itexplains how Jaibi integrated these elements into a politics of confrontation which includedthe audience. It discusses how, through his artistic work, Jaibi obliged the audience to confrontthe prevailing repressive reality as well as society's acceptance of the existing political situationand social norms. His poetics of confrontation targeted a change in perception, which rejectedthe limits imposed by the regime and coercive social forces in favour of democracy,anticipating and accompanying the social upheaval provoked by the Tunisian revolution in2011.
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Cremona, Vicki Ann. "Poetics of Confrontation." Nordic Theatre Studies 26, no. 1 (October 1, 2018): 68–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/nts.v26i1.109743.
Full textAbstract:
This paper analyses the poetics of confrontation used by theatre director Fadhel Jaibi,particularly through his performance Yahia-Yaïh-Amnesia. It uses Michel DeCerteau's conceptof 'tactic' and 'strategy' from his book, The Practice of Everyday Life, as a framework for analysisin order to show how Jaibi used performance as his tactic to oppose the regime's strategies inpre-revolutionary Tunisia, creating thereby a poetics of confrontation to challenge both theregime and the people who were subjected to it. It shows how Jaibi constructed the elementsunderpinning his poetic sof performance by fusing the texts produced by Jalila Baccar with thephysical work of the actors, playing particularly on rhythms of speech, action and sound. Itexplains how Jaibi integrated these elements into a politics of confrontation which includedthe audience. It discusses how, through his artistic work, Jaibi obliged the audience to confrontthe prevailing repressive reality as well as society's acceptance of the existing political situationand social norms. His poetics of confrontation targeted a change in perception, which rejectedthe limits imposed by the regime and coercive social forces in favour of democracy,anticipating and accompanying the social upheaval provoked by the Tunisian revolution in2011.
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Spierings, Niels. "Trust and Tolerance across the Middle East and North Africa: A Comparative Perspective on the Impact of the Arab Uprisings." Politics and Governance 5, no. 2 (March 24, 2017): 4–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v5i2.750.
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The protests that swept the Arab Middle East and North Africa (MENA) are expected to have influenced two key civic attitudes fundamental to well-functioning democracies: trust and tolerance. However, systematic comparative assessments of the general patterns and particularities in this region are rare. This contribution theorizes the uprisings’ impact and presents new society-level measurements of trust and tolerance for the MENA, synchronizing over 40 Arab Barometer and World Values Survey surveys on Algeria, Egypt, Iraq, Jordan, Lebanon, Morocco, Palestine, Tunisia, and Yemen, from before and after the uprisings. The analyses firstly show political-institutional trust falling in the uprisings’ aftermath in countries that went through democratic reform or regime change. It appears that politicians misbehaving and reforms not resolving social problems hurt people’s trust in politics. Secondly, in democratic transition countries Egypt and Tunisia, a decrease in social trust reflected the pattern of political-institutional trust indicating a spill-over effect. Thirdly, ethno-religious tolerance dropped region-wide after the uprisings, indicating that the aftermath of religious conflict impacted the entire Arab region. These results support rational-choice institutionalist theories, while at the same time refining them for the MENA context.
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Rivetti, Paola. "Continuity and Change before and after the Uprisings in Tunisia, Egypt and Morocco: Regime Reconfiguration and Policymaking in North Africa." British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies 42, no. 1 (December 10, 2014): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13530194.2015.973181.
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Lasram, Asma, Hatem Dellagi, Bezaiet Dessalegn, Boubaker Dhehibi, and Netij Ben Mechlia. "Farmers' willingness to adapt to climate change for sustainable water resources management: a case study of Tunisia." Journal of Water and Climate Change 9, no. 3 (March 29, 2018): 598–610. http://dx.doi.org/10.2166/wcc.2018.171.
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Abstract Shrinking water resources as a potential result of climate change (CC) creates a challenging tradeoff situation in the north of Tunisia. This study provides valuable insights into the conditions that can promote farmers' acceptance of regulated deficit irrigation and a new water pricing policy to address CC impacts on the semi-arid irrigated region which will allow for a sustainable irrigation regime and the conservation of water resources at regional scale. Binary logistic regression was used to analyze data collected from 100 farmers in the citrus regions of Beni Khalled and Menzel Bouzelfa, to identify determining factors for farmers' willingness to accept the proposed water management strategies. Empirical findings reveal that the significant explanatory variables are essentially linked to farmer satisfaction about the current irrigation management in relation to water supply reliability, rather than the social criteria and farmers' awareness of water scarcity. More efforts are needed to improve the transparency of water allocation systems to motivate the willingness of water users to adopt new technologies or policies. The different stakeholders should agree to take action now about strategic extension and communication plans to enhance awareness on ensuing environmental problems, to take advantage of long-term profitability of the water restriction.
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Cataldi, Giuseppe. "The Italian Law Authorizing the Creation of an Exclusive Economic Zone." Italian Yearbook of International Law Online 31, no. 1 (November 11, 2022): 29–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116133-03101003.
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Abstract With Law No. 91/2021 Italy authorized the establishment of an exclusive economic zone, an epoch-making change in Italian foreign policy. For decades, the governments of the Peninsula, conditioned by the interests of national fishermen and by the advice of the Navy, have pushed for a limitation of the extension of jurisdiction in the Mediterranean. There is no doubt that in semi-enclosed seas the EEZ regime is more difficult to apply, but by now almost all the coastal States of this sea have declared an EEZ or are preparing to do so. The regime will coincide with the provisions of UNCLOS on the subject. The most delicate problem is undoubtedly that of delimitation. In the past, Italy has negotiated disadvantageous delimitation lines of the continental shelf, which are now being proposed, by the States with which such agreements have been concluded, as “all purposes” delimitation lines. The problem arises for the moment essentially with Tunisia, since in the other cases the agreements are with EU countries, and with Algeria, with which there are no agreements in force but which has declared an EEZ that overlaps with areas potentially subject to Italian (and other countries’) jurisdiction.
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Béjaoui, Zoubeir, Ali Albouchi, Mejda Abassi, and Mohamed Hédi El Aouni. "Influence d'une hydromorphie modérée ou sévère sur la production de biomasse et les échanges gazeux de plants de peuplier euraméricain." Canadian Journal of Forest Research 36, no. 10 (October 1, 2006): 2654–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1139/x06-145.
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Seedlings of three poplar clones (I-488, Rimini, and D-64) grown in plastic pots were submitted to three water regimes: (1) irrigated and well-drained control (T); (2) flooded with running water (Hr = 6 mg·L–1 of O2); and (3) flooded with stagnant water (Hs = 2 mg·L–1 of O2). A permanent water table was maintained at 5 cm above the soil surface for 2 months. The Hr and Hs treatments simulate the conditions of hydromorphic soils chosen for planting poplar in Tunisia where the attempts failed because of the lack of knowledge relating to the degree of tolerance of this species to waterlogging. Waterlogging significantly reduced growth (leaf initiation was inhibited, root decay and early leaf abscission occurred) and modified photosynthetic activity (stomatal closure and reduction of CO2 net assimilation rates). Intracellular CO2 values did not significantly differ between treatments (T, Hr, and Hs), indicating that both stomatal and nonstomatal limitations could be responsible for reducing CO2 net assimilation. However, the degree of disruption varied according to the treatment. Stagnant regime Hs had negative and irreversible effects on CO2 net assimilation rates and internal CO2 conductance for the full length of the treatments with stomatal closure after 40 days in Rimini and D-64 clones. The Hr treatment produced limited reactions; the development of hypertrophied lenticels and adventitious roots alleviated the negative effects of waterlogging with a distinct recuperation of net photosynthesis and CO2 internal conductance particularly for clone I-488. In the same way, the development of root adaptations was greater for I-488 than Rimini and D-64 clones, probably indicating a higher tolerance to flooding in the former clone. This approach could be used to select the clones intended for afforestation of the nonsaline hydromorphic areas.
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LeVine, Mark. "Music and the Aura of Revolution." International Journal of Middle East Studies 44, no. 4 (October 12, 2012): 794–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002074381200092x.
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It has become something of a commonplace to argue that music played an important role in the revolutionary upheavals that overthrew the Bin ʿAli regime in Tunisia and forced Husni Mubarak from power in Egypt. This recognition let the larger scholarly community—indeed, the world—in on a secret that a small group of MENA scholars have for decades been trying to share: it's not merely that music is society, as Jonathan Shannon argues in his contribution to this roundtable; it's society in “Real 3D,” at once a microcosm, mirror, and prism of “all the social forces and contradictions of culture, politics, and history.” As a mirror, music reflects society's contending forces back onto itself. Under the right conditions it also refracts them prismatically, acting as a filter and an amplifier that brings (and sometimes forces) subaltern sentiments into the public consciousness. Music, like other art forms, can help foster and sustain social and political change.
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Badawi Sadig, Haydar. "In the Heart of the Storm: How Al Jazeera is Contributing to Changing the Gulf and the World." International Journal of Crisis Communication 2, no. 1 (November 20, 2018): 21–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.31907/2617-121x.2018.02.01.3.
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This paper is based on the central thesis that Al Jazeera is the core of the current Gulf crisis, not terrorism or any other issue of concern to the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, the Kingdom of Bahrain and Egypt. The regimes of these countries seem to have realized that public awareness, through socially responsible media enterprises, such as Al Jazeera, will change the political dynamics in the region (to the detriment of the ruling elites). The paper will trace back the impact of Al Jazeera during the Arab Spring in brief. Subsequently, it will discuss the socioeconomic conditions that preceded Al Jazeera’s contribution to the Arab Spring. It will then discuss the role of Al Jazeera in showing and magnifying news stories untouched by any Arab media prior to the advent of this medium. Al Jazeera claims to be “the voice of the voiceless!” While Al Jazeera doesn’t give voice to “all” the voiceless, we believe this claim to be largely true, as it was clearly proven during the Arab Spring. Al Jazeera has been a powerful voice to many of the voiceless and a platform for transformative change. It has reported on the socio-economic miseries of Tunisians and helped spark the revolution in Tunisia after Mohamed Bouazizi set himself on fire in protest. Al Jazeera has been doing the same about Egypt as its socio-political crises deepens. It has been reporting about the economic miseries of the Egyptians, which earned the ire of the regime in Cairo. Hence the behind the scenes role of Egypt in orchestrating the current Gulf crisis. (A quick discourse analysis of Al Sisi’s address during the American Islamic summit in Riyadh of late makes it clear that Qatar was its main target. And, Al Jazeera is the main target within this target.) The paper will also discuss, in brief, the broader impact of Al Jazeera on reconstructing not only the Gulf and regional political dynamics, but also its impact on redefining global communication ethics. The paper will use discourse and framing analyses of Al Jazeera content to prove its main thesis. Keywords: Al Jazeera, Arab Gulf, Qatar Blockade, Arab Spring, Networked Journalism, Public Diplomacy
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Booley, Ashraf. "The effect of the 2011 Arab uprising in the Middle East and North Africa (Mena region): Morocco's quest for constitutional reform and the 20 February Movement." Law, Democracy and Development 25, spe (November 29, 2021): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/2077-4907/2020/ldd.v25.spe10.
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Historically, Morocco experienced widespread political repression during the 1970s through to the early 1990s. Through its exploitations, the monarchy regime repressed any claims aimed at challenging its authoritarian form of public space and debate. Encouraged by the uprisings in Tunisia and Egypt, and the Arab Spring, young Moroccans began to organise extensive demonstrations across the country demanding that a more substantive democracy, social justice and an anti-corruption mechanism be put in place. The 20 February movement, named after the first demonstration held on that date in 2011, is a worthy illustration of one of the latest social movements characterised by a concentrated use of technology and their disseminated membership. King Mohammed VI, Commander of the Faithful and the highest authority in Morocco, promised in a televised speech to introduce radical and genuine constitutional reforms that would democratise the country. This article describes the historical trajectory of the monarchy, the emergence and structuring of the 20 February movement and the neutralization strategy pursued by the monarchy in bringing about a constitutional change.
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Schwedler, Jillian. "Spatial Dynamics of the Arab Uprisings." PS: Political Science & Politics 46, no. 02 (March 28, 2013): 230–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s104909651300019x.
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Analyses of the spread of the Arab uprisings have been dominated by three comparative angles. Single-country studies have emerged as the most common framework, often put to use in a second comparative approach of examining variation across cases. For example, studies explore which states have had major uprisings and which have not, which uprisings were peaceful and which were violent, and so on (Amar and Prashad 2013; Haddad, Bsheer, and Abu-Rish 2012; McMurray and Ufheil-Somers 2013; Sowers and Toensing 2013). A third approach explores comparisons with other waves of popular mobilization against authoritarian regimes, for example, in Europe during the mid-nineteenth century, Eastern Europe following the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1989, and so on (Patel, Bunce, and Wolchik 2013 Weyland 2012). These literatures investigate the complex processes of mobilization, revolution, and transition unfolding in parts of the Middle East since the outbreak of the uprisings in late 2010. From the literature on revolutions, for example, we know that a popularly based movement that brings about some change in political leadership does not necessarily lead to a regime change resulting in a fundamental overturning of an economic, political, or social system. From past cases we have learned that at least some old institutions and alliances almost always reemerge, and what form the new institution will take eventually is often unknown for several years—for example, think of the Iranian revolution, let alone the French revolution. As events in postrevolutionary Tunisia, Libya, Egypt, and Yemen continue to unfold—and it is questionable whether those revolutions are even over—and as the bloody civil war in Syria continues, these insights provide us with useful tools for examining how institutions, processes, and power relations are changing—and how they are not.
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Tramblay, Y., S. El Adlouni, and E. Servat. "Trends and variability in extreme precipitation indices over Maghreb countries." Natural Hazards and Earth System Sciences 13, no. 12 (December 13, 2013): 3235–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/nhess-13-3235-2013.
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Abstract. Maghreb countries are highly vulnerable to extreme hydrological events, such as floods and droughts, driven by the strong variability of precipitation. While several studies have analyzed the presence of trends in precipitation records for the Euro-Mediterranean basin, this study provides a regional assessment of trends on its southernmost shores. A database of 22 stations located in Algeria, Morocco and Tunisia with between 33 and 59 yr of daily precipitation records is considered. The change points and trends are analyzed for eleven climate indices, describing several features of the precipitation regime. The issue of conducting multiple hypothesis tests is addressed through the implementation of a false discovery rate procedure. The spatial and interannual variability of the precipitation indices at the different stations are analyzed and compared with large-scale atmospheric circulation patterns, including the North Atlantic Oscillation (NAO), western Mediterranean Oscillation (WEMO), Mediterranean Oscillation (MO) and El Niño–Southern Oscillation (ENSO). Results show a strong tendency towards a decrease of precipitation totals and wet days together with an increase in the duration of dry periods, mainly for Morocco and western Algeria. On the other hand, only a few significant trends are detected for heavy precipitation indices. The NAO and MO patterns are well correlated with precipitation indices describing precipitation amounts, the number of dry days and the length of wet and dry periods, whereas heavy precipitation indices exhibit a strong spatial variability and are only moderately correlated with large-scale atmospheric circulation patterns.
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Tramblay, Y., S. El Adlouni, and E. Servat. "Trends and variability in extreme precipitation indices over Maghreb countries." Natural Hazards and Earth System Sciences Discussions 1, no. 4 (July 26, 2013): 3625–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/nhessd-1-3625-2013.
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Abstract. Maghreb countries located in North Africa are highly vulnerable to extreme hydrological events, such as floods and droughts, driven by the strong variability of precipitation. While several studies have analyzed the presence of trends in precipitation records for the Euro-Mediterranean Basin, this study provides the first regional assessment of trends on its southernmost shores. A database of 22 stations located in Algeria, Morocco and Tunisia with between 33 and 59 yr of daily precipitation records is considered. The change points and trends are analyzed for eleven climate indices describing several features of the precipitation regime. The issue of conducting multiple hypothesis tests is addressed through the implementation of a false discovery rate procedure. The spatial and inter-annual variability of the precipitation indices at the different stations are analyzed and compared with large scale atmospheric circulation patterns, including the North Atlantic Oscillation (NAO), Western Mediterranean Oscillation (WEMO), Mediterranean Oscillation (MO) and El Niño Southern Oscillation (ENSO). Results show a strong tendency towards a decrease of precipitation totals and wet days together with an increase in the duration of dry periods, mainly for Morocco and western Algeria. On the opposite, only a few significant trends are detected for heavy precipitation indices. The NAO and MO patterns are well correlated with precipitation indices describing precipitation amounts, the number of dry days and the length of wet and dry periods, whereas heavy precipitation indices exhibit a strong spatial variability and are only moderately correlated with large scale atmospheric circulation patterns.
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Gus’kov, Aleksandr V., Dmitry N. Mishin, Sergey I. Kalinovskiy, Tatyana S. Rodina, Aleksandra V. Smirnova, and Abbas Osman. "The study of the impact of the introduction of self-isolation and the mandatory wearing of personal protective equipment on oral hygiene." Russian Journal of Dentistry 26, no. 3 (September 29, 2022): 247–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/1728-2802-2022-26-3-247-256.
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BACKGROUND: The availability of medical facilities, and as a result, the possibility of receiving medical care has decreased due to the announcement of quarantine in several countries. An untimely request for dental care entails a change in the CPI index (the sum of teeth on which caries, a filling or a tooth has been removed), resulting in partial or complete loss of teeth. The complete absence of teeth is accompanied by morphofunctional changes in all elements of the dental system, a significant decrease in chewing ability. Thus, the decrease in public attention to dental hygiene and treatment in dental clinics for examination and treatment negatively affected dental health.
AIM: The aim is to assess the impact of the introduction of selfisolation and mandatory wearing of personal protective equipment on oral hygiene of students of higher educational institutions of Ryazan and the Ryazan region and foreign universities (universities).
MATERIAL AND METHODS: The research materials were the results of a survey conducted among Russian students and students living outside the Russian Federation. A total of 397 students (English speakers mainly India, Egypt, Canada; French speakers mainly Morocco, Lebanon, Tunisia), who were divided into several study groups. In total, 397 students took part in our study (42% were girls, 58% were young people), 123 of them were Russian-speaking students, 120 English-speaking students and 154 French-speaking students.
RESULTS: A comparative assessment of the results of the study showed a positive state of oral hygiene in the majority of respondents, and there was an increase in interest in the use of additional personal hygiene products of the oral cavity (chewing gum, irrigators, rinses, single-stick brushes, toothpicks, etc.).
CONCLUSION: In general, oral hygiene, being an integral part of daily care, was not forgotten during self-isolation. Students regularly brushed their teeth, used additional means, but, as the study showed, students went to the dentist less often due to compliance with the self-isolation regime.
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Guizani, Monia, Samira Maatallah, and Aida Ltifi. "Influence of water stress on the nutritional quality of peach fruits." JOURNAL OF OASIS AGRICULTURE AND SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT 4, Special (June 16, 2022): 140–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.56027/joasd.192022.
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Climate change, especially in arid and semi-arid areas, affects the production of fruit trees. In this region, fruit tree production requires an efficient water supply that maintaining safe and stable yields. The aim of this work is to study the influence of irrigation modes on the nutritional peach fruit quality and the control of water stress indicators rates. Our experiment was carried out at the CRRA Sidi Bouzid (Central-West of Tunisia). It focused on four varieties of peach (Prunus persica L), two early varieties (Flordastar (FS) and Early Maycrest (EMC)), a seasonal variety (Rubirich (RUB)) and a late variety (O'Henry (O'H)). Three different irrigation treatments were applied to the experimental plot: full irrigation (T1; 100% ETc), sustained deficit irrigation (T2; 50% ETc) and cyclical deficit irrigation (T3). The contents of total sugar, protein, and proline as well as some bioactive compounds and stress indicators (MDA, H2O2) were quantified in the exocarp and mesocarp of the fruit. The results showed that O’H fruits are the richest in phenolic compounds, as well as they have significant antioxidant activity. While, both FS tissues accumulated more sugar (55.15 and 81.31g/100g in the mesocarp and exocarp, respectively). Protein level was much higher under T2 and T3 treatments compared to the control treatment (T1) in all varieties. Water stress mainly T2 had significantly stimulated the accumulation of proline in the mesocarp of FS (the content increased from 0.61 to 2.1 µmol/100 g MS). In addition, in the four varieties, the cyclic water treatment (T3) has a significant effect on the accumulation of sugar and phenolic compounds. In conclusion, T3 seems to be the most adequate water regime to be applied in semi-arid region, saving water resources and maintaining fruit quality.
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Hudson, Michael C. "The Middle East in Flux." Current History 110, no. 740 (December 1, 2011): 364–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2011.110.740.364.
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Campbell, Horace. "Imperialism and Anti-Imperialism in Africa." Monthly Review 67, no. 3 (July 7, 2015): 98. http://dx.doi.org/10.14452/mr-067-03-2015-07_7.
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When international media were broadcasting live video footage of Tunisians gathering in hundreds of thousands in front of the central office in Tunis of the long-terrifying ministry of home security, chanting in one voice "the people want to bring down the regime," something had already changed: ordinary people realized they could make huge changes. Weeks later, the Egyptian uprising removed the Mubarak regime that had been entrenched in power for over thirty years…. The neoliberal forms of imperial rule that had destroyed the hopes of the liberation movements were under attack. In order to counter the possibilities for a massive breakthrough at the popular level, the Western forces mounted an invasion of Libya using the mantra of humanitarianism to disrupt, militarily, political and economic life in Africa. Later in collusion with the counter-revolutionary forces in the Egyptian military, Western imperialism sought to roll back the gains of people in the streets of Tunis and Cairo.<p class="mrlink"><p class="mrpurchaselink"><a href="http://monthlyreview.org/index/volume-67-number-3" title="Vol. 67, No. 3: July 2015" target="_self">Click here to purchase a PDF version of this article at the <em>Monthly Review</em> website.</a></p>
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Battera, Federico. "Perspectives for change in Tunisia, Egypt and Syria: the military factor and implications of previous authoritarian regimes." Contemporary Arab Affairs 7, no. 4 (October 1, 2014): 544–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550912.2014.948312.
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This article argues that differences in Arab authoritarian regimes were mainly linked to the relationship between the state, the political party in power and the military. By exploring such differences in Tunisia, Egypt and Syria prior to the 2011 crisis, they are explained in the context of the political changes that ensued in the wake of the crisis. How the army played the dual role of instigating change while impeding it at crucial points in the transitional process is described. The mutual lack of autonomy between the state, the party and the military appears to have been a key factor in impeding change, whereas a clear separation of the functions of these institutions was more likely to enable political change to come about.
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Kchouk, Bilel, and Aaida Mamuji. "Regime change and elite behaviour: the case of the 2010–2011 Tunisian uprisings." Journal of North African Studies 24, no. 6 (May 4, 2018): 896–913. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13629387.2018.1466467.
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Weiss, Dieter. "Ibn Khaldun on Economic Transformation." International Journal of Middle East Studies 27, no. 1 (February 1995): 29–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800061560.
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A number of Arab countries have been exposed to structural adjustment programs. Under the guidance of the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund, these programs are aimed at making various kinds of Arab socialist and mixed-economy regimes more “market-friendly,” a policy that started in the 1950s and 1960s in countries like Algeria, Tunisia, Syria, and Egypt. Considering the mounting social tension that results from continuing population growth, urban agglomeration, and unemployment, it would be naive to expect—with Fukuyama—an “end of history” as most countries try to adopt market regimes and to strengthen civil society and parliamentary democracy. As Ibn Khaldun (1332–1406) well knew, economic and social change is a never-ending process. In the search for viable and sustainable strategies it may be stimulating to consider the insights of this great scholar of the Arab world who wrote 600 years ago.IBN KHALDUN'S SOCIAL SYSTEMS THEORYIbn Khaldun was born in Tunis into an influential clan of South Arabian origin with substantial influence in Islamic Spain and, after the fall of Seville in 1248, in north-western Africa. He was exposed to the turmoils of his time. He held his first position in 1352 at the court at Tunis at the age of 20 and then went on to high political, administrative, diplomatic, and judicial posts in the service of various rulers in the Maghrib, Spain, and Egypt.
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Berman, Chantal E., and Elizabeth R. Nugent. "Regionalism in New Democracies: The Authoritarian Origins of Voter–Party Linkages." Political Research Quarterly 73, no. 4 (August 2, 2019): 908–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1065912919862363.
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We investigate the path-dependent effects of subnational variation in authoritarian state-building policies on voter–party linkages after regime change. We argue that long-term patterns of regional favoritism and marginalization produce patterned regional heterogeneity in the attitudes and preferences linking voters with parties. Postcolonial state-building policies create “winners” and “losers” from particular interventions, in turn shaping local citizens’ preferences over these policy areas and forming axes of contestation ready to be activated by democratic politics. We argue that attitudes associated with regionally consistent state-building policies should function uniformly as determinants of vote choice across regions, while attitudes associated with regionally divergent state-building policies should experience patterned regional variation in their effect on vote choice. We develop these arguments empirically with historical analysis of Tunisian state-building and an original exit survey of voters in five diverse regions conducted on the day of Tunisia’s first democratic legislative elections in 2014. Our findings contribute to a growing literature on the importance of analyzing political transformation at the subnational level.
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Amimi, Nabil, Stéphane Dussert, Virginie Vaissayre, Hana Ghouil, Sylvie Doulbeau, Carlo Costantini, Youssef Ammari, and Thierry Joët. "Variation in seed traits among Mediterranean oaks in Tunisia and their ecological significance." Annals of Botany 125, no. 6 (January 6, 2020): 891–904. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/aob/mcz211.
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Abstract Background and Aims Oaks are the foundation and dominant tree species of most Mediterranean forests. As climate models predict dramatic changes in the Mediterranean basin, a better understanding of the ecophysiology of seed persistence and germination in oaks could help define their regeneration niches. Tunisian oaks occupy distinct geographical areas, which differ in their rainfall and temperature regimes, and are thus a valuable model to investigate relationships between seed traits and species ecological requirements. Methods Seed morphological traits, desiccation sensitivity level, lethal freezing temperature, embryonic axis and cotyledon sugar and lipid composition, and seed and acorn germination rates at various constant temperatures were measured in Quercus canariensis, Q. coccifera, Q. ilex and Q. suber, using seeds sampled in 22 Tunisian woodlands. Key Results Only faint differences were observed for desiccation sensitivity in the oak species studied. By contrast, the species differed significantly in sensitivity to freezing, germination rates at low temperature and base temperature. Quercus ilex and Q. canariensis, which occur at high elevations where frost events are frequent, showed the lowest freezing sensitivity. A significant correlation was found between hexose contents in the embryonic axis and freezing tolerance. Significant interspecific differences in the time for seeds to germinate and the time for the radicle to pierce the pericarp were observed. The ratio of pericarp mass to acorn mass differed significantly among the species and was negatively correlated with the acorn germination rate. Quercus coccifera, which is frequent in warm and arid environments, showed the highest acorn germination rate and synchrony. Conclusions Seed lethal temperature, seed germination time at low temperatures, the ratio of pericarp mass to acorn mass and the embryonic axis hexose content appeared to be key functional traits that may influence the geographical ranges and ecological requirements of Mediterranean oaks in Tunisia.
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Boudhraâ, H., and C. Cudennec. "Autopsie des événements hydrométéorologiques extrêmes de 1969 en Tunisie." Proceedings of the International Association of Hydrological Sciences 369 (June 11, 2015): 169–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/piahs-369-169-2015.
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Abstract. Retrospective forensics of the 1969 extreme hydrometeorological events in Tunisia – Tunisia experienced extreme rainfall-flood events in September and October~1969 across most of the country. These events have been gauged and reconstituted in such a detailed manner that they are now the best known extreme events in Maghreb, both because they represent the most important events ever quantified and because many land uses and hydraulic facilities have changed and been set up since then, thus changing regimes. The retrospective forensics of these events are much valuable not only in terms of hydrological and geomorphological knowledge, but also in terms of actual and future water and infrastructure management as many dams, overexploited groundwater, human settlement and security stakes are now depending and vulnerable to such possible events in the future.
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Howard, Philip N. "The Net Delusion: The Dark Side of Internet Freedom. By Evgeny Morozov. New York: PublicAffairs, 2011. 432p. $27.95." Perspectives on Politics 9, no. 4 (December 2011): 895–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592711004014.
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Since early 2011 there have been significant changes in North Africa and the Middle East. Zine El Abidine Ben Ali had ruled Tunisia for 20 years, and Hosni Mubarak reigned in Egypt for 30 years. Yet their bravest challengers were 20- and 30-year-olds without ideological baggage, violent intentions, or clear leaders. Political change in these countries inspired activists across the region. Some tough authoritarian governments responded with tear gas and rubber bullets, others with policy concessions, welfare spending, and cabinet shuffles. The groups that initiated and sustained protests had few meaningful experiences with public deliberation or voting, and little experience with successful protesting. These young citizens were politically disciplined, pragmatic, and collaborative. Where did they come from? How do young people growing up in modern, entrenched, authoritarian regimes find political inspirations and aspirations? Are digital media important parts of the contemporary recipe for democratization?
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Moghadam, Valentine. "Engendering Democracy." International Journal of Middle East Studies 43, no. 3 (July 26, 2011): 387. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002074381100047x.
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The year 2011 will forever be known as the year of mass protests for regime change and democratization in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). Opinions on causes and outcomes have focused on the role of young people, the demands of “the Arab street,” and the possible transition to a liberal, Islamist, or coalition type of governance. Middle East specialists have long been aware of the problems of authoritarian regimes, widening inequalities, high rates of youth unemployment, deteriorating infrastructure and public services, and rising prices attenuated only by subsidies. But something has been missing from recent discussions and analyses. Let us pose it in the form of a number of (socialist-feminist) questions. We have seen that “the Arab street” is not exclusively masculine, but what kind of democratic governance can women's rights groups expect? To what extent will Tunisian women shape the democratic transition and the building of new institutions? In Egypt, will an outcome be—to use a phrase coined by East European feminists in the early 1990s—a “male democracy”? How can a democratic transition benefit working women and the poor?
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Shoaib, Muhammad, Waseem Ishaque, and Syed Ali Shah. "TRANSFORMATIONS IN THE MIDDLE EAST: IMPLICATIONS FOR PAKISTAN." Global Political Review 3, no. 1 (June 30, 2018): 85–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2018(iii-i).09.
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The regional security matrix of the Middle East is facing serious challenges since the US invasion of Iraq, which has left a deep impact on the regional balance of power. A hostile nation towards Iran becomes an ally after the fall of the Saddam regime. Things are changing rapidly when several series of protests across the Arab and African region erupted since 2011 with the Tunisian revolution to be first on the list. Muslim countries across the Arab and African region faced regime changes, the rise of nonstate actors (NSA) and infighting due to breakdown state institutions. This article explores the evolving post Arab Spring situation in the region and suggests policy options for Pakistan.
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Muhrim Djakat, Misbahuddin Misbahuddin, and Kurniati Kurniati. "CHANGING THE PARADIGM OF STATES IN THE RABIC MIDDLE EAST REGION BRINGS AUTHORITARIANISM TOWARDS DEMOCRACY." International Journal of Social Science 2, no. 5 (January 28, 2023): 2115–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.53625/ijss.v2i5.4819.
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The demonstration phenomenon that was launched by the Arab Spring has caused political upheaval in Middle Eastern countries, starting from Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, Yemen, and Syria which is still continuing today, is a bridge to change, the fall of authoritarian regimes, and also as a symbol of struggle pro-democratic Arab people who demand a paradigm shift in the Middle East state. The intended change is in the economic, social, open and democratic aspects of the political system. The Arab Spring phenomenon still leaves many problems, Middle Eastern countries are still in a slump, trapped in conflict and civil war. The democratic transition that was aspired to did not go well, being held hostage by the interests of authoritarian and sectarian regimes: ethnicity, religion, sects and political groups. Authoritarianism is one of the causes of instability and has colored the political dynamics of the Middle East. Socio-historically, authoritarianism and sectarianism in the Middle East have multi-layered roots over a long period of time. This paper tries to read the paradigm shift in the Arab region state state against authoritarianism towards democracy
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Langohr, Vickie. "Women's Rights Movements during Political Transitions: Activism against Public Sexual Violence in Egypt." International Journal of Middle East Studies 47, no. 1 (February 2015): 131–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743814001482.
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The most famous demand raised by protesters in the “Arab Spring” was “al-shaʿb/yurīd/isqāṭ al-niẓām” (the people/want /the fall of the regime). Three years later, little progress has been made—outside of Tunisia—in permanently replacing authoritarian regimes with the formal institutions of democracy. However, new forms of activism have emerged that increase citizens’ ability to directly combat pervasive social problems and to successfully pressure official institutions to alter policies. The evolution of activism against public sexual violence in post-Mubarak Egypt is a concrete example. Sexual harassment of women on the streets and in public transportation, widespread before the 25 January uprising, has likely since increased.1 Many women have been subjected to vicious sexual assault at political protests over the last three years. But activism against these threats has also expanded in ways unimaginable during the Mubarak era. Groups of male and female activists in their twenties and early thirties exhort bystanders on the streets to intervene when they witness harassment, and intervene themselves. Satellite TV programs have extensively covered public sexual violence, directly challenging officials for their failure to combat it while featuring the work of antiharassment and antiassault groups in a positive light. These new practices facilitated two concrete changes in the summer of 2014: amendments to the penal code on sexual harassment, and Cairo University's adoption of an antiharassment policy which was developed by feminist activists.
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Bonnitcha, Jonathan. "Article: Investment Treaties and Transition from Authoritarian Rule." Journal of World Investment & Trade 15, no. 5-6 (November 18, 2014): 965–1011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22119000-01506009.
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Following recent events in Egypt, Libya, Myanmar (Burma) and Tunisia, foreign investors have lodged international claims under investment treaties. Several of these cases follow a common fact pattern. They concern foreign investments acquired from authoritarian governments substantially below market value through transactions that were not arms’ length. Subsequently, new governments sought to renegotiate these contracts and concessions, or to change the regulatory arrangements that govern them. The investors then invoked the protections of an investment treaty. This article draws on political science scholarship on transition. It argues that investment treaties risk constraining the ability of incoming democratic regimes to consolidate their position, and questions the normative justifications for applying the principle of full market value compensation to situations in which investments were not acquired on a full market value basis. These conclusions are relevant to wider debates about the tension between legal stability and political change in international law.
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Boulmaiz, Tayeb, Hamouda Boutaghane, Habib Abida, Mohamed Saber, Sameh A. Kantoush, and Yves Tramblay. "Exploring the Spatio-Temporal Variability of Precipitation over the Medjerda Transboundary Basin in North Africa." Water 14, no. 3 (January 29, 2022): 423. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/w14030423.
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Medjerda is a key transboundary watershed in the Maghreb region, crossing from the Algerian mountains through northern Tunisia. Therefore, the analysis of the rainfall regime in this basin is of paramount importance for water resources management and regional economic development, notably concerning agriculture. This study examines the rainfall trends over the Medjerda watershed on multi-temporal scales (monthly, seasonally and annually) with a database of monthly rainfall observed in 60 stations evenly spread over the watershed. After filling gaps and homogenizing data, the Mann–Kendall test for trend detection was applied to rainfall series and the Sen’s slope method was adopted to estimate the trend’s magnitude, interpolated over the sub-catchments, to analyze the spatial distribution of rainfall changes within the watershed. Results showed the absence of significant trends at the annual scale for the entire catchment. However, rainfall redistribution was observed throughout the year, with a notable precipitation reduction during spring and increased winter precipitation, which could impact agriculture and ecosystem functioning. This modification of the rainfall regime implies an adaptation of the management of dams and reservoirs, with a reduced filling capacity during spring in anticipation of the summer dry season.
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Soengas-Pérez, Xosé, and Mohamed Assif. "Cyberactivisim in the process of political and social change in Arab Countries." Comunicar 25, no. 53 (October 1, 2017): 49–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.3916/c53-2017-05.
Full textAbstract:
This research analyses the contribution of cyberactivism to the political and social change in Tunisia, Egypt and Libya, as well as the opinion of young Arabs on the present context. Meaningful information has been extracted from regular interviews to 30 undergraduates over a five-year period. These students had already participated in the process boosting the Arab Spring in 2011, and they keep practising cyberactivism ever since. The use of a mixed method research allows for carrying out a study where quantitative elements are complemented by qualitative ones. Findings show that Arab countries have not yet shaken off the former structures that supported the regimes preceding 2011, which are those that hamper the consolidation of a modern country. At the moment, there are still two conflicting realities between millenary traditions and values connected to revolutions and symbols of progressivism in Tunisia, Egypt and Libya. In a context where the unity of action action is needed, cyberactivism plays an essential role, as it brings together critical citizens in a common and virtual space. These groups are committed to change, they keep in touch with the outside world and beyond censorship, they make protests visible to the international arena, and monitor government actions. Esta investigación analiza la contribución del ciberactivismo al cambio político y social en Túnez, en Egipto y en Libia, y la opinión de los jóvenes árabes sobre la situación actual. Para disponer de información relevante sobre estos hechos se ha entrevistado periódicamente durante los últimos cinco años a 30 universitarios que ya habían participado en el proceso que impulsó las revueltas de 2011 y que siguen siendo ciberactivistas desde entonces. La utilización de una metodología mixta permite realizar un estudio donde los aspectos de carácter cuantitativo se complementan con contenidos cualitativos. Los resultados demuestran que los países árabes todavía no se han desprendido de muchas de las estructuras que sostenían a los regímenes anteriores a 2011, que son las que dificultan la consolidación de un sistema moderno. En este momento en Túnez, en Egipto y en Libia todavía conviven dos realidades que provocan un choque permanente entre las tradiciones milenarias, muy arraigadas en determinados sectores de la sociedad, y los valores asociados a las revoluciones, más progresistas. En un contexto donde es necesaria la unidad de acción, el ciberactivismo juega un papel fundamental porque congrega en un espacio virtual común a la ciudadanía crítica comprometida con el proceso de cambio, permite organizarse, mantener contacto con el exterior al margen de la censura oficial, hacer visibles las protestas en escenarios internacionales y vigilar las acciones del Gobierno.